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A
SCYTHIANS AND GREEKS
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS ILouHon: FETTER LANE, E.G. G.
GLAY, Manager
F.
m
fM
^ft (HEliinbuvgl)
A.
Ecipjig: iUffa
Bomting
ant)
PRINCES STREET ASHER AND CO. A. BROCKHAUS
loo,
:
Berlin:
5^
F.
gork: G. (Calcutta:
A/l
P.
PUTNAM'S SONS
MACMILLAN AND
riglils
resei-ved
CO.,
Ltd.
SCYTHIANS AND GREEKS A SURVEY OF ANCIENT HISTORY AND ARCHAEOLOGY ON THE NORTH COAST OF THE EUXINE FROM THE DANUBE TO THE CAUCASUS
by
ELLIS H. MINNS, M.A. Late Craven Student and Fellow of Pembroke College, Cambridge
Member Member of the
of the Imperial Russian Archaeological Society Imperial Historical and Antiquarian Society of Odessa
Cambrido-e: o at
the University Press
;
DK
Cambridge
PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A.
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
OPTIMO PATRI OPERIS FAVTORI PRAECIPVO PIGNVS PIETATIS
PREFACE THIS
book
offers a
summary
of what
known
is
as to the archaeology,
ethnology and history of the region between the Carpathians and the Caucasus. The region is of varied importance for different branches of
knowledge touching the ancient world, yet about it the scholars of Western Europe have had a certain difficulty in obtaining recent information, because each found subject
into
unprofitable to master
it
an
outlying
Russian
for the
The language
corner.
sake of pursuing his therefore,
difficulty,
first
my original intention was merely to supply a key what has been written by Russian scholars, since they have been insisting upon the right of their language to scientific use. But such a fragmentary account of things would have been most unsatisfactory, and, though the time has not really come for a complete synthesis, enough advance has been made since the last attempt to review the subject, to justify a provisional summary. Though the geographical limits to which I have confined myself have confessedly been dictated by considerations of language ^i.e. I have, in principle, kept to the area within the Russian Empire which has naturally yet the frontier of attracted the attention of scholars writing in Russian Russia towards the Carpathians and the Danube answers nearly to a real
suggested this work, and to
—
—
historico-geographical boundary, the western limit of the true steppe.
Caucasus, again,
is
a world in
itself,
having
little in
common
The
with the steppe,
nor has the time^yet come to bring any sort of system into
its
archaeology
;
have reason enough for leaving it alone. On the other hand, the unity of the Asiatic and European steppe has led me on occasion right across to Siberia, Turkestan and China without any feeling that I was trespassing beyond my borders. My limits in time are, I hope, equally intelligible an attempt to begin at the beginning has resulted in Chapter vii, which, I trust, will not be useless: since it was printed off, more material has accumulated than I was able so
I
:
to cope limit,
with in the Addenda.
as they
made
The Great
a radical change
interrupted the continuous
life
in
Migrations form a good lower
the population of the steppe and
of the Greek cities on the Euxine coast.
the case of Chersonese alone there was no such break and
followed
its
history to the end.
I
In
have therefore
Preface
viii
same
these
Just
Die Hellenen
i7n
limits
were contemplated by K. Neumann in his 1855), but he only lived to publish
Skytlienlande (Berlin,
volume and that is nearly sixty years ago. In the first three parts of Kondakov and Tolstoi's Russian Antiquities in the Monuments of Art reissued by Reinach as Antiquitds de la Rtissie Mdridionale (St P. 1889) (Paris 1892, henceforward cited as KTR.) is provided a more recent summary. This, intended as an introduction to a more or less popular account of Christian art in Russia, leaves something to be desired in the
first
arrangement and presented, but
I
in
bibliographical
indications of the
have no idea of superseding
it,
as
sources for the facts its
limits
in
time and
much wider than mine, and, though I have been allowed to reproduce a great many of its illustrations, it remains the most accessible book in which to find many more. space are
When
work was compiled, the policy of publishing in Russian dominant (from about 1889, v. p. xxv) and it was difficult had just become for Europe to know of discoveries in Russia from then until 1904, when Pharmacovskij began contributing year by year to the Archdologischer It is just from the Anzeiger his very full and well illustrated reports. period before 1904 that the main bulk of my unfamiliar matter is taken, as the greater part of the illustrations (e.g. those borrowed from the Archaeological Commission) had been selected by then and the earlier part of the book the above
drafted.
Other obligations and work having nothing in common with this have made the writing, and also the printing, of the book a very slow business, further delayed by the continual flow of fresh material, the incorporation of which, especially at the later stages, has presented also resulted certain
unavoidable inconsistencies.
some
difficulty
Important
:
there have
facts
which
I
have learnt since the earlier sheets were printed off are briefly indicated in the Addenda, to which I would ask the reader's attention, but these supplements, necessarily, have been kept down rather jealously. A great cause of delay has been the miscellaneous content of the work :
its
unity being merely geographical, the composition of the different chapters
has meant incursions into different branches of knowledge, the
specialist will
find
me
wanting.
He
also
may
in
each of which
say that what interests
him has not received sufficient space, but there is no denying that the book The notes give him chapter and verse for every is big enough already. fact mentioned and indications as to where further information may be found on any particular point venient.
:
I
believe that even Russians
For readers requiring
less detail,
I
may
find these con-
have endeavoured
to
make such
a representative selection of material as to supply a general account of each subject treated and thus to
make
the book intelligible without the necessity of
Preface
ix
looking- up any references. Accordingly I have shewn enouy^h coins to give an idea of the whole series and have even taken up space with an Appendix of Inscriptions, though Latyshcv's Ijiscriptiones 0?'ae Septentrionalis Ponti
Euxmi
fairly
is
accessible.
With regard quantity
to
could
illustrations,
not afford to
I
have deliberately
sacrificed
quality
to
reproduce photographically the
hundreds have made rough and ready tracings for Chapters VIII XII the source of each being given, those who want finer detail will know where to find it. Illustrations of objects from a tomb will be found where the tomb is described. Critics may point out books and articles that I have overlooked, and such indications will always be welcome. Omissions are inevitable in view of the wide survey necessary. I fear I have not extracted all might have done from Serbian, Bulgarian, Polish, Rumanian and Hungarian authorities, but these lie somewhat on one side even in Russian I have found it impossible to hope for completeness, while in the archaeological literature of Western Europe I must have missed endless articles which would have enriched my work but had I waited to read them all, the book would never have been published. I
:
of objects of which
—
I
;
I
;
;
am
very anxious to direct the attention of the reader to the table for transliterating Russian on p. xxi, in order that he may have all possible I
help
many
names he will meet with in the text, the Preliminary Bibliography and List of Abbreviations (pp. xxiv
grasping the
in
unfamiliar
and also
to
— xxxv)
which explain such references
first
in the
notes as
may
not be clear at
sight.
A
book
like this
is
not written without incurring
many
obligations which
can only be repaid by sincere thanks and a readiness to render service service
if
Most
for
opportunity arise. of all
I
am
indebted to the Imperial Archaeological Commission
during my stay there, I was giyen a place of my own and was presented with a complete set of its more recent publications, and these have been sent me regularly year by year ever since full leave was granted me to reproduce any of its illustrations and over Its individual Members have 130 blocks were sent to England for my use. done all that could be done for me, especially the President, Count A. A. Bobrinskoj, who gave me his magnificent volumes on Smela and his History the Vice-President, Academician V. V. Latyshev, who by of Chersonese a long series of letters and articles has kept me informed of epigraphic at
St Petersburg
in
its
:
library
;
;
progress
;
the Senior
Member, Professor N.
I.
Veselovskij,
and Mr B. V. Pharmacovskij who by sending me up to date in his own special studies. M.
Mr
A. A. Spitsyn
his articles has kept
b
me
Preface
X
At the Imperial Hermitage, I have pleasant recollections of the courtesy Mr E. M. Pridik and Mr O. F. of the late Dr G. von Kieseritzky ;
me
Retovvski have rendered
valuable help and so has
Mr
J.
I.
Smirnov,
whose most generous offer to read my proofs unfortunately came too late. Count I. I. Tolstoi and Academician N. P. Kondakov graciously agreed to my reproducing illustrations from KTR., and from the latter I have I should also like to mention received kindnesses more than I can recount. the names of Professor M. I. Rostovtsev and especially of the late Baron Victor R. Rosen, without whose kindness my stay in Petersburg would have been
far less profitable.
Moscow, Mr A. V. Oreshnikov made me home, and ever since by most valuable letters, articles and
In the Historical
much
very
at
Museum
casts of coins has
been
me
with
has
supplied
Professor Vs.
my
my
at
chief help in numismatics
unpublished
Th. Miller,
material
Mr
;
V. A. Gorodtsov
Chapters
for
Director of the Lazarev
vii
Institute,
and
has
viii.
earned
gratitude both personally and by his books.
At Kazan, the
late
Professor
I.
N. Smirnov
first
made me acquainted
with Volga- Kama antiquities.
From
Kiev,
Mr
N. Th. Belashevskij of the
me
Mr I
in
Town Museum and especially
books, letters and photographs of which
V. V. Chvojka have sent have made full use, and Professor help and encouragement.
J.
A. Kulakovskij has been constant
and Antiquarian Society did me its Director, Dr E. R. von Stern, now the honour to elect me a member Professor at Halle, put its coin collection at my disposal and its Secretary, Professor A. A. Pavlovskij, has supplied me with its Transactions. These two scholars have besides rendered me important private services. At Nicolaev, Mr A. Vogell entertained me and shewed me his beautiful collection, now, alas, dispersed. At Kherson, Mr V. I. Goszkewicz has kept
At Odessa, the Imperial
Historical :
me
abreast of the progress of archaeology in his district.
At Chersonese, Waluzynicz, shewed
from time to time cessor,
Dr
:
me round the site and am also under very I
Mr
me
K. K. Kosciuszkophotographs and reports
definite
obligations to his suc-
the late Director of the Excavations,
sent
R. Ch. Loper, and his draughtsman
Mr M.
I.
Skubetov.
From
General A. L. Bertier-de-La-Garde at
Jalta, I have received books, articles, and other help on many points archaeological and numismatic my constant references to his work are a measure of what I owe him. Dr K. E, Duhmberg, Director at Kerch, assisted me while I was there, and his successor, Mr V. V. Skorpil, has answered questions and sent me valuable articles, while Dr I. A. Terlecki gave me my first real introduction to Bosporan
letters
coins.
:
Preface
xi
have found similar assistance from IVIr A. M. Tallgren at Helsingfors, from Professor A. von Lecoc] and the authorities of the Antiquarium at Berlin, from Professor P. Bienkowski at Cracow, Dr Vasi(^ at In Paris, my special Beli^rad, and Professor M. Rosenberg at Karlsruhe. Paul Boyer, Director of the School of Living gratitude is due to Professor Oriental Languages, my first guide in Russian studies, also to Mr E. Babelon Outside Russia,
I
:
and
at the Cabinet des M^dailles,
Museum, joined
St Germain
encouraged
me
Mr
to
allowing
in
S.
me
Museum, Mr O. M. Dalton who has traversed much of the same ground
me
at the
KTR.
copy figures from
and
other ways.
in
In the British
has been to
who helped me
Reinach, to
of the Medieval Department, in
Treasure of the Oxus,
his
a constant moral support and has besides helped
me
in
many
have always been sure of assistance from I Wroth, from Mr G. F. Hill and from Mr H. Mattingly I have been also specially beholden to Sir Cecil Smith and Mr F. H. Marshall, To Professor W. M. both formerly of the Greek and Roman Department. Flinders Petrie I am indebted for one of my most valuable illustrations. At Oxford, I have received help and encouragement from Sir A. J. Evans, Sir M. A. Stein and Professor J. L. My res. In Cambridge, my thanks are first due to the Managers of the Craven
ways
the Coin Department,
in
;
Mr Warwick
the late
;
Fund, who enabled me to make my^original archaeological visit to Russia, and to my College, which allowed my work upon this book to qualify me for
my
holding
Mr
late
R. A. Neil
talk over
been
Fellowship.
many
B.
My
Emmanuel
— and
at the
I
owe
to
beginning
my
—
I
Professor Ridgeway,
masters, the
had hoped
to
who has ever
thanks are also due to the
Masters of
Colleges, to Sir Charles Waldstein, Professor
Bury, Professor H. A. Giles, Professor A. A. Bevan, Professor E.
Rapson, Miss Jane E. Harrison, C.
how much
who encouraged me
forward.
St Catharine's and J.
cannot say
a point with him
me
urging
I
Mr
A. B. Cook,
H. Hawes, now of Dartmouth College,
Mr
S.
J.
A. Cook, Professor
U.S.A., and other scholars to
have had occasion to turn for information. whom Much of the photographic work was done by the I
of the Fitzwilliam coins.
The
My
Museum, I
very deepest gratitude
the proofs
right
Mr H. A. Chapman me in the matter of
the staff of which has aided have given to the staff of the University Library something that deserves special recognition from me.
trouble that
has amounted to
late
is
due to
through, successive
Mr
A.
J.
B.
Wace, who has read
batches coming to him at the most
Mr F. W. Green, who has made assurance second half of the book by eliminating errors which
widely different places, and to
more sure had crept If
I
for
the
in after Mr Wace's reading. have omitted to acknowledge either here or
in
the
text
b2
any
Preface
xii
obligations incurred within these thirteen years,
some excuse
for
may
the lapse of time be
me.
The Syndics
of the University Press
I
can but thank for undertaking
book by nature unremunerative and ask their pardon for having expanded beyond reasonable convenience and delayed it almost beyond endurance from the staff, especially from Mr Norman Mason, whom I have troubled with an endless series of petty details, I have received invaluable help given with unfailing patience, while the press-readers have saved me from many a
it
:
slips.
The work myself to
it,
illustrations
is
has
dedicated to
very
made by
incidental to
largely
the
making the
my
Father,
who
me
has enabled
1
9 13.
devote
supplemented the liberal allowance for and has contributed to the expenses
Syndics,
scale of the
book
less
inadequate to E.
24 April,
to
its
subject.
H. M.
.
CONTENTS PAGE
Maps and Coin
List of
Plates
xiv
List of Illustrations
XV
Transliteration
xxi
General Russian Bibliography
xxiv
Abbreviations
xxxiii
Museums Addenda
xxxvi et
Corrigenda
xxxvi
I.
Physical Geography and Natural Productions
II.
Survey of the Seas and Coastline of Scythia
III.
Geography of Scythia according
IV.
The
Scythians, their
Bibliographical
to
I
8
Herodotus
Customs and Racial
Summary
...
26
...
Affinities
35
...
Tribes adjoining Scythia according to Herodotus
97 lOI
VI.
History of Scythia
"5
VII.
Pre-Scythic
V.
:
Remains
Migrations in
Russia
130
Tombs
VIII.
Scythic
IX.
Siberia
X.
Scythic Art and Greek Art-work
made
XI.
Art in the Greek Colonies
§
I-
General Characteristics
§
2.
Architecture
§
3-
Sculpture
...
§
4-
Painting
... ...
XII.
149
and other Countries adjacent
Representative Greek
:
to Scythia for
241
Scythians
261
293 294 295 305 322
§
5-
Carpentry
§
6.
Textiles
§
7-
Ceramics
§
8.
Glass
335 338 362
§
9-
Terracottas
363
^
lO.
Bronzes
§
II.
Silver
374 382
§
12.
Gold-work and Jewelry
§
13-
Gems
Tombs
. .
...
386 410 415
XIII.
Colonization and Trade
436
XIV.
Tyras
445
XV. XVI.
Olbia
...
45i
Cercinitis
490
XVII.
Chersonese
XVIII.
Theodosia and
XIX.
...
493
Nymphaeum
Bosporus
Appendix of Inscriptions Coin Plates Index
554 562
:
...
Note and Explanations
639 661 681
ILLUSTRATIONS MAPS AND PLANS I.
Eastern Europe and Northern Asia
II.
Ptolemy's Sarmatia (after Latyshev)
End to
Paper
face page
i r
III.
Bosporus Cimmerius
21
IV.
Scythia Quadrata
27
V. VI.
VII. VIII. IX.
Scythia ad
...
mentem Herodoti
34
Ptolemy's Serica
114
Plan of Chersonese
493
Environs of Chersonese
495
End
Scythia
Paper
COIN PLATES I.
II.
Tyras
...to face page 664
Olbia, Acs Grave
Native Kings
III.
Olbia.
IV.
Chersonese
V.
Panticapaeum
VI.
Panticapaeum.
...
Rulers of Bosporus
VII.
Kings of Bosporus to 100
VIII.
Later Kings of Bosporus
IX.
Smaller States
a. D. ...
...
B.C.
„
666
„
668
„
670
„
672
»
674
„
676
„
678
„
680
ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT In view of my speciul obligations to the Imp. Archaeological Commission which gave me full leave to copy everything and actually entrusted nie with 130 blocks I have marked these (AC): the British Museum and the Society of Anticjuaries allowed me to have electrotypes of those marked (BM.) and (SA.) respectively. The numerous figures marked (K.) are copied by the gracious permission of Messrs Kondakov, Tolstoi and Reinach from their Antujuites de la Russie
Other such obligations to modern works I have acknowledged in their place. from one find are grouped where that find is described, although any particular object may be treated of in some other part of the book and to this reference is, as Mi'ridionale.
All illustrations of objects
far as possible,
given.
FIG. 0.
Heads of Scythians from Memphis,
1.
Balaklava ... Chatyr Dagh Scythia according to Krechctov
2.
3.
after Flinders
xxxvii
Petrie
18
19 32
5° 50
6.
Coin of Scilurus, after Koehne ... Waggon, after Bicnkowski (AC.) Waggons, after liienkowski
7.
Kundure
52
4. 5.
8. 9.
10.
11. 12. 13. 14. 15.
16. 17. 18. 19.
20. 21.
22. 23. 24.
25. 26.
51
Tartars, after Pallas
Scythians and Persians from Greek vases "Pontic" vase with Cimmerians Local Costume, Panticapaeum (K.) Tiara from Besleneevskaja (AC.) Persian Bas-reliefs shewing nomad Costume, after Flandin et Coste Cylinder. Combat between Persians and Sacae, after Rawlinson Coin of Tiridates II, after Dalton (BM.) Bracelet from CJolubinskaja (AC.) Beads, after CR. ... Model Gorytus, after CR. Sword from Aldoboly, after Hampel ... Bit from Constantino vo, after Bobrinskoj (AC.) Bronze Standard with Deer, Belozerka (AC.) ... Cauldron with Palmettes, Mikhailovo-Apostolovo (AC.) Cauldron, Khatazhukaevskij Aul (AC.) Cup from Pavlovka (AC.) Scythic Cup, Constantinovo (AC.) Scythic Pottery, Constantinovo (AC.) ... Skull-cup, after
CR.
27.
Nomads,
28.
30.
Areas near Tripolje, A, after Chvojka ... Grooved Pots, A, after Chvojka Painted Pots and Figure, A, after Chvojka
31.
Areas, B, and Pit-house, after Chvojka
32.
Painted Pots, B, after Chvojka...
33.
Chvojka Podolian Pot, after Chvojka Golden Bull, Majkop, after CR. Silver Cup, Majkop, after OR., cf. Argmterie Orieniale,
29.
34. 35.
36.
after I-yii-kuo-chih
...
...
...
...
...
...
54 55
56 58 59 61 61
64 65 67 69 76 77
79 79 80 82 82 83 96 ^33 135 136 1.37
Figures, B, after
i.
11
138 139 140 144 144
xvi
Illustratio7ts
37.
Tsarskaja, Dolmen, after CR.
38.
Tsvetno, Majdan (AC) Pavlovka, Double Barrow (AC) ... ... ... ••. ... ... ... ... ... Alexandropol, Bronze Standards, after ASH. (K.) Gold Plate, after ASB. (K.) „ Chertomlyk, Plan, after ASH. (K.) Gold Strip, after ASH. (K.) ,, ... ... ... Alexandropol, etc., various objects, after ASH. ... Chertomlyk Vase, after C/i. (K.) ... ... ... ... ... Frieze, Ridgeway, Tho)-oughbred Horse, after CR.... „ ,,
39. 40, 41.
42. 43.
44.
45. 46, 47. 48. 49. 50. 51.
52.
53. 54, 55. 56.
61.
62. 63, 64.
65. 66, 67. 68.
69. 70.
71. 72.
73. 74. 75.
75
di's.
76.
77.
78. 79. 80.
...
... ...
,,
Chmyreva
Bridle Ornament, after ASH. (K.) Mogila, Gold Plates from Harness (AC.)
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
... ...
,,
Bone
„
objects, after
Khanenko
...
•
...
Daggers and Cheek-pieces, after Bobrinskoj etc., after Bobrinskoj ...
...
Section, after
ABC.
89.
,,
90.
„
91.
,,
„
92.
,,
„
93.
,,
„
94.
„
„
,,
„
Frieze „ Mirror, after
ABC.
(K.)
,,
„
Band round Hood,
after
97.
,,
„
98.
„
„
,,
,,
,,
„
,,
,,
...
(K.)
ABC. Bracelets, after ABC. Vase, after ABC. after
(AC)
...
..
... ...
... ... ...
... ... ... ... ...
...
...
...
...
... ...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
Kul Oba, Temple-ornament, Earring; Kerch, Roundel, after Plan and Section, after ABC. ... ... ,, Gold objects, after ABC. ... ... ... „ Cups,
...
...
Mirror, Bit, Earrings, etc., after Khanenko Sinjavka, Skull with Gold Plates, after Bobrinskoj ... Smela, Mirrors, Bone Head, Cylinder, after Bobrinskoj ...
...
...
...
„
Kerch, Royal Barrow, Entrance
...
...
Arrow-heads,
„
99.
...
Horse's Cheek Ornament (AC) ... ... ... Horse's Frontlet (AC) ... ... ... ... „ ,, Gold Plate, Wrestlers (AC.) „ „ Ogiiz, Plan and Section (AC) ... ... ... ... ... ... ... Melgunov's Barrow, Sheath and Sword-hilt, after Pridik ... Details of Sheath, after Dalton (BM.) „ ,, ... Sword-hilt restored, after Pridik ... ... ,, ,, Mountings of Couch and Bird, after Pridik ... „ ,, Kiev District, Plans of Scythic Tombs, after Bobrinskoj ... ... Section of Kalnik (AC.) ... ... ... ... ... „ Plan of Grushevka (AC.) ... ... ... ... ... „ Model Axes, Plaques and Earring, after Bobrinskoj ... „ Ryzhanovka, Necklace (AC), after Bobrinskoj ... ... ... ... Axjutintsy, Deer on Quiver, after Bobrinskoj ... ... ... ... Belt-plate with Scyth, ReJ>. Hist. Mus. Moscow ... ... ,, Volkovtsy, Plan, after Bobrinskoj ... ... ... ... ... ... Gold-work, after Khanenko ... ... ... ... ... ,, Halter Ornaments, after Khanenko ... ... ... ... ,, Kiev District, Drinking vessels, Standards and Dagger, after Khanenko „
87. 88.
100,101.
...
...
.
„
...
...
...
„
95. 96.
... ...
„
85. 86.
...
...
PAGE 146 ".. 148 ••• 152 ... 154 155 156 157 ... 158 159, 160 ...
...
„
82. 84.
...
...
„
81. 83.
CR.
...
... ... Cauldron, after ASH. (K.) ... ... King's Sword-hilt, after ASH. (K.) Sword, after ASH. (AC.) „ Bow-case and Dagger, from Electrotypes ... „ ... ... ... Tsymbalka, Frontlets (K.) ... Krasnokutsk, Horse's Cheek Ornament, after ASH. (K.)
57. 58, 59. 60.
Figures, after
„
,,
...
...
...
...
...
ABC... ...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
..
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
ABC. after ABC.
161 162 162 163 163 164 166
167 168 168
169 169 169 170 171
172 172 172 174 176 177 178 179 181 182 183 184 185 186 188 189 190 191 192
193 194 194 195 196 197 198 199 200 201 201 202 202 203 204
.. Torque with Scythians, ... ... (K.) Deer, Sheath and Two Scythians from Electrotypes ... Phiale Mesomphalos, after ABC. (K.) ... ... Ivory, Judgement of Paris, from Photographs sent by Mr Pridik 204A&B .
.
1
xvu
Illtcstratio?is IC.
02. 04. 0506.
I'AtiE
Kerch, Kul Oba, Ivory, Rajjoof Leucippidcs,from I'liotogruphs sent
Other Fragments „ ,, „ Capital „ „ „ Seven Brothers, Silver Pectoral, after CR. (K.) Various objects, after CR. ... „ ,, „
,,
„
,,
Silver Dish
„ „
..
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
,,
,,
,,
„
10.
,,
,,
„ „
„
14.
,,
„
Quiver Tips, after CR. (AC.) ... ... ... ... ... ... ... Painted Stuff, after CR. ... ... Plans, Gorgoneion, Rhyton-lip Nymphaeum, Rayed Uish,
•5-
,,
„
after CR. ... ... ... and Nymphaeum, Bronze Horse-gear and
i3-
,,
„
Akhtanizovka, Brooch (AC.) Necklet (AC!) „
„
22.
.,
23-
125.
26. 27. 28.
29.
303i' 32.
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
cf.
Ari^fn/erie Oriinta/e,
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
Coffin, after
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
xiii.
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
Quiver Plate, after Mat. xiii. ... ... Bow-case (AC-) Kurdzhips, Ciold Cap and Roundels, after CR. „
Buckle, after CR. ... Kostromskaja, Plan and Section, after Deer, after CR. .. ,, Ulskij Barrow, Diagram, after CR. ,,
Vozdvizhenskaja, Diagram, after CR. (Jold Knob (AC.)
Zubov Barrow, ,,
34-
„
„
„
„
35-
...
Cauldron (.AC.)... Arm(;ur (AC.) ... Iron Bit (AC.) Silver Phiale (AC.)
...
CR.
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
..
...
..
..
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
Novocherkassk, Crown (K.)
3940.
4748.
Collar (K.) Circular Box (K.), cf. Argenterie Orientale, xi. 29 ,, ... ... Bottle (K.), cf. ib. xi. 30 ... ... „ ... ... ... ... ... Gold Strip yK.) „ ... Cup (K.), cf. Argenterie Orientale, x. 25 ... ,, Vettersfelde, Breast-plate and Hone, after Furtvvangler ... ... ... ... ... Fish, after F'urtwangler ... ... ,, ... ... ... Dagger-sheath, after Dalton (BM.) ,, ... ... ... Earring, after Furtwiingler ... ,,
49. 5°-
Siberia,
43-
44 4546.
Murza Bek, Kamennaja Baba (AC.) ... Copper and Bronze, after Radloff „
52-
,,
15 3-556. 57585960.
„ „ ,,
„
„ „
63-
164, 165.
M.
... A.xe-heads, Pekin Knives Mirrors, Axehead, Ornaments, after
... ... ... ... ...
... ...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
Martin
...
...
..
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
..
...
...
...
...
...
I'".
R.
...
Knives, after Radloff (AC.)
61. 62.
...
„
51-
,,
211 211
212
Axe-head, after CR. (.\C.) Mould for Axe-heads, after Radloff (AC.) ... Bronze Axe-head, after Radloff (AC.) ... Clay Pots in form of Cauldrons, after Klementz ... ... Axe-head, after Radloff (AC.) ... Pick (AC.) Scythe, after Radloff (AC.) Bit, after Radloff (.AC.) ... ... Knife-handles, after Radloff (AC.)
213 214 215 215 215 217 218 219 219 219 220, 221
...
38.
142.
...
CR.
...
,,
„
,
...
Rhyton (.\C.) Band of Hood (AC.)
2,7>-
137-
...
...
Karagodeuashkh, Jewelry, after Maf. xiii. ... Plate from Headdress, after Mat. „
21.
,
...
204 c 204 u 205 207 208 209 209 209
;
Nymphaeum, Cheek-piece (AC.)
19.
136
15
17-
20.
...
Quiver Tip, after CR. (K.) ... Bridle Ornament, after CR. (A(^.) Oreat Silver Rhyton, after CR. (K.),
16.
18.
14
I'ridik
09.
,,
IV.
12
Mr
07. 08.
,112.
1
(AC)
l)y
223 224 225 226 227 228 230 230 231 231 231
233 234 234 234 234 235 237 238 239 239 239 242 243 244 245 245 245 245 246 247 247 247 247 247
Illusti~atio7is
xviii
PAGE
I'lC.
i66, 167. 168.
169, 170. 171. 172.
Argalis, after Radloff (AC.)
Siberia,
249 249 249 249
Inset Knob, after Radloff (AC.) Dagger-hilts, after Radloff (AC)
„ „
„
Iron Dagger
(AC)
,,
Objects from
Altai, Horse-sacrifice, after Radloff,
Aus
Kin-Shih-So ... ... ... ... O.Mis Treasure, Sheath ... with Nomad ... ... Plaque ... ,, ,, Ring, after Dalton (BM.) „ „ Criffin, after Dalton (BM.) „ „ Armlets and Animals, after Cunningham „ ,, ... ... ... Incised Gravestone, Ananjino (K.) ... ... ... Dagger, Ananjino, after Aspelin ... ... ... ... Bronze beast, Ananjino (K.) ... ... Bronze from near Sympheropol, after CR. ... ... ... Copper Monsters, Perm, after CR. Ivory Ibex and Boar, Ephesus, after Hogarth (BM.)
Si/'irie/i.
Plate
...
...
...
...
..-
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
251
after
173. 174.
175. 176. 177. 178. 179. 180.
181. 182.
182
his.
183, 184. 185. 186. 187. 188, 189.
190. 191.
192.
193. 194.
195. 196. 197.
198. 199. 200.
201.
202. 203, 204. 205. 206.
(;old Plates, Ak-Mechet (K.) Gold Bird, Vasjurin Hill, after
.
from
.
Siberia, after Radloff (AC.)
Kuban
(K.)
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
260 268 270
267
Necklet, Siberia, after Pridik ... ... ... Deer, Siberia (K.) ... ... Gold Torque, Siberia (K.) Gold Eagle, Siberia, after Dalton (SA.) ... Gold Buckle, Siberia (K.) ... ... Gold Beast, Siberia (K.) ... Bear and Snake, Siberia (K.) ... ... (iriffins and Tiger, Siberia (K.) ... ... Deer, Verkhne-udinsk (K.) ... Griffin and Horse, Siberia (K.) ... ... Eagle and Yak, Siberia (K.) ... Boar and Serpent, Siberia (K.) ... ... Hunting Scene, Siberia (K.) ... ... Scene of Rest, Siberia (K.) Griffin
...
CR
Gold Sheath from near Tanais, after Arch. Anz. 'i'orque and Bracelet, Susa, after de Morgan ...
Gold Horseman,
... ...
255 255 255 256 256 258 258 258 258 258
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
....
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
•...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
212.
213.
Stele of Chreste,
...
...
...
...
214.
Stele
...
...
.
...
...
...
...
215. 216.
Daphnus, Kerch, after CR. (K.) ... Stele of Diophantus, Kerch (AC.) ... ... Tombstone with Funeral Feast, after Uvarov (AC.) Relief of Tryphon, Tanais, after CR. (K.) ...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
209. 210.
211.
217. 218. 219. 220. 221. 222.
223. 224. 225. 226. 227.
Kerch (AC.) of Mastus, Kerch (AC.)
Stele of
.
Painted Stele of Appiie, after CR. ... ... ... Catacomb of Alcimus, Kerch, after CR. ... ... Ceiling of same Catacomb, after CR. ... ... ... Catacomb of 1891, after Kulakovskij ... ... ... Catacomb of Anthesterius, after C/i. ... ... ... Catacomb of 1841, after Ashik (K.) ... ... ... .Section of Stasov's Catacomb (AC) ... ... Coin with Standard and Candys (AC.) ... ... Frescoes from Stasov's Catacomb and Tamg^i, after CR.
etc.
273 274 274 275 275 275 276 276
...
... ... ... ... Chertomlyk Bow-case (AC) ... Chertomlyk Sheath (AC) ... ... .:. Hygiea(?), Olbia, after Pharmacovskij ... ... ... ... Herm of Bearded Hermes, Kerch (AC) ... Marble Head of Archaistic Hermes, after Malmberg (AC.) Marble Lion, Kerch (AC.) ... ... ... ... Anthemion from Chersonese ... ... ... ...
207. 208.
271 272 272 272
...
.
277 278 279 279 279 285 286 292 297 297 299 300 301 301 302 303 303 304 306 309 310 311 313 314 315 316 317
'
Illustratio7is
xix I'M.K
Kit;.
Tainga (AC.) ... Catacomb of 1875 (AC.) ... Catacomb of 1873 (AC.) Wxow/j^ buckle with
228. 229. 230. 231.
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
Catacomb
...
...
...
...
...
232.
Wooden
...
...
...
...
...
233.
Coffin, Jiiz
234.
Coffin, Vasjurin Hill i^AC.)
235. 236.
Coffin, Vitjazevo, near Anapa, after CR. ... ... Same, Details, after CR. Same, Nereid.s (AC.) ... ... ... Same, Mouldings (AC.) ... ... ... ... Coffin, Kerch (AC.) ... Niobid Coffin, .side (AC.) ... ... ... Sanie, end view (AC.) ... ... Niobid and Pedagogue, after Zhebelev (AC.)
.
237, 238. 239. 240. 241.
242. 243.
Oba,
after
CR.
244.
Textiles from Kerch, after
245. 246.
Vase fragment, Kerch,
247. 248.
...
of Soracus, after Kulakov.skij ... Coffin from Olbia (AC.) ...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
CR.
after
CR.
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
.
...
...
...
...
.
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
..
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
... ... ... ... ... ... Side view of fig. 247 ... ... ... ... I>ecane from Kerch, after Trans. Od. Hoc. xviii. ... ... ... .. Lecane from Jiiz Oba, after CR. (K.) ... ... ... ... Xenophantus Vase, after CR. (K.) ... ... ... ... ... Sphin.x Vase, Phanagoria, after CR. (K.) Aphrodite Vase, Phanagoria (Photograph sent by Mr J. I. Smirnov) ... ... ... ... Aryballus, Olbia (AC.) ... ... ... ... ... ... ... Distemper Va.se, Kerch, after CR. ... ••• .•• ... ... Cantharos, Olbia (AC.) ... ... ... ... ... ... ... Pelice, Olbia (AC.) ... Cyli.x, Olbia (AC.) ... ... ... ... ... ... Megarian Bowl, Olbia (AC.) ... ... ... ... Megarian Bowl, Olbia (AC.) ... ... ... ... ... ... Amphora, Olbia, after von Stern (AC) ... ... ... Jug with metallic glaze, Olbia (Pierpont Morgan) ... ... ... ... Porringer with metallic glaze, Olbia (AC.) Glass Bottle, Olbia (AC.) ... Casts from Terra-cotta Moulds, Chersonese, after Malmberg ... Emblema from Mould, Chersonese, after Malmberg (AC.) ... ... Head of Hermes from Mould, Chersonese, after Malmberg .... ... ... Toy, Kerch, after Odessa Museum Terra-cotias ... ... ... Clay Niobids, Kerch, after Zhebelev (AC) ... ... ... ... ... Plaster Coffin-ornaments, Kerch (AC.)... i
.
249. 250. 251. 252. 253.
254. 255. 256.
257. 258.
259-261. 262. 263. 264.
265. 266. 267. 268.
269, 270.
271-275.
283. 284.
... ... ... Ornament, Kerch (AC.) ... ... ... Model of Coffin with Plaster Ornaments (AC.) ... ... Handle of Bronze Crater, Martonosha (AC.) ... ... ... Handle of Bronze Mirror (Core), Kherson (AC) ... ... ... Handle of Bronze Mirror, .Annovka (.\C.) ... ... Couch, Phanagoria (AC.) ... ... ... ... ... ... Urn in stone box, Hadzhi Mushkai (AC.) Canthari, Colander and Hair-pin, Olbia (Pierpont Morgan)...
285.
Gold Wreath with
286.
Gold Gold Gold Gold
276.
277. 278. 279, 280. 281. 282.
287.
288, 289. 290. 291.
292. 293. 294.
295.
Plaster
.
J^,
321 322
323 324 325 326 327 328 329 332 333 334 337 340 340 341 342 343 344 345 347
...
... ...
... ...
...
...
348 349 ... 350 350 ... 352 ... 352 354, 355 ... 356 ... 357 362 ... 365 ... 366 ... ...
367 370 371 372
... .
.
... ...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
373 373 375 376 377 379 380 383
Kerch (AC.)
and Wreaths, Kerch, after Cap, Ak-burun, after CR. (K.) ... Diadems, Olbia (AC.) Aigrette
318 318 319
388
ABC.
...
...
...
...
389
...
...
...
...
...
391
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
••
...
...
...
••
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
Earrings from the Bosporus, after ABC. ... ... Swan-earring, Kerch, after CR. ... ... ... ... Boy-pendant, Olbia (AC.) ... ... Lion-head Earring, Olbia (AC)... Necklaces, etc., from Theodosia, after ABC... ... Butterfly Necklace, Chersonese (AC.) ...
392 396 398 398 398 401 407 c 2
XX
Illustrations PAGE
FIG.
296, 297. 298. 299, 300. 301.
302, 303. 304, 3°5306, 307. 308. 3093io> 3"-
312, 313. 314. 315316. 3173,8.
319320. 321. 322.
323. 324325326, 327. 328. 329-.
329
bis.
33°331332-
... Earrings in Gold and Garnet, Kerch (AC.) Oriental Gems, Bosporus, after ABC. and CR. Gems by Dexamenus of Chios, after Sir A. J. Evans Gem from Novgorod Seversk, after Pharmacovskij (AC.)
Simple Pit-grave, Olbia, after Pharmacovskij (AC.) ... Pit-grave with plank ceiling, Olbia (AC) Undercut grave, Olbia (AC.) Plan of Vault of Heuresibius, Olbia (AC.) Section of the same (AC.) Plan and Section of Tomb, Chersonese (AC.) Paintings from Man's Tomb, Great Bliznitsa (AC.) ... Inlay from Great Bliznitsa, etc., after CR. Gold Calathos, Great Bliznitsa, after CR. (K.) Temple-ornament, Great Bliznitsa, after CR. (K.) Bracelet, Great Bliznitsa, after CR. (K.) Gems and Earring, Jiiz Oba Gold-work, Great Bliznitsa, Stlengis, Great Bliznitsa, after CR. (K.) Collar, Great Bliznitsa, after CR. (K.) Objects from Artjukhov's Barrow, after CR. ... Diadem, Artjukhov's Barrow, after CR. (K.) ... Artjukhov's Barrow, Tomb II, Plan and Section (AC.) Objects from Glinishche Tomb, after ABC. ... :
Bottle
and
Bracelet,
Harness, Glinishche
Akkerman
Castle
Glinishche
Tomb,
Tomb,
after
ABC
after
(K.)
ABC.
409 411 413 414 416 416 417 418 419 421 423
424
after
CR.
(K.)
...
...
Gold Stater (Pseudo-Lysimachus) of Tyras View of Olbia Plan of Olbia Letter of Articon, after Latyshev
333334-
View of Chersonese Gates {E.) in the Greek Wall of Chersonese, from a photograph given by
335-
Greek
Mr
336. 337-
338.
Kosciuszko-Waluzynicz Walls of Chersonese looking SE., from a photograph given by Mr Kosciuszko-Waluzynicz NW. Postern, Chersonese, from a photograph given by Mr Kosciuszko Waluzynicz View between walls looking nw., from a photograph given by Mr Kosciuszko Waluzynicz Plan of sw. corner of Chersonese, after CR., and Elevation of Walls, after Bertier-de-La- Garde
339340341342. 343344345346347348. 349350351-
Objects from Chersonese, after CR. Plans of Churches, Chersonese ... View of Theodosia, after Museum Worsleyanum Plan of Theodosia, after Bertier-de- La-Garde ... View of Kerch Plan of Panticapaeum Plan of Baths, Panticapaeum (AC.) Plan of Tanais, after Leontiev ... Stater of Dynamis, after Oreshnikov Chersonesan Oath, after Latyshev Stele of Timotheus (AC.) Inscription from Phanagoria (AC) Inscription from Gorgippia (AC.)
425 426 426 427 428 429 431 432 433 434 434 435 445 448 450 450 466 493
500 501
503
503 505 507 511
554 557 562 562 565 568 592 645
660 660 659
XXI
TRANSLITERATIONS. Greek.
Greek narnes and words appear
mended
to contributors to
JHS.,
in
names more
i.e.
Greek words
treated inconsistently. into Latin, but
Romans
that the
Delos, and certain words which are
e.g.
in the
Latin transliteration
traditional
tlie
familiar in the
Greek form,
Greek
Russians transcribe Greek by tradition as
recom-
is
transliterated
if
order.
were modern Greek (no
if it
as
fully I-atinize,
Nike, Bouk, are
e.g.
index mostly appear where they would
actually next each other are put in the
if
much
themselves did not
//
i,
;
-q,
v-\
a reform party represents the Erasmic view but has not attained to a consistent system
hampered by having no h for which V i.e. g is used. Latin is pronounced after the German fashion and
etc.) :
.
is
it
transliterated accordingly.
Russian.
The appear
use of diacritical marks has been avoided Polish,
in
for typographical
Bohemian or Serbo-Croatian names of which they
and they only
reasons,
has involved the frequent use of two letters in English for one in Russian which
To
the unfamiliar words very long and hard to grasp.
than to attempt to give the pronunciation exactly and are consistent with a
except
y
is
rendering.
and y (see below)
e
than does the as
fair
German
wanted
;
the
or French, but I have
for a special
vowel
except in a few Greek words) as
words short
I
The vowels English mode
done
is
had
have represented Russian
and
1;
nearly always present before an e sound in Russian
an
I
i
have omitted the
and substituted
/ in
When names their I
own
spelling
have as
J.
The J
diphthongs
oj\
when Greek
far as possible written
from
to depart
by :
^
so
it
and
/'
when I
for consonantal
as
I
To keep
of Slavonic.
and
(ordinarily
less
into
many
unfamiliar
easier to
me
/
the
being
ja or ju) follow
have sometimes yielded to temptation
German
or Polish,
have restored to them
I
write
Greek or Latin
(e.g.
words or names
Pharmacovskij but Funduklej)
inconsistencies (e.g. two values of ch), but anything which
and so
the
je,
so as to bring out their derivation, the terminations being transcribed normally.
me
y
(nor of course ch for kh,
instead of Je i<>
in Italian
Russian better
fits
by using J
c for ts
a or
few letters as
pronounced as
or Latin enter into the composition of Russian
them
make
Tolstoi.
e.g.
of Russians are really French, :
at using as
of expressing consonants
looks unfamiliar and
aj\
have aimed
are of course to be
in scientific transliteration e
apt to
is
avoid this has seemed more important I
have not ventured to use
I
:
This
are an integral part.
distinguish
is
Tliis
has led
makes Russian names
valuable. Westerners being inclined
to
confuse
make a difference between Cherson the Byzantine form of Chersonese and Kherson the modern Russian town at the mouth of tlie Dnepr. The accent is not written in Russian, so I have not made a practice of indicating it, but them.
I
It
has also enabled
have occasionally (especially
vowels are
much
the tonic accent
to
in
the index) put
less clear in quality, I
e.g.
o
is
have not put an extra mark
it
as a guide to pronunciation
indistinguishable from a ;
e
;
:
unaccented
when, as often,
{=jo) only arises under the accent.
<-
has
Titans lite7~atio7^s
xxii Russian
letters.
;in
a
a
a
ai, aj
aft
b
6
as in father,
at in aisle,
b as in boy.
Not used alone except to represent k ch as chwch (but when representing x it
c
ch
Pronunciation.
letters.
H (x)
ox c in Greek or Latin. is
to
be pronounced kh).
d
A
d
e
e
At the beginning of all but a few modern loan-words as ye m yet ox ya m.Yale: after a consonant they' {y) is less distinct but always present except after sh, ch, zh and ts. ^ as in equator: confined to obvious modern loan-words. Accented e in certain cases assumes the sound o^ jo, o, and so I have sometimes written, A special letter now identical in sound with c but never
e
3
e
e
e
i
ej
eu
f
(J)
as in debt, or rather Fr. dette.
turning to
g gh
m
ey
e.
grey.
Only
in foreign
r
Hard
as in get.
r
r
words
sounded as a
the origin
if
;
is
Greek
end of words
spirant, at the
1
(e.g.
use ph.
Bugh)
as ch
in Loch.
Not
h
Greek i
II,
'
is
&:c.
//
is
represented by
sometimes rendered by
(Sometimes -
as in machine.
i
i
Latin
Russian.
in
ft
in
r,
or sometimes x.
r
more often
diphthongs,
left out.
Ainalov,
e.g.
Tolstoi.) i
(ia, ie, ie, iu)
I.
(i)ii,
te,
i>e,
LHJ
b-i-a
almost
is
with
identical
ft
J
j(ji)
ju
ja,
ee in
ift
ij
free but after
y y
at the
(i>ii)
(a, K))
y
before
(aft, eft, oft)
b
-^
as
i
-f
a and
have made no
I
other vowels except
distinction, so with
tii
^ji.
in whisky,
_>'
end of diphthongs
as in ay, grey, boy.
before / after a consonant, as in Goodyear, a,
ti,
as in yarn, yule.
k
K
do not write the j in these cases but it is to be pronounced. k except in Greek or Latin words, in which where possible
kh
X
German
1
Ji
/
m
M
m.
n
H
n.
P ph
n
(e, e, e)
(e, e,
i)
I
I write
c.
ch in
and y as
*
r
P
but in Greek words
:
/
and
iv
as in people,
I
use ch for
x-
"soft" between /
in Fr. ville.
accented open as oa
in
have written ph
words of Greek
broad: unaccented as a
in balloon.
P1
Not
q
acl^
"hard" between
;',
in
in
origin.
Russian.
strongly
trilled
:
when
soft
between r and
y
but not
like ry. s
as in
size,
case,
like Mtisej,
sh
in
shch
m
t.
T
never as in cheese
sh in shut, shell t.
in
(I
have
left
it
in
words
numismdtica, written with z in Russian).
Ashchurch.
:
Russia?!^ Russian
Latin letters.
xxiii
etc. I'roiuinciatiun.
Icllors.
e
til
C/n?iese^
/;
I
have written
th,
as o only occurs in words borrowed from
Russian
the (Ireck, but the pronunciation in ts
U
u
y
V
B
u often re|)resents a
as in its:
/->
is
/.
through
German
hence the
common
Latin
c
influence.
u
in
t*,
at the
rule.
end of words pronounced
spelling
w
Our
w
KC
f,
y
H
A
and
also
/
-off.
does not occur
to render X
as
«/',
in
Russian but (Germans use the
letter
b.
have been dropped from the Russian alphabet.
peculiar vowel between / and u not unlike
value in
its
rhythm, y
ir
Representing (ireek
z
3
English U =
zh
St
(')
'r>
French
Sympheropol.
v as in
Hut Germans transliterating
z.
Russian use
it
for
ts.
y,
English
z
azure.
in
Keeps preceding consonant "hard":
have only used
I
it
in
the middle of words.
Makes preceding consonant
b
(')
write
I
Consonants before before
j and
e,
/,
(')
a, o,
Russians writing their
German
using a French or the only thing
is
are mostly
u, y, (')
that
soft,
is
with a
own names
j
The forms
pronounced hard,
attempt
A
j.
(e.g.
i.e.
more or
less as in
and reduce
names
all
to
one
lost
etc.
consonants but
final
Wade
does
neither
The
system.
render
it
Hsiung-nu, T'u-chiii for Hiung-nu, T'u-kiie): also zh
Oriental Sect, xviii.
is
does not
some of
Pekinese
the
put for Wade's (French)
i.
p.
d61ja='675
gr. troy
,,
f
,
zolotnfks=r lot=^
(_
32 lots=
1
i
= 4'265
iQ4'4 gr. troy) yt f t. -'. "45 oz. avdp. J
=
grm. „
12-78 grm.
= '9 lb. avdp. =409 grm. pud = 36'U lb. avdp. = i6'36 (3
I
grm.
gr. troy
funt
4ofunts=i
in
in
the books
Russian Measures.
Weights.
= -044
96d61jas=i zolotnik = 64'8 ,
is
074.
took them.
I
Russian
3
whom
transliteration
Other Oriental names have been rendered rather haphazard, mostly as found from which
:
.system.
convenient table of transliterations from Chinese, including that used by Russians,
TRAS.
I
English
which Chinese names appear have been revised by Professor Giles, to
restore
to
innovations
a vowel follows
Latin letters are generally cjuite inconsistent, mostly
in
to disregard their individual usage
in
when
:
system, often a mixture of the two or alternately one and the other
thanks are due, in accordance with the
best
"
sound, but this must not be overdone.
Chinese,
my
" soft
/.
puds=
1
versh6ks=
^5 arshins= ^
i
i
inch
arshfn
,,
^^
500sazhens=i verst=iio6 (3 versts
kgr.
Map
=2
miles
:
,
cm.
% =1-007 ^ km-
yds, 2
,
ft
15 versts=: 16 km.,
cf.
Scale on
ix.)
cwt.)
have avoided using these, but many of the books
and inches or of
= 4"445 cm. = 28 inches = 7rn sazhen = 7 feet = 2"n4 m.
versh6k=r75
16
late years the
Metric system.
to
which
I
refer
do
so, others
use our feet
XXIV
PRELIMINARY BIBLIOGRAPHY OF RUSSIAN PUBLICATIONS. In view of the mutual independence of various parts of the book sectional bibliographies
have been appended
amount of
contain a certain
C
in §
to
repetition
each of Chapters
number
ii
—
xiu
iv,
some
of abbreviations,
below even though they be
— xix,
much
throughout give
the notes
:
of these
fairly familiar to
although
it
has meant a certain
this
information but
bibliographical
they
has been thought better to expand
archaeological readers, but
it
only a
is
of abbreviations, not a bibliography of periodical literature, and does not contain
list
cited
titles
form about which there can be no mistake.
in a
works
Titles of
Russian appear
in
in the notes in Englisli
Translations (not always,
The
transHterations are difficult for those unfamiliar with the language to grasp.
Russian
(A) and independent work (B) to which reference has been made,
serial
both in the original Russian language and published English
in
of which
serials
and
titles,
the
character and in
Russian
title
may be expected
every case, a reader
Russian
in
spite
of
be readily identified
its
form of the Russian
to
infer
title
he
will
find
A
in
it
is
it
Articles
by their
published has been given in
work published in Russia is written in and if he wishes to know the exact
that a
being cited by an English
of every
As the place of
has not been thought necessary to give the Russian.
it
publication of every work or else that of the serial in which
fear,
here given
a Latin transliteration.
given, can
is
title is
I
and even
quite consistent), the Russian character has been avoided as generally unintelligible,
title,
Russian works, mostly
Certain
or B.
official
French titles and are cited by these mostly in an abbreviated form, V. § C. The titles of the magazines Propylaea (Ilpoiiiuieif) and Hermes (repMecij, not have been distinguished by the to be confused with the German Hermes, Berlin, 1866 ) publications, have recognised
—
warning (Russian). Caucasica S.
has
a
Latyshev's Wovtiko.
Russian
translation
Russia, which by an oversight
German, letters
etc.
are of course
I
have cited as " Inscr. Chr."
a translation has been added.
who can command
to
]
The
those
citation
in
Russian, his Scythica
of articles in
and notes and so has
unaltered
left
a collection
is
his
Christian
The
Slavonic
titles
Inscriptions
et
from
of works in French,
languages which
use
Latin
of Russian authorities will enable anyone
the help of an interpreter to look up any particular point with as
little
difficulty as possible.
By far the greater some institution or
part of
work on the
antiquities of S. Russia appears in the publications
a serial, and these may conveniently form one and the independent books another (B). I have not made any effort to include books older than i860 and quite superseded, nor have I aimed at any completeness in this practical guide to a wide literature. I have inserted one or two books which have appeared printing of the A helpful book of since the section for which they would have been useful. of
society, nearly always
class (A)
reference
is
CucTeMaTHiecKifi yKasaxejii. KHnrt
lIpo3opoB'B, n. (Prozorov, P.).
iijioJioriii
HaiieMaTaHHUXT. Bt PoccIh
iiHOCTpanuHXT) fl3HKax7>,
CT.
ct xvii
npii6aB.'ieHieMi)
3a
cTOJffeTifl
1893,
11
no 1892
1894
11
CraTen
no PpeiecKOH
voKh Ha pyccKOMi
1895
rojtH.
Cn6.
h
1898.
Ukazdtel' Knig i Statej po Grccheskoj Philolbgii napechdtannykh v Rvssii po 1892 god na russkom i inostrdnnykh jazykdkh, s pribavleniem za 1893, 1894 i 1895 gody = Systematic Index of Books and Articles on Greek Philology printed in Russia fro?n the xviith century to 1892 in Russian and other languages, ivith a Supplement {SisteniaticheskiJ
s
XVII stoletia
for 1893, 1894 arid 1895. See also
losPE.
11.
pp. 339
St P.
1898.)
— 344, and the half-yearly Supplement to BCA.
(v.
inf. p. xxvi).
—
—
Preliminary Bibliography^
The
Acadkmy
Impkriai.
Academia Nauk), Philological
Romains,
—
and
Melanges
(also
I5ii;iaiiTii1cKiii
{Zapiski,
IJaiiiicicii
a
Asiaiiqiies),
{Vizantijskij
ARCHAF.oi.or.iCAi.
Imi'kkiai,
Commission
The movement which publications
St
folio,
Hu^afTtm
—
,
XpoiLKa),
have not often had occasion
led to
its
in
Paris, 1892, with
[ABC]
conservces
h'oMMiicciji,
may be
classed
large
8™
by
S.
Reinach
new introduction and
in
au Musce Imperial de V Ermitage,
his
" Bil)liothe(iue des
edition instead of the
cumbrous
Bceiiojutami'ti'iiiiaru
Monuments
Figures,"
reduced almost
descriptions to the plates, vviiich are
have used
I
large
This rare book
French facing each other.
F^xcept where fine detail or colour are important
to half size.
iiai.
ApxcHuorii'iccKaji
the central organ of Russian archaeology.
establishment produced two works which
published in Russian and
1854,
is
:
Bosphore Cimnicrien P.
was reissued
HaBJis'ieuie
I
1900
Literature),
Vreniennik,
(Umiiki'atoi'ckaii
Imperatorskaja Archeologicheskaja Commi'ssia')
Antiquites du
and
Miscellany)
publications.
its
its
Historico-
ciobcciioctii (Otdclenia riisskago
11
Department of Russian Language and UpoMOiiiiiiiii.
the
Melanges Greco-
in
{Sbornik,
Cfiopiiimi.
jiituica
Impcnitorskaja
llayKi.,
Mhnoires) of
were collected articles
Also Prozorov's book above mentioned, but
1894
with
AKiWMiji
(HMiiKi-ATorcKAH the
a Bulletin from which
slovesnosti, of the
i
tlie
to cite
The
Scikncks publislies
P.,
xxv
Serials issued in Russia.
Bulletin) OrxliJioiiiji pyccKaro
M:jB'i;cTifl {/zvistia,
jazyka
of
St
Class, also
1855
and
Official Publications
A.
^
\
convenient
this
original.
OT'icra ooi,
apxco.iorii'ieciciixii
posucKaniKxi.
18-58
rii
r.
vsepbddannejshago Otcheta ob Archeologicheskikh Rozyskdniakh v 1853 godii = Extract from a most humble Report on the Archaeological Explorations in 1853), by Uvarov {/zvleclicnie iz
and Leontiev, 4'", St The Commission also the
1855.
P. is
constituted as a part of the Ministry of the Imperial Court, as
Hermitage Museum.
Compte Rendu [CR.]
From 1859
(OT>ieTT>,
to
1881
Its
most important publication
Otchet) de la
is
is
:
Commission Imperiale Archeologique.
the text (410) of this contained
a
Report
French) of the
(in
German (1859 French) dealing with various objects either yielded by recent excavations or preserved
excavations conducted in each year, and a Supplement by L. Stephani in is
in
in
the
Hermitage
;
there
were occasional woodcuts (unnumbered) and
few
very
plates
except in the text for 1872, which has as a second supplement V. Stasov's French account of a catacomb illustrated
with
each
18 plates;
part
is
accompanied by an
of six
atlas
and in Reinach's ABC. there is a short summary of the contents of this series and a meagre index to the whole. The Reports for 1882 1888 were all issued at once (sm. folio) with an atlas of the same type, a description of its six plates and an index this volume appeared in a French magnificent plates
Each
part has a superficial index,
—
;
and a Russian edition. CR. from 1889 to 1898, henceforward with
many
reports of particular excavations but
separate volume.
From 1899
no index: indices
To be distinguished from the Imp. .-Xrchacographic (Apxeorpa(t)iiMec"KaH) Comm., which publishes documents dealing with Russian history, e.g. M.
Russian (sm.
folio
without
to
the years
1882
the fuller reports have been transferred to
volume has been supplied with an index. '
in
an
atlas
cuts in the text), contained the Reports year by year, an appendix with
CR. comes
— 1898
but fuller
form a
BCA. and
each
out four or five years after date.
versions of Ps. Nestor's Chronicle, and in its Chronicle {Letopis) articles upon such subjects,
d
—
—
A
Preliminary Bibliography^ \
XX vi The Imp.
Commission has
Arcliaeological
also issued
[ASH.], two two numbers of
A7itiquites de la Scythie d'Herodote
large atlas, forming the
first
contain monographs
folio),
finds or classes of antiquities
Russia
South
308
n.
4
V.
pp. 363 n.
V.
320
p.
French) and
text (in
n.
:
Kerch, vi., xix. Kulakovskij, Catacombs at 11. (= ASH.) Malmberg and Oreshnikov, Bertier-de-La-Garde, Chersonese Finds, viii. Strzygowski and Pokrovskij, Shield (?) from Kerch, 509 n. I xiii. Malmberg and LappoXVII., xxiii. Latyshev, Inscriptions;
Nos.
:
;
VII., XII.
;
I,
553,
;
IX.,
3;
Pridik,
—
with excellent plates, dealing with the following particular
i.,
Danilevskij, Karagodeuashkh,
xxxi.
216; xxiv. Zhebelev, Panticapaean Niobids,
v.
p.
Melgunov's Find,
v.
Archaic Bronzes,
v.
South- West
p.
Russia
n.
374
xi.
:
172
p.
n.
1;
v. p. 370; Malmberg, Three
Zhebelev and
xxxii.
4.
Antonovich,
Excavations
in
the
country
of the
Drevljane
to Slav).
dates, Sc.
(all
4'",
1873,
—
Archaeology of Russia), Nos. in.
V. p.
1866,
Parts,
no Apxeojioriii Pocciii [Mat.] {Materidly po Archeolbgii Rossii, Materials for the {ASH. Leing reckoned as Nos. 1. and 11.), 1888
MaTepiaJii.1
(sm.
:
iv. Avenarius, Drogichin Cemetery (Govt. Grodno) xiv. Spitsyn North-West Russia and Romanov, Ljutsin Cemetery (Govt. Vitebsk); xxviii. Siz6v, Gnezdovo near Smolensk (Liv (?) and Slav graves x. xi. cent. a.d.). Novgorod Frescoes xxi. Examination of Suslov's scheme for restoring Frescoes in ;
:
—
:
S.
xxx. Pokryshkin, Report on restoration of S. Saviour's, Nereditsa. North Russia xviii. Brandenbourg, Barrows S. of L. Ladoga (Finnish, viii.
Sophia
;
:
XX. Spitsyn and Ivanovskij, Barrows of St P. Govt. or Finnish, xi.
—xv.
East Russia
:
x.
Cemeteries at Ljada and Tomnikovo (Tambov Govt.)
Kama and Oka (Finnish, Kama (Finnish, — xiv. a.d. i.
Smirnov, Syrian Dish from Perm Siberia:
iii.,
Transcaspia
Herat
:
:
v.,
xv., xxvii.
(vi.
I.
—
v.
p.
—
vii.
Radlofif,
xvi. Zhukovskij,
xxxiii. N.
x.
xi. a.d.);
257
n.
;
xxv. Spitsyn,
3);
xxii.
Chwohlson, Pokrovskij and
a.d.).
Antiquities of Siberia,
v.
p.
241 n.
i.
Ruins of Ancient Merv.
Commission Imp. Archiologique), large 8vo, 1901 fuller
reports
—
—Mitteilungen—de
(45 Pts in Aug.
of particular
excavations,
important enough for Mat., reports of decisions of the Commission in
;
(Slav
Veselovskij, Cauldron dated a.h.- 559.
Nos. XX. and xl.), contains
changes
xi. a.d.)
Gdov
xxvi. Spitsyn, Antt. of the Chud' folk
HsBicTiH IImh. Apx. KoMM. [BCA,] (Izvestia Imp. Arch. Conim. - Bulletin la
—
a.d.).
Antt. of the
on the
xxix. Glazov, Barrows at
;
1912, indices in
various
w^ith
articles
not
regard to proposed
churches and other ancient buildings (forming a special series called Vopr6sy
Restoration). Two numbers a year are furnished with a = Supplement), in which are collected reprints of newspaper articles touching Archaeology and a list of Archaeological publications for the half-year. restavratsii.
Questions
of
IIpHdaBJieHie [Pribavlenie
Besides these the Commission has issued
Ajs6omt.
piicyuKOBT)
iiOM'biii.eHimx'i.
bi>
pomcshchcnnykh v Otchetakh za 1882
CR. 1882— 1898),
St P.
Oriexax'!.
—
ua
1882
— 1898
1898 gbdy = Album of
rojtu
{Aldom
risunkov
Illustrations that appeared in
1906.
Also Kondakov's Russian Hoards, Smirnov's Argenterie Orientate, Kulakovskij's
Past
of Taurida, Latyshev's XlovTiKa, Rostovtsev's Decorative Painting and von Stern's Watercolour Vases,
V.
§
B.
—
—
A
Preiimi?ia7"y Bihliograpliy^ \ The
Russian Akchaeologicai. Socikty (Hmiici'atopckok
Imi'krial
OfiinccTBo) of St
Polenov, D. V.,
(v.
founded
P.,
1846, has
in
Apxco.ioiinccKoe
I'yccitoc
issued several different series of pul)lications
Tpj^OBh H.
Oooiipt.iiii!
r)ii6jii()ri)a(l)ii'u>cK0('
xxvii
I'.
A. 0., Jiihlio^rapliical
Survey of the Works of the I.R.A.S., St P. 187 1, and N. I. Vcselovskij, History of the I.R.A.S. 1846 1896, St P. 1900, pp. 97 142). 'I'liose touching the subject of this book are:
—
Mimoires de
la
—
French or German
sometimes
articles,
Ap.veojioriiuociCAro
Hmii.
gichesko-Numismaticheskago
1847
XIV.
1847
vi.
OoiuocTna,
— 1852,
Vol.
after
— Sanctpeterburgskago
Imp.
afterwards
Obshchestva,
—
in.
Archeolo-
Archeologicheskago
O.),
i.
— 1858.
H.A.O.
HaB'JiCTin
Transactions
{Zapiski
O6111,.
i.
with those appearing in
identical
Apxoojiorii'iecito-IIyMiciMaTH'iccitaro
('aiiin'iioTep6ypi'CKaro
3aniicKii
de Numismatujiie de St P., Vols.
Societe d' Archeologie et
{Izvestia
I.A.O. = Bulletin)^
\.
—
1857
x.
— 1884,
but
concerned
little
with
Prehistoric or Classical Antiquities, then took their place. :5aiiii(icii
{Zapiski [IJ.H.P.A.O.
~ TRAS.], new
revived by a resolution
series),
—
coming out in three parallel sets, Oriental (1886 General (Vols. i. ), Russian and Slavonic (Vols. in. and iv. 1882, 1887, Nos. and 11. being This last was united with the General, so that its Vols vii. ix. 1896 i.
made
—
vi.
in
— 1895)
in the old series).
— 1901
—
1882 and
1886
are each in
and West European, but restored and the old numeration resumed with Vols. v. and the Classical, etc. started afresh 1903 with Vols. I. A Numismatic section began to publish Zapiski in 1906. 1904 Society also published Koehne's Chersonese, Sabatier's Sotivenirs de Kertsch, 'i'he two
parts,
i.
Russo-Slavonic,
has a small
—
,
.
Latyshev's losPE, Inscr. It
Classical
—
—
—
ii.
Christ.,
and
Cattc.
Sc. et
Museum, Catalogue by
v.
§
B.
A. A. Spitsyn,
1908.
The Imperial Moscow Archaeological Society (Hmiikpatopckok are concerned in
Labours) are called, Moscow, 1865
lit.
ApxeojioniHecKiH
and
Notes),
MocivObckoi' Apxoo.iorii'iocKoe
Mosk6vskoe Arch. Ob.) has not produced very much with which we ,l,peBiiO('Tii {Drevnosti ^ Antiquities), as its TpyjtH {Trudy or Transactions,
OCiuccTBO = Imp.
HsBhcrid 1893
—
11
.'JaMl/rKii
—
{Archeologicheskia
fzvestia
i
Zainefki ~ Arch. Bulletin
.
MaTepiajiw no Apxeo.ioriii BocTOMUMXh
{Materials for the Archaeology of the Eastern
ryfiepiiifi
Governments), 1893 MaTepia.irj no Apxeojioriii KaBKaaa {Mat. for the Arch, of the Caucasus), IXaMHTHiiKii
important
v.
Ainalov, Lavrov, Shestakov in
has been chiefly instrumental
which the Trudy {Trans.)
1869;
St P.
XII.
.
—
series,
S'ezd), of
VII.
—
XpiicriaHCKaro XepcoHeca {Pdmfatniki Christidnskago Chersonesa - Monuments of Chersonese), Pts i., 11., in. (1905 191 1), however, promise to form a most
Christian
It
1894
11.
1872;
III.
in in
Kiev, 1875;
§
B.
organizing the Archaeological Congresses (Cvla^tT.,
4'° are IV.
most valuable.
Kazan, 1878;
They were held
v. Tiflis,
1881
;
vi.
i.
Moscow,
Odessa, 1884;
viii. Moscow, 1890; ix. Vilna, 1893; x. Riga, 1896; xi. Kiev, 1899; Kharkov, 1902; xin. Ekalerinoslav, 1905 xiv. Chernigov, 1908; xv. Novgorod, 191 1.
Jaroslav, 1887;
;
Preliminary reports of papers are publisiied in the Izvestia or Bulletin of the Congress.
The
Moscow Numismatic Society (MocKOBCKoe
HyMiiaMaTH'iecKoe
06ui,ecTB0,
Numismati'cheskoe Obshchestvo) publishes Tpyjtia {Trudy, Transactions), 1897 IlyMiiSMaTniiecKift C6opHiiK'i> {Numismaticheskif Shorn ik
Moscow University V.
§
= Numismatic
Moskovskoe and a
—
,
Miscellany), 1908
published Miller's Ossetian Studies and Oreshnikov's Catalogue oj
its
—
.
Coins,
B.
d2
—
'I'lie
Ai-Exandkr
Impf.riai.
McTopiiHecKin My:iCH
1899— 'I'lie
A
Prelijninary Bihliog7~aphy^ §
xxviii
Museum of
Historical
III.
HMemr HMiiepaTopa
:
Moscow (Hmr.
Russia,
Poccificidu
AjieKcau;i,pa III.) issues Reports (Otmcti., Otchet),
.
Imperial Historical and Antiquarian Socieiy of Odessa (Hmil OjteccKoe 06iii,ecTB0 ;I,peBHOCTeH = Imp. Odesskoe Obshchestvo Ist6rii Drevnostej) published
HcTopiii Vol. Vols. i.
I.
i
II
of
I.
;}ainiCKH
its
— XV.
are
Investigations,
ii.
4'°;
= Trans. Od. Soc]
[15.0.0.
Vols.
Materials,
xvi. iii.
—
xxx.
in
(1912)
Miscellanea,
{Zapiski
8™ have
Obituaries,
iv.
=
Transactions)
v.
1844;
in
paginations
separate
for:
Minntcs (TIporoKOJiH) of
Meetitigs. It
has also issued in sm.
Das Museum
text in
folio,
German and Russian und Alterthuniskunde :
der Kaiserlich Odessaer Gescllschaft fiir Geschichte
[Od. Mus. (1898), (1897), A. A. Pavlovskij and E. R. von Stern, [Theodosia], by E. R. von Stern.
Terra-cottas], by
Terracotten
ii.
i.
iii.
und
Theodosia
(1906),
A.
A.
—
Derevitskij,
seine
Keramik
Mysen Hiin. Oa. OGiu,. Hex. JI,p. [Od. Mus. Guide] {Krdtkij UkazdteV Musea Imp. Od. Obs/ich. = A Short Guide to the Museum of the Imp. Od. Soc), ed. 2, 1909, by von Stern, mentions some important objects not yet published.
KpaTKifi yKa.3aTCJii.
11
The Municipality of Kherson
is
{KhersonskiJ GorodskoJ Musej
issuing V.
- Kherson
Goszkewicz's XepcoHCKifi
I.
Toji'u
Museum),
(Coins)
i.
I'opoACKofi
19 10;
Myaen
(Chronicle
ii.
1909-11) 1912.
The Tauric Record Commission
ApxiiBnaa KommiiccIh, Tavn'cheskaja
(TaBpiiHecitafl yMeiiaa
Uchenaja Archivnaja Commissia) publishes
HaB'fecTiK
its
{Izvestia
=
Bulletin) since
1887,
46 numbers, 8™.
The Ministry of Public Instruction in St P. publishes its iKypnajn. [)'K.M.H.n. = Journ. Min. Pub. Instr.] monthly since 1834; it contains some articles concerning S. Russia in the body of the magazine and many in a special CI issic il Section with separate pngination. Kiev University 186 1
The
—
(the
University
of S.
Vladimir)
which Antonovich's Descriptio7i of
in
,
Archaeological Institute
Russian HucTiiTyTi,
B'l,
in
publishes its
H3Bt,CTiH
{Izvestia
=
Bulletin),
coins appeared.
ConstantinoplJ!;
KoHCTaHTiinoiio.'if.) publishes H:5Bl;cTiji
Apxeojioni'iecKift
(Pyccitiri
{Izvestia) but they are not
concerned
wiih our region.
Private Magazines in Russian npoiiHJieii {Propylaea), ed. P.
Leontiev,
v.
«I>iiJiojioriiqecKoe OooijpliHie {Philologicheskoe
now ropMec'B,
8™, Moscow, 1851
— 1856.
Obozrenie ~ Philological Review), Moscow, 1891
—
,
defunct. Hay'iiio-iionyjiHpHHri
Scientific S.
vols.
Messenger
of the
B1!Cthiikt>
Ancient
AnTiiiHaro
Mipa {Germes,
World),
P.
St
1907
—
,
i.e.
ed.
Hermes, a Popular A.
I.
Maiein
and
O. Cybulski.
ApxeojioniiecKafl JliToniiCb DatHofi Pocciii {Archeologicheskafa Chronicle of S. Russia), published Starind,
1899
— 1901,
Letopis Jtizhnoj
Rossii,
Arch.
by N. Th. Belashevskij as a supplement to Kievskafa
and then independently, Kiev, 1903
— 1905.
—
H.
AinAlov, D. V.
(AiiiuuoB'r.,
XpaMOB'i>
{Pdtnjatniki
Clirislian
Chersonese,
Antonovich, V.
B.
and medals preserved Arkas,
(Apitach,
Z.
Ashik, A.
Kcp'iciiCKUi
chenskia
A
bi.
sv.
IIo.ayocTpoBa
of the
Kiev,
Vladimir).
S.
Peninsula
Heracleati
1896.
010 {Opisdnie
,'I,peBiio('Teii
11
and
its
and Nicolaev. 1H79.
11.
HapcTBo {Vosporskoe Tsdrstvo = The Bosporan Kin};dom).
Bociiopcivoo
(AiiiiiK'h, A.).
xpaiiflmiixcji
Monet i Meddlej Vladlmira = Descr. of coins
{Opisdnie
of the Univ. of
Drevnostej ego = Descr.
i
Trans. Od. Soc. Vol.
Odessa, 1848
4".
Universiteta
MoAa.ici1
11
BjiajU'Jiipii
HpaKjiiricKaro
Oiiiicaiiio
Pohiostrova
Iraklijskago Antiquities).
Museum
in the Nuniisni.
'{.).
cb.
Musec
khranjdshchiklisja v numismaticheskom
Pa:tBa.iiiiiiJ
i.
Klirdmov - Monuiiicnts of
Razvdliny
Moiioti.
Oiiiicaiiic
!>.).
yiiiiBcpciiTOTa
My;ici.
l.
Moscow, 1905.
Ruins of Churches).
i.
(AiiToiioBii'ii.,
H.
iiyMii:!MaTii'i(>cK()Mi.
Cliersonesa,
etc.
Xciuoiioca,
XpiiCTiaiicicaro
IliiMiiTiiiiKii
B.).
;!,.
Cliristid/iska^^o
xxix
[^J
of Jyooks published in Russia,
Titles
/''////
— f)
B
Prelimina?y Bibliog7~aphy^ \
— 1849. O
liaraKOMot.
nairniKaiiCHCKofi
/I,peBHOCTir.
Dreimosti.
Pantikapejskoj
Panticapaean Catacomb adorned with frescoes).
Bertier-ue-La-G.-vrue, A. L.
yKpaiiiciiiioil
{Kir-
4'Pft'ivaMii
Catacbmbe ukrdshennoj frescami = Antt. of Kerch.
(r)Op'ri.e-;l,ojiarap;vi.,
A.
Odessa,
Folio.
06inaro Karajioia Moiieri)
lIoiipaBitii
.1.).
1845.
BypaMKOBa {Poprdvhi Obshchago Catdloga Afonet P. O. Burachkbva - Corrections 4'*'. Moscow, 1907. of P. O. B.'s General Coin Cat.). II.
0.
BoBRiNSKoj, Ct A. A. (BoopiiHCKoR, III.
1887
St P.
Folio.
vols.
rpai|)i.
A. A.).
Cjiluia
— 1901. 8™.
St
iioji,HPceiiiiFjfi
Tp.
Xepcoueci. TaBpiiHecKiu (Chersonesus Taurica). ApxeojioriiMCCKiixh C'raTeu
C6opiiiiKi.
{Smela [Sm.J,
P.
v.
175
p.
n.
i),
1905.
A.
A.
B.
bt.
25
Jicub
Ji'hTiH
Komm. 1886-1911 {Sbbrnik Archeologicheskikh Statej podnesennyj Gr. A. A. B. v den' 25 letia predseddtel'stva ego v Imp. Arch. Comm. = Miscellany [Misc.] of Archaeological Articles presented to Ct A. A. B. on the 25M antiiversary of his J'residency of the Imp. Arch. Conunission, 1886— 191 1) [resume, Arch. Anz. 191 2, pp. 147 npeAct.;i,aTCjibCTBa ero bi.
8™.
T53].
BoNNELL, E.
Braun, Fr. V
St P.
1.
Beitrdge zur Alterthumskunde Russlands. ra.uJCKainji
(Bpayiri,, 0. A.).
Pt
bi,
8^°,
11.
vols.
St P.
1882,
o6jiacTii roro-ciaBHiiCKiixT, onroiiieniri
Otnoshenij = hivestigations
Goto-Slaifinskihh
bblasti
Relations),
in
the province
(BpoKray:n.-E4)poH'b).
= Encyclopaedia).
8"'°.
St P.
3Hu,HKJioneAii'iccKiii c.
CjiOBapt
1897.
[Razyskdnia
of Gotho-Slavonic
Sbbrnik, Russian section of the Ac. of Sc. St P. Vol. lxiv.
i.
Brock haus-Jefron Slovdr'
191
Hmii. Apx.
12,
1899.
{Entsiclopedicheskij
1900 and Supplements.
2 Pts. From iJaiiiicKH ^epHOMopbe {Chernojnbrje - The Black Sea Region). Yi Mmh. HoBopocciiicKaro J'miBepciiTeTa {Zapiski hup. Novorossijskago Universiteta), Vols,
Brui;n,
XXX.
xxviii.,
Burachkov,
p.
jKamuxi,
Catalog Rossii
Odessa, 1879, 1880.
O. [B. or Bur.] (Bypa'iKOB'b,
Bji-iifHCKHMi.
Monet prinadlezhdshchikh
= General
li'hat is noui S.
Funduklej,
I.
in
II.
(yHAyKjieri,
Valbv
Kiev Govt).
4'", I.).
i
Pt
i.
0.).
npcA'feJiaxb
EUinskim
Catalogue of Coins belonging Russia).
Obozrenie Mogil, (
Camps
KojioiiiflMb...B'b
(all
Ooiuift
to
issued).
the
Greek
Colofiies...
Pocciii
iipiiiia;i,Jie-
{Obshchij
nyneshnej Jiizhnoj
within the bounds of
Odessa, 1884.
OooapIiHie Moriijn>, Ba.iOBb k
1848.
romHoil
Colbniam...v predelakh
Gorodishch Kievskoj Gubernii
Kiev,
KaTajion, Moiion,
HUH'tmHeu
ropoji;!!!!!,!.
KieBCKoH FyCcpHiH
= Surrey of Barrows, Banks and
XXX
B
Preliminary Bibliography^ §
Chr. [G.]. Kleine Beitrdge [Kl. Moscow, 1886.
B.]
GiEL,
GoERTZ,
K.
K.
Ed.
Peninsula).
up
to
.
.
Tsirkvi
11.
Acad, of Sc.
8^^^,
h
Hscji-feAOBaHiii
O'lKptiTiu i
E.
E.
(rojiy6iiHCKi»,
Hist. Puss.
GoRODTs6v, V. A.
Ed.
Ch.).
Ha TaMaHCKOMi.
Otkrytij na Tatndnskom
Moscow, 1901
HepKBii
PyccKoft
Hcropiii
E.).
11.
(ropoji,uoBT), B. A.).
Apxeojiorifl {Pervobytnaja Archeologia
TTepBofihiTHaH
BuTOBaa Apxeojioria {Bytovdja Arch. = Cultural Arch.). M. 1910. These books came too late for me to make use of them in Chapters GoszKEWicz, V.
and
(roiiiKCBmn,, B. H.).
I.
I.
H.
(ilrnMT),
Karamzin, N.
St P.
B.
and
I.
—
ix.
Dr^nosti = Treasure-
i
Pocciii h
B.).
Asia {Rossia
Asia).
i
St P.
1876.
.
1884.
(KapaM3nHi>,
Khanenko =
{Kiddy
;I,peBHOCTii
iv.
Hernpe KpnTiiKO-najieorpa(})ii
Rossijskago - Hist, of
Khanenko,
Kjia;i,Ki
it
B.).
graphicheskia Statfi
Acad, of Sc.
=
Kherson, 1903.
Antiquities).
Grigoriev, V. V. (rpuropBeBi, B. Jagic,
Russkof
{Istoria
— 1904.
Moscow, 1908.
Primitive Arch.).
trove
1898.
P.
St.
1859 g. = Hist. Conspectus of Arch. Invest, and Discoveries on Taman Pen. St P. 1898. Ed. I. Drevnosti, iv. (1876). Ed. 11. 8™, Acad, of Sc.
E.
—
Ed.
(1870).
11.
{Istorkhesktj Obzbr Arch. Izsledovanij
r.
4'°.
Tonorpa4)ia TaMaHCKaro IIojyocTpoBa Tamdnskago Pohibstrova = Arch. Topogr. of t/ie Tainan
ApxeojiorHiecKHX't
1859
Siidrusslatids.
.do
.
1859).
GoLUBfNSKij,
Drevnosti,
063op'b ;^o
.
.
Numismatik
ApxeoJioniHecKas
K.).
Topogrdphia
i.
HcTopii'iecKifi
HojiyocTpoBt.
Polubstrove
K.
(TepuT,,
{Archeo/ogic/ieskaja
zur Atitiken
(G—K)
Collection
HcTopia
H.).
Russian
t lie
V.
(XaneHKO,
I.
Khanenkd).
FocyAapcTBa
State).
B.
FoHo.
St P.
1816
H.
B.
it
Gosuddrstva
{Istbria
—
XaHeHKO
Co6paHie
H.).
1899
Kiev,
PocciScKaro
— 1826. {Sobrdnie
.
Klementz, D. (KjieMGHU'L, \.). Jl,peBHOCTii MiiHyciiHCKaro Myaea {Drevnosti Minusinskago Musija = Antt. of Minusinsk Museum). Tomsk, 1886.
Koehne,
HacjiiAOBaHia o6i> HcTopin h JI.peBHOCTax'b Popojia XepcoHeca TaBpiiiecKaro
B. de.
ob
{Izsledovattia
Istbrii i
Drivnostjakh
History and Antiquities of the
into the
Archaeologico-Numismatic Soc.
St
P.
its
Mcmoires,
v.
Description du
KoNDAKov, N. Jl,peBUOCTH
p.
inf.
p.
Gbroda Chersonesa city
of Chersofiesus
St P.
1848.
Tavricheskago = Investigations
Published
Taurica).
The German
text
by the
had appeared
Musee de feu
le
Prince Kotschoubey [MK.].
(KoHjiaKOBt, H. n.), with Ct
Ba IlaMaTHiiKax'b
I.
I.
HcKyccTBa {Riisskia
2
vols.
Tolstoj (Pp.
I.
St P.
4'°.
I.
1857.
PyccKia
ToJicTori).
Drevnosti v Pdmjatnikakh Iskusstva
—
1
=
—
Russian Antt. in Motiutnetits of Art), vi. Pts, 4'°. St P. 1888 1899. S. Reinach issued Pts i. iii. as Antiquites de la Russie Meridionale [KTR.]. Paris,
in
551.
4'°.
89 1.
KoNDAKov, N. {Riisskie
P.
Pyccide
KjiajtH,
H3Cjiiji;oBaHie
Kiddy, Izsledovanie Drevnostej
Investigation into the Antiquities of the
not appeared).
Issued by the Arch.
JI,peBHocTeH
BejiiiKOKHaatecKaro
Velikoknfdzheskago Perioda
Grand Ducal
Comm.
St P.
Period).
ITepiojia
- Russian Hoards, an
Folio.
Pt
i.
(Pt
11.
has
[896.
KuLAKOvsKij, J. A. (KyjiaKOBCKift, K). A.). Kapxa EBponeRcKori CapMaiiii {Kdrta Evropejskof Sarmdtii po Ptolemefu). Folio. Kiev, 1899.
no
IlTO.iieMeio
Preliminary Bibliography^ KuLAKOVsKij,
A.
J.
LamAnskij, V. B. H.
Jl.
II 1)0111. IOC
Comm.
by the Arch.
(.laMaiicKiri,
I.
Kiev,
Lappo-Danilevskij, A. S. Drivnosti = Sc. Antt.).
LAtvshkv, V. V.
V. I.
(JIaTHiiicBi>, B.
and
1890, Vol.
II.
and such
graffiti
found during
like,
061. Hcxopiii
Vol.
which
III.,
to contain
is
BCA.,
Russ. Arch. Soc. Scythica et
cum
et
Cauc]
[Sc. et
1885,
containing inscriptions
v.,
Juzhnof Rossii -
More
1896.
[Inscr.
Pocciii
lOiKiiofi
ii;ii.
iz
Collection
recent inscrip-
by the Imp.
Inscr. Christ, are published
No
Vol.
TRAS.
to
Graecis
Scriptoribus
e veteribus
Latyschev.
a Supplement
as
Greek, Vol.
i.
or as Vols.
xi.
et
Latinis
and Vol.
ii.
collegit
Issued
Latin.
11.
in
of the
11.
index.
A
(Russian.
IIon-iKa
Both losPE. and
Rossica edidit B.
— 1906,
Classical Series.
BCA.
1.
on amphorae,
P.
St.
Caiicasica
versione
1890
parts,
or
iv.
Vol.
4'".
inscriptions
Vol.
XpiiCTiaHCKiixt BpeMGHi.
CfiopHiiKi rpeiecKiixi Hajiniiceft
losPE.
Investigations
----
said to be contemplated.
is
Christ.] {Sbbrnik Grecheskikh Nddpisej Christidnskikh Vremen 8™. of Greek Inscriptions of Christian Times from S Russia). tions are in
rocvAiipcTBciiiioMi. Crpot.
ii
Reprinted from Journ. Miu. Puhl.
being prepared by E. M. Pridik.
is
{Skytkskia
.XpeBiiocrii
Gosuddrstvennom Strbe goroda Ol'vii
century and published in
this
CiniocKifl
1887.
1 90 1.
IV.
Articles
1887.
iv.
Huc.if.jtOBaiiiii
B.).
iioK.ioiiiiiiKiiMii
= Miscellany of
V. I. L.
Orae Septentrionalis Ponti Euxini [losPE.].
Inscripttones Antiqtiae
Vol.
Issued
1908.
P.
C).
A.
Sect. Vol.
Slav.
eio
nocB}iiuniiiii.ix'r>
Constitution of the city of Olbid).
Jan.— Apr.
St P.
Instr.
St
vols.
2
L.).
ropoAti O-ibBiii {Izslcdovania ob Istbrii i into the History
xxxi
Past of Tauridd).
T/ie
pokldntiikaiiti
(\i^6
(.Taiiiio-JI,aHiijeBCKifi,
TRAS.
('raTcfi
(Joopiiiiici.
{Sdornik Stattf posvjashcluntiykh
dedicated by his admirers to
[K—N)
1906.
W).
J}.
Tavrldy =
{Pros/i/oe
lip ii/UJ
I'ii
8^".
B
§
of
selection
his
and
scientific
on
articles
critical
History,
the
Archaeology, Geography and Epigraphy of Scythia, the Caucasus and the Greek Colonies
on the shores of the Black
LAvROv,
A.
P.
(.'laBpoBt,
the
Chersonian
Chersonese.
Mansvetov,
I.
SS.
Moscow, D.
Miller, Vs. Th. 3 Pts, 8"°.
Nestor
19
bTj
NiEDERLE,
L.
P.
1897.
Lidstvo
v
doistoricheskia
1898.
H.
JI^.).
rpeKO-CjaBfliicKoii
bi.
of
11.
Oimcanie
HcTopiiiecKoe
= Lives of Monuments of Chr.
no to
Chersonese
and
the
.laBpeHTieBCKOMy
EtfMy =
CniicKy
vremend) [Preh.
Man]
by Th.
11
otkrytykh in
it).
Ossetian Studies).
in
po
Lavrentievskomy
issued
by the Archaeo-
{Letopis
Ed.
iii.
French Translation by L. Leger,
bi.
i
— 1887.
Laurentian Version).
Me-iOBt'iecTBO
Xepcoiieca
monuments discovered
OceTiiiicKic Btiojiij {Osetinskie
the
.^pcBiuiro
Opisdnie drHinfago Chersonesa
dobe predhistoricke {Man
Translated into Russian as
St P.
No.
Literature).
Hist. Descr. of Anc.
.T-feToniicb
St
1909.
Greco-Slavjdnskoj Pis' jnennosti
Published by the Univ. of Moscow, 1881
Comm.
Dr
7>
iiaMiiTHiiKOBi {Istoricheskoe
Spisky - Chronicle according graphic
Svjatykh
St P.
n.
(MiLi.iepi>, Be. 0.).
(so-called).
Cbhthxi.
XepcoiiCKiixi.
./KiiriH
Graeco- Slavonic
in
(MaHCBexoBi.,
hcml %) ncm pdmjatnikov — Moscow, 1872. OTKpi.rniixT>
A.).
IT.
Chersonskikh
{Zhitid
IIiicbMCHHOCTii
Comm.
Issued by the Imp. Arch.
8^°.
Sea).
Paris,
Prehistoric
jioiicTopH'iecKiH
K. Volkov and
1884.
Time).
Bpemoiia ed.
by
Prag,
1893.
{Chelo7'echestvo 1).
v
N. Anuchin,
Preliminary Bibliography^
xxxii
B
§
(^N—S)
Dr L. Staroveke Zprrivy o zemepisu vychodni PLvropy se zfetelem na zeme Slovanske {Descriptio Europae Regionum quae ad orientem spedant veterum Scriptorum locis
NiEDERLE,
Cecil,
iiiuslrata),
" Rozpravy
from
ceske
Akademie
slovesnost
a iimeni" [Trans. Cech Acad, of
VII.
Prag,
I.
i.
Emp.
Frantiska Josefa
pro
vedy,
for Sc,
and
Art).,
Cimmerischen Bosporus.
8™.
Ci'safe
Eraficis Joseph
1899.
Slovanske Starozilnosti [Slavonic Antiquities) [Slav. Ant.].
Or£;shnikov, A. V.
Lit.
A.
B.).
JlpcBiiocTefi
Tp.
(OpIsiiiiiiiKOBh,
Zur Miinzkutide
Prag, 1902^
des
—
.
Moscow, 1883. Karajior'h
HapcTBa
Cofipauiii
II
JI,peBnerpc>iecitiixi
A.
('.
Bun.
ysapoBa;
ropoji,OBi. iiaxoAiiBiiiiixcji
bi.
[Catalog Sobrdnia Drevnostej Gr. A. S. Uvdrova, Vyp. i
Drevnegricheskikh
MoHeTU
vii.
vii.
BociiopcKaro
HUH'IiiiiHeri
iipeji,f,jiax7.
Pocciii
Monety Vospbrskago Tsdrstva
Gorodbv tiakhodivshikhsja v predelakh tiyncshnej Rossii = Cat. of the
of Antt. of Ct A. S. Uvarov, Ft vn. Coins of the Bosporan Kingdofn and of the Moscow, 1887. ancient Greek cities within the limits of modern Russia) [Cat. Uvarov]. 4'". Coll.
MocKOBCitOMy yHHBepcHTeiy Monet prinadlezhdshchikh Imp. Moskbvskomy Universitetu = Published by the Cabinet belonging to the Imp. Moscow Univ.).
Oiiiicanie JI,peBiie-rpe'iecKnxi. Moiicti. iipiinaji.JiejKauuix'B Hmii.
[Opisd/iie
Drevne-grcchcskikh
Descr. of ancient Greek coins
Moscow
of Fine Arts,
MaTei)ia.iM no
Numistndtike
Univ., 8™,
Jl,peBiieri
PoDSHiVALOV, A. M.
'lepHOMopcitaro IlofiepejKba [Materidly po drevnej
HyMiKjMaTiiict.
Poberezhia
Chernotnbrskago
Black Sea Coast).
1891.
[Mat. for Num.] (IToAiniiBajiOBTi,
= Mat. touching the Moscow, 1892.
ancient
Numismatics of
the
8™.
Beschreibung der unedirten und wenigbekannten
A. M.).
und Bosp. Cimm. aus der Sammlung A. M.
Afiinzen von Sarmatia Europaea, Cher. Taur.
P.
Moscow, 1882. HyMii3MaTiniecKiri KadiiHexT, MocKOBCKaro ny6jiHMHaro 11 PyMflHueBCKaro MyaeeBi., i. [Numism. Cabinet of Moscoiv Public and Rumjantsev Museums, i. Sarm., Cher. T., Bosporus). Moscow, 1884.
PoMjALovsKij,
I.
V. (IToiniJiOBCKiri, H. B.).
KaBKaaa [Sbornik Grecheskikh Inscrr. of the Caucasus).
RosTOVTSEv, M.
Made
CoopiiiiKi. Fpe^iecKiixi
11
Nddpisej Kavkdza -
Latinskikh for
M.
(PocTOBUCB'i),
I.
i
.laTiiHCKiixi.
HaAniiceil
of Gr.
and Lat.
Coll.
the vth (Tiflis) Arch, Congress, St P.
H.).
1881.
FocyAapcTBeHHaro OrKyna Bh PiimckoR
HcTopiii
HMnepiii [Istoria Gosuddrstvennago Otkupa v Rimskoj Imperii = History of State Contracts in the Romafi Empire). Also in German, Leipzig, 1902. St P. 1899. AuTii'iHaH JleKopariiBHaH /Kiibohiici, Ha E)rt. Pocciii [Antichnaja Decorat'ivnaja Zhivopis'
na Juge Rossii - Ancient Decorative Paifiting Issued by the Arch. Comm. too late for my Sabatier, p.
Num.
Souvenirs de Kertsch
Soc. St P.
.Safarik, p.
1849.
A
'et
chronologic
in
S. Russia).
use.
St
J.
(CaMOKBacoB'h, \.
Hist, of Russian
Law).
Pt
11.
Folio,
many coloured
in
Prag,
Issued by the Arch.
1851.
1862-3.
HcTopin Pyccicaro IIpaBa Warsaw, 1884.
fl.).
plates.
1913.
du royaume du Bosphore.
Russian translation appeared
Slovanske Starozitnosti [Slavonic Antiquities).
Samokvasov, D.
P.
[Istoria Riisskago
Prdva =
Shestakov, S. p. (lIIecTaKOB'i,, C. 11.). O'lepKii 110 Hcropiii Xepconeca bt> vi-x B-feKax'i, no P. Xp. [Ocherki po Istbrii Chersonesa v vi x vekdkh po R. Chr. = Sketches of the Hist, No. in. of Monuments of Chr. Chersonese. of Chersonese in the vith xth cetduries a.d.). Moscow, 1908.
—
—
—
Pre/imina?y Pr.
SiBlRSKij,
Phistoire
a.
a.
Bihliogj-ap/iy^
Catalogue des Mddai/ks de
el les a/iliqiiili's
Vol.
pays.
ce
i.
B
\
[s—'/}j^
dti
Bosphore
all
produced.
prkiW
Citnmdrien
St P.
4'".
d\'tudes
sur
1859.
A Russian
exist.
Fragments
was produced next year but only three or four coi)ies of either Trans. Od. Soc. and TRAS. first series.
translation
xxxiii
^-'(^0
are published in
and Marti,
Skoki'ii,, V. V. liypraii'li
Bh
Kiirgdne
v
rop.
Ki'rchi
gor.
KopaMii'iccKiji Ila.uiiicii xpainiini)ic)i
J. J.
- Ceramic
ri> ]\r(M('K
Nadpisi kliranjaslichiasja
{Keramicheskia
Kop>iii
Inscrr.
in
i.-Mccmciickomi,
v Mvlek-Chesmciiskoin
Melek-Chesme Barro7V,
the
Kcnii).
4'".
Odessa, 19 10.
Smirnov, II
(C.MiipiioHi.,
I.
J.
Poccii1cKoi1
IlMiiopiii
Argenterie
130 plates.
Folio,
G.
Spasskij,
A.
introduction
P.
Sbornik = Arcli.-Num. Miscellany).
Stern, E. R. von.
Sumarokov,
p. (CyMapoKOBi.,
of a Crimean Judge). T0LST61, Ct
I.
I.
UvAROv, Ct A.
S.
Pocciii:
I.
St
Pp.
P.
\\.
;
KpumcKaro
Cy;tbii {Dosiigi
also transliterated
E.
(i5af)f>.iiiiri>,
Life).
11.
M.
Siidji
= Leisure
Ouvaroft").
ApxcoJoriH Age).
8™.
Moscow, 1876.
very short, have been
Abbreviations.
left
Antwerp, 1643
Anon.
Anonymi
Periplus Ponti Eu.xini, in
Ant. Gem.
.'\.
Ant. Sib.
W.
Arch. Anz.
Archciologischer
F'urtwangler,
which have not been
v.
—
.
A, p. xxv.
i;
GGM.
Die Antiketi Gemmen.
or Sc. et Cauc.
Berlin,
v.
1886
Berlin,
Instituts. §
Suppl.
Anzeiger,
A,
p.
—
to
Jahrb.
Arch. Soc, q.v. in
25.
k.
v.,
deutschen
xv.,
xxvii.
Archciologischcn
.
g
A,
p.
Antiquites de la Scythie d'Herodote.
Ath. Mitt.
Afitteilungen des k. deutschen Arch.
Aus
W.
Sibirien.
Oerliard, Auslesene Gr.
in
connexion with the Imp. Moscow
xxvii.
ASH.
Aus
p.
xxviii.
Russian Archaeological Congresses held
RadlofF,
d.
v.
1900.
Radloff, "Antiquities of Siberia " in Mat., Nos. in.,
Chron. of S. Russia,
E.
titles
unexplained.
ABC.
Arch. Congress.
Theodosia, 1884.
Hcropia PyccKOil rKnauii {Istoria Riisskoj Zhizni - History
E.).
vols.
Antiquites du Bosphore Cimmerien.
M.
To
F'olio.
A.
Krymskago
Uwarow and
OcoAOciii {Theodosia).
B. K.).
(niiiiorpa;i,OBT.,
Acta Sanctorum (BoUandi).
A.V.
Vases). §
Kdmennyj Vek = Arch, of Russia: Stone
AA.SS.
Sib.
{Ank.-Num.
Kondakov.
Ordinary abbreviations of classical authors and their works, and
Arch.
Coopiiiiivi>
= Watercolour See too Odessa Soc. in
191 3.
V.
C.
down
trotivk I-'rench.
Moscow, 1882.
of Russian
cut
in
/m/x'rii
1803-5.
11.).
(YBapoBh, Pp. A. C.
Vinogradov, V. K. Zab^lin,
P.
,l,ocyrii
II.).
4'''.
(To.icroit,
St
or
et
Moscow, 1850.
4'".
KaMeHiiurt Bfeui. {Arch. Rossii:
vols.
II.
Comm.
.\rch.
Rossijskoj
1909.
Ba;$H (^A(juarcl' nya Vdzy
AiiBapcir.iirJH
be issued by the
V.
iipoALiaxi,
Zolotbj Pcsiidy
i
argent
en
Apxeojioro-HyMii;iMarii'it'CKiii
A.).
Bi>
Russian, table of localities
in
Issued by the Arch. Comni. St
(Ciiaccidii,
v predelakh
orientate
vaisselle
Copci'ip)! 11011
,[,poBnliriiiieii
iipciiMyiuccTBCuiio
Atlas Drevm'jshej Sen'brjanoj
d'ancienne
Short
Russie).
Ar.iaci.
tiajdennoj preimiislichestvenno
Recueil
Orientate.
principalenient en
Oei)o6po.
Ilpoiicxoaijteiiiji iiafiAcmioii
{Voslochnoe Serebro.
Proiskhozhdenia
Vostochnagp --
BocTOuiioe
II.).
jl.
IIocyAM Hocro'iiiaro
oo.iOToil
Leipzig,
v.
A,
S
Instituts.
xxvi.
p.
.Athens,
1876
1884.
Vasenbilder.
Berlin,
1840.
e
Abbreviations^ B
XXXIV Burachkov.
Bur. (coins).
B.,
v.
B,
§
—K
xxix.
p.
BCA.
Bulletin de la Commission Impcriale Archeologi(/iie.
v.
BCH.
Bulletin de Correspondance Hellenique.
—
B.de-La-G.
BG.
Athens, 1877
Bertier-de-La-Garde. Beschreibung,
B.M.
British
Bobrinskoj Misc.
V.
BSA.
B,
§
University,
Bull, of XII. Arch.
v.
_
\
v.
§
Coins.']
,^
}•
Uvarov.
Cat.
§
,.
V.
«!
p.
A,
V.
A,
^ B,
Cat.
386
v. p.
n. 6.
London, 1896.
s.v.
Kiev.
xxvii,
s.v.
Imp. Moscow Arch. Soc.
.
)i
K.
5
,
xxvm.
\i.
i^
xxv.
p.
••
^^
xxxii,
p.
s.v.
.
•,
,
Ureshnikov.
J
CIAtt.
Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum (= IG.
CIG.
Corpus Inscriptionutn Graecarum (Boeckh).
CIL.
Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. Classical Revieiv.
Rev.
Khanenko.
Coll.
v.
B, p. xxx, s.v.
§
London, 1887 Khanenko.
—
.
Comm. Imp. Arch.
CR.
Compte Rendu de
K. Miillenhoff, Deutsche Altertumskunde.
Dar.
et Saglio.
Daremberg
la
Numorum
Eckhel, Doctrina
Drevnosti.
v.
'E«^.
'E<^T/ju,€pis 'Ap^aioAoytKT^'.
Athens, 1837
Rome, 1872
A, p. xxvii,
§
s.v.
Eph. Epigr.
Ephemeris Epigraphica. C.
Furt.
A. Furtwangler,
p.
xxv.
1870
— 1900. 1877
Paris,
—
.
—
—
,
Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum.
Miiller,
Paris,
1841-70.
Berhn, 1883.
Vettersfelde.
FitzwiUiam Museum, Cambridge. Giel.
GGM.
C. Miiller, Geographi Graeci Minores.
H.
Hudson.
Paris,
1855-61.
Hermitage. Herodotus.
Her.
HN.
B. V.
IG.
Inscriptiones Graecae.
Inscr.
A,
Vienna, 1792—98.
Veterum.
G. (coins).
(coins).
§
Berlin,
Imp. Mosc. Arch. Soc.
FHG. (coins).
v.
et Saglio, Dictionnaire des Aniiquites.
D.N.V. 'Ap;(.
11).
i,
DA.
Chr.
losPE. J.
BM. Jeioellery,
:
Chersonese.
Cher.
FW.
and Berlin Coin
xxxii,
p.
Greek Coins
xxviii,
p.
„
j
Moscoiv Univ.
Cat.
A,
§
^
Bull. Imp. Ac. Sc. St P.
B,
§
Cat. of
Bobrinskoj.
s.v.
C-ple.\
Taur. Rec. C.
Bull.
=
the British School at Athens. v.
Congress,
Bull, of ' Russian Inst, in
BMC.
:
xxix,
p.
Podshivalov,
e.g.
Museum
Annual of
Bulletin of Kiev
FI.
•
(coins).
Beschr.
CI.
A, p. xxvi.
§
Head, Historia Numorum.
Christian Inscriptions of S. Russia. Inscriptiones Antiquae
Jurgiewicz,
(coins).
JUS.
Oxford, ^1887, ^1911.
v.
p.
"i
Orae Septentrionalis Ponti Euxini.)
v.
§
s.v.
B, p. xxxi,
Latyshev.
449.
Journal of Hellenic Studies. v. § A, p. xxviii.
London, 1881
—
.
Journ. Min. Publ. Instr.
—
JRAS. J{R)AS. Khan.
Bengal.
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. London, 1834 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Calcutta, 1832 Khanenko. v. § B, p. xxx.
Kl. B.
Ch. Giel, Kleine Beitrdge.
KTR.
N. P. Kondakov, Paris,
I.
I.
v.
§
.
—
.
B, p. xxx.
Tolstoi, S. Reinach, Antiquites de la Russie Meridionale.
1891.
I
K— Z
Ahhreviatio7is^
KW.
G. von
Kieseritzky, C.
Berlin,
Watzinger,
xxxv
Griechische
aus Siidntss/an,/.
Grahreliefs
1909.
V. V. Latyshev.
I.at.
L.-D.
Lappo-Uanilevskij.
M. (coins). M. Mat.
Minns.
v.
R,
J?
xxxi.
p.
Moscow. Materials touching the Archaeology of Russia published by the Imp. Arch.
Com.
St
1888—.
P.
V.
A,
S
xxvi.
p.
Mat. Arch. Cauc.
Materials touching the Archaeology of the Caucasus published by the Imp. Mosc. Arch. Soc. v. A, p. xxvii.
Mat. for Num.
Oreshnikov, Materials for the Numismatics of the Black Sea Coast.
J5
1892.
V.
MK.
B.
Mon. Mon.
Monumenti Monuments
Ined. Plot.
Coin Cat.
Mosc.
de Koehne, Mus('e Kotschoubey.
v.
^
Plot.
B, p. xxxii,
s.v.
Pliny,
,
f
.>
V.
ij '^
lerra-cottas.)
Naples,
1824.
v.
§
A,
p.
xxvii.
'
Oreshnikov.
Os. Studies.
Vs. Th. Miller, Ossetian Studies,
P. (coins).
Pick.
Per. P.E.
Periplus Ponti Euxini, after Latyshev, Sc.
^o^TlKa.
v.
Man.
§
v.
p.
Man.
L. Niederle, Prehistoric
A,
P.- IV.
Pauly-Wissowa, Encyclopiidie.
p.
§
B,
xxxi.
p.
et
Cauc. pp. 271
v.
§
Rheinisches
1894
Stuttgart,
—
.
Antt.
V. V. Latyshev, Scythica A. S.
Ant.
Sib.
Vogell.
V.
et
6.
A,
p.
xxviii.
Rome, 1886
Cassel,
—
—
.
.
1908.
Caucasica.
v.
-^
P.
St
B, p. xxxi.
TRAS.
v.
§
1890
— 1906.
B, p. xxxi.
Ant. Sib.
L.
Sm.
Ct A. A. Bobrinskoj, Smela.
Niederle, Slavonic Antiquities,
v.
§
B,
v. § B, p. xxix,
p.
and
xxxii. p.
175 n.
St P. 1887
i.
— 1902.
Stephanos Byzantius.
Byz.
St Petersburg.
St P.
Sylloge, e.g. Dittenberger.
Syll.
Trans. Mosc.
Trans.
n.
339
p.
Lappo-Danilevskij, Scythian Antiquities in
Slav. Ant.
St.
v.
§
Frankfurt-a.-M., 1842
deutschen Archdologischen Instituts.
d.
Sammlung
Boehlau,
;
v.
Sitzungsberichte.
Cauc.
et
Museum fiir Philologie. Bonn, 1827-41
Mitteilungen J.
p. 25.
B, p. xxxi.
Report of the Historical Museum at Moscow, Mommsen, Roemische Geschichte.
Rh. Mus. Rom. Mitt. Samml. SB.
cf. inf.
xxviii.
Rep. Hist. Mus. Mosc.
R.G.
— 288,
Latyshev.
B, p. xxxi, S.v.
v.
§
v.
449.
Propylaea.
Sc.
.
A, ^ p. xxvni.
Or. (coins).
Sc.
—
\
„,
Od. Mus.
Preh.
Rome, 1857
.
Odessa.
Od. Mus. Guide. ,
Paris,
Naturalis Historia.
Numismatic Miscellany,
O. (coins). ,
xxx.
B, p.
i^
Oreshnikov.
NH.
^
1894 —
Paris,
Real Museo Borbonico.
Misc.
v.
Inediti del! Instituto Archeologico.
Mus. Borb.
Num.
Moscow,
B, p. xxxii.
§
Num.
Od. Soc.
Soc.
Transactions of the
Moscow Numismatic
Society,
v.
Transactions of the Odessa Historical and Archaeological Society,
Trans. {Imp.) Russ. Arch. Soc.\
TRAS.
A, p. xxvii. v. §
A,
p. xxviii.
Transactions of the Imp. Russian Archaeological Society. V.
J
§
U. (coins).
Uvarov
Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenldndischen
v.
!^
St P.
A, p. xxvii.
ZMDG.
Coll.
§
B, p. xxxii, s.v. Oreshnikov. Gesellschaft.
Leipzig,
1845
—
e 2
.
—
XXXVl
MUSEUMS Objects
The
from coins
(a[)art
Museums
following
for
which see
p.
66 1) from
S.
Russia are well represented in the
:
Herinitage at St P. receives the best things from the excavations of the Archaeological Far the greater part of objects mentioned below are, largely from chance finds. Objects from South Rus.sia are also represented is otherwise indicated, in the Hermitage.
Commission and
unless it in the Alexander
III Mtisewn.
Historical Museum at Mosco7v has much Palaeolithic and Neolithic material and some Attached Scythic, from the Greek Colonies the Burachkov Collection and many new accjuisitions. to the University is the Alexander III Museum of Fine Art.
The
The Town Museum at Kiev has received the results of Chvojka's excavations and has incorporated with it the Khanenko Collection and that of Count Bobrinskoj as published in their works, in fact nearly everything from the Kiev district except the Ryzhanovka find which went to the Academy of Science, Cracow. The Museum of the Odessa Society is the best place for studying Petreny, Tyras, Theodosia, Berezan and perhaps Olbia as it has most of the material from those sites except Pharmacovskij's Things published in Trans. Od. Soc. are it has also a good deal from Bosporus. finds at Olbia mostly in this Museum. :
The Town Museum
at Kherson
is
concentrating the finds from the lower Dnepr.
Chersonese has two museums, one in the Monastery containing the finds made before the Archaeological Commission began digging, the other those made by it as far as they are not sent to the Hermitage. llieodosia has a small
At Kerch there
is
the
Museum supported by the Odessa Society. Museum of the Archaeological Commission and
its
collection
the Odessa Society has inscriptions in the Melek the Royal Barrow But the best things go to the Hermitage.
Inscriptions in
Barrow.
;
At Kazan the
Town Museum
At Minusinsk
is
The provincial small museums.
of
Chesme
has objects illustrating the Volga-Kama culture.
the best collection of Siberian bronzes, etc. Universities
and the
St
P.
and Moscow Archaeological
Societies
have
Private Collections of importance are Ct Uvarov's at Porechje (everything), Ct Stroganov's at St P. (Permian Plates), Teploukhov's (Permian Culture) near Perm, Suruchan's (Greekj at Kishinev, Terlecki's (Bosporus), Novikov's (Eltegen) at Kerch, Mavrogordato's, Konelski's (Olbia) Vogell's at Nicolaev (Olbia) was mostly dispersed at Cassel in 1908 (v. p. 339 n. 6), at Odessa.
the things chiefly went to German museums. Nicolaev by the Scottish Admiral Greig.
The
first
museum
in S.
Russia was established
at
On extent,
the whole things from our area have not found their way outside Russia to any great they are best represented at Berlin, there is little at the Louvre but much from the
Caucasus
at St
Germain.
Museum has MacPherson's and Westmacott's finds made during the Crimean a few purchases: the Ashmolean, Oxford, the things published by E. A. Gardner the Fitzwilliam, {JUS. 1884, PI. XLVi, XLVii) and others since given by Mr AVardrop Cambridge, three inscriptions (v. App. 67, 68, 69) and one or two stelae brought back by Dr E. D. Clarke. The War and
British
:
ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA p. p.
p.
p.
27, nn. 6, 7, otters and watersnakes, v. p. 105 n. 32, gold from Urals and Altai, v. p 441. 8 sqq. esp. p. 34 and Chapters 11. vi. passim, v. 5
1.
7
1.
— —
5.
A
How and Wells, Commoilary on Herodotus, Oxford, 191 2, 1. pp. 302 344, 424 434. A. M. Tallgren, Zt d. Finn. Altertutnsges. xxvi, thinks this stopped axe older than 41 n. I. those from Hallstatt and all such, even in Britain and the Urals, Mediterranean in origin.
—
Addenda
a7id Corrige?tda
xxxvii
That Greeks had met people with Mongolian blood is shewn by the caricatures 44 sqq. on Kig. o. The cyrbasiae shew these figures to be Scythians, probably Sacae from the Persian forces quartered in Egypt. No. i has the sloping eyes, No. 2 the high cheek-bones, No. 3 the round face of the Mongol, but their beards shew them no longer as Hippocrates describes them (v. p. 46) but intermixed with other blood yet not more than the Hiung-nu on p. 96 f 27. Nos. 4 and 5 shew the almost Iranian type of the Kul-Oba Vase p. 201 For a brilliant account of Nomad life in general v. J. Peisker, Camb. Mud. Hist. 1. f 94.
Frc.
o.
Caricatures of Scythians from Memphis, Vth century B.C.
\V.
M. Flinders
Petrie,
Memphis,
I.
II. (1909), p. 17, PI. XXIX. 78, 79, 80 (i, 2, 5), cf Meydunt and (1909), p. 17, PI. XL. 42, 44 (3 and 4) Memphis., III. (1910), p. 46, PI. XI. Ii. 136 -My very best thanks are due to Professor Flinders 138. Petnc who sent me these photographs before his \'ol. il. was publishe
—
—
Addenda and Corrigenda
xxxviii (Cambridge, 191
1)
pp. 323
— 359 and more —
fully
Vierteljahrschr. f. Social-
Wirtschaftsgesch.
11.
(1904), "Die iilteren Beziehungen der Slawen zu Turkotataren und Germanen und ihre sozialgeschichtliche Bedeutuiig," pp. 187 360; 465 533: most of his conclusions as to Sc. (pp. 187 240) are much the same as mine, i.e. that the true So. were Turkotartars imposed upon a more or less Aryan population represented by the Georgi, etc. and themselves strongly mixed with Aryans not only thereby but during the men's domination in Media, which he fully accepts, when they adopted Iranian speech from Median wives. These 111.
—
—
women
p. p.
as not nomads could not ride but had to be carted and also had different bathing customs from the men. A careful examination of the forms underlying the straight hair in the Greek portraits (I.e. pp. 216—224) shews them not Aryan but just like e.g. Kara-kirgiz. Hippocrates may have seen purer Turkotartars but the Greeks even in Upper Asia mostly came in contact only with a border of half-castes. Vegetarian Sc. in Ephorus ap. Strab. vii. iii. 9 are Aryans raided by Sc, cf. Tadzhiks. Other carts, v. inf p. 370 n. 3 and Addenda thereto. 50 n. 4. 61 1. 43. Rostovtsev (v. Add. to p. 218) regards the "woman" on all these plaques as a
goddess. p. p.
p. p. p. p.
p. p.
p.
66 67 70
n.
p.
bezel,
v.
p.
427
f.
318
top.
Bow-cases. After "p. 284" add and Addenda to p. 287. n. 12. For D. A. Anuchin read D. N. Anuchin. Add for this and two more sheaths v. p. 567 n. 3. 71 n. 2. For Bezchastnaja read Bezschastnaja. 74 1. 13. Add Ul, Arch. Atiz. 1910, pp. 199 201 ff 3, 4. 78 n. 7. 80 n. 5 col. 2. For Zamazaevskoe read Zamaraevskoe, dist. of Shadrinsk. Mr A. B. Cook pointed out to me this sentence from the Etyin. Mag. s.v. TroTror 85. 01 yap %KvOai.^ aydXfxaTa two. t)(OVTe<; VTroyaia t
—
100 ,,
p.
For stone read
7.
16.
1.
123 130
1.
29.
11.
31, 20.
1.
n.
logy,
I.
V.
Addenda
to p.
44.
For Le Coq read Lecoq. For these Getan (?) kings, v. p. 487.
37, 48.
Add
V. A. Gorodtsov, Pruiiitive Archaeology, Moscow,
For G. A. Skadovskij read G. L. Skadovskij. 2. After civilization of Servia add and Glas Srpske Kraljevske Akademije {Voice of the Serbian Royal Acad.) lxxxvi., " Gradac," where he finds this culture surviving to La-Tene times. At end add, cf. Wace and T\\QVi\i^'iox\, Prehistoric Thessaly, pp. 231 234, and 256 259;
p.
131
n.
4.
p.
134
n.
I
col.
—
—
p.
p.
p. p.
p.
p.
1908: Cultural Archaeo-
1910.
—
Gorodtsov, Cultural Arch. pp. 133 151; E. Meyer, Gesch. d. Altert.^ i. 2, pp. 734, 741, 742. Veselovskij found on the Ul a model waggon and long-necked female 142 1. 16; p. 143 n. 5. statuettes of alabaster like Aegean types, BCA. xxxv. PI. i., 11.", iv., Arch. Anz. igiOjp. 195. Majkop. Pharmacovskij (Hist. Congr. London, 1913) shewed the bulls, etc. to belong 144. to a portable canopy and the cups to exhibit the earliest (b.c. 1400 1000) East- Anatolian or Urartu style preceding ordinary Hittite. A. M. Tallgren, Zt d. Finn. Alt. Ges. xxv. i, " Die Kupfer- u. Bronzezeit in Nord- u. Ostrussland," arrives at this date independently. For viii. 2 read viii. i. 148 n. I. Anuchin, Veselovskij and Pharmacovskij {BodrinskoJ Misc. p. 63 n. 2) agree 155 last line. that Zabelin was wrong in thinking Chertomlyk barrow to have been plundered. Pharmacovskij (I.e.) shews that this pottery points to about the middle of the 165 1. 21. nnd cent. B.C., e.g. a cantharos like p. 349 f. 254. 168 n. I. Add cf. silver vessels from Chmyreva, p. 383, Arch. Anz. 1910, pp. 215 226 ff.,
—
12
— 25
iind cent. B.C.;
—
xlv. pp. in 131, he thinks the horses killed as usual,
and Vs. Sakhanev
BCA.
—
who cf.
refers
their
ornament
to
the
Lemeshova Mogila, Arch. Anz.
1912, pp. 376, 377. p.
p.
Martonosha crater. For iv read vi. Cup from Vor6nezh v. Add. to p. 200. 173 n. 2. Ct Dobrinskoj's excavations. After xx. p. i add xxxv. pp. 48 85; xl. pp. 43 175 n. I. 61 Arch. Anz. 191 2, pp. 378, 379. For Pomashki read Romashki. 192 1. 3. 200 f 93. The Kul Oba vase has a close analogue in one of silver gilt found near Voronezh in 191 2. n. I. For v. p. 39 f. 3 l>is read v. Addenda to p. 44 f o for physical type of Scythians. ,, 210 n. 3. For Dionysius read Dionysus.
—
;
p. p.
p.
Adde?i(la a7id Corrigenda pp.
Karagodeuashkh. Rostovtsev, BCA. xi.ix. "The Idea of Kingly Power in 218, 219. Scythia and on the Bosporus" {-- " Iranism and lonism," Hist. (!ongr. London, 1913), sees on the rhyton, f. 121, two horsemen face to face each above a prostrate foe hut one holding a sceptre, the other adoring him, i.e. to judge by Sassanian investiture scenes, a mounted form of Mithras conferring divine right on a king: on f. 120 R. .sees at the top the king's Tvx»/ or hvareno, then Mithras with a (luadriga and below A])hrodite Argimpasa-.AnahitaAstarte
(cf.
617-619 and
1*1. viii. 12, 14) receiving in communion the sacred rhyton analogous scenes of communion and unveiling, pp. 158, 203 the Jiosporus reiranized by the iind and iiird centuries a.d. this conception symbolized by sceptres and crowns, v. p. 434 and f. 325, and on coins like
pp. 85,
and round-bottomed 45, 98.
On
of kingship
is
ff.
PI. viii.
p.
xxxix
232 232
1.
36.
vase,
cf.
10.
For Parthian read Parthian.
—
Add CR. 1906, pp. 91 95; Arch. Anz. 1909, p. 148 (cf. inf. 1911, pp. 193, 194, ff. I, 2 (Kasinskoe, Govt Stavropol). Fig. 144, the Uvarov cup, ff. 140, 141 and the Ust-Labinskaja bottle are all figured in p. 235. Smirnov, Ar^i^. Orient, x. 25 (cf. 26), 27, xi. 29, 30 (cf. xii. 31 34), ix. 280 (cf. 281;. For AS. Bengal read AS. Bengal. p. 254 n. I. For Vol. xxvi. Helsingfors, 1910 read Vol. xxv. i, Helsingfors, 191 1. p. 257 n. 2. H. Appelgren-Kivalo, Zt d. Finn. Altertumsges. xxvi. " Die (irundziige des n. 5. ,, Skythischpermischen Ornamentstyles," derives the eagle from a Ganymede subject by a jug from Nagy-sz.-Mikl6s and traces the further degeneration of the deer into a row of men. Add Beak-heads are quite Greek, e.g. a girdle-mount from Olbia, Arch. Anz. 191 1, p. 266 1. 15. Indeed nearly all Sc. p. 223, f. 30; so is a mirror like the Romny one, ib. p. 224, f. 31. motives are finding their source as we learn more of Ionian art with its Minoan survivals. This sheath is from Elizavetovskaja, v. p. 567. p. 270 f. 186. Siberian plaques, v. G. Hirth, Formenschatz, 1909, No. 85 (cf. 40); 1910, No. 1. p. 271 stjq. p.
p.
n.
4.
Kuban
382); 1910,
p.
Barrows. 197 (Ul)
;
JR
p. p.
273 287
n. 3.
For
f.
—
J
333 read\i. 507,
f.
339.
Pharmacovskij, "The Gold Mountings of the Bow-cases from the Iljintsy and Chertomlyk Barrows," Bobrinskoj Misc. pp. 45 118, sets the whole matter on a fresh The Iljint.sy grave had the usual wooden chamber, which collapsed when being footing. plundered the chief object besides the sheath was a .set of horse's gear like p. 185 f. 78 but ruder in workmanship. He says that the Iljintsy cover was made by preparing first the wooden foundation and carving the design upon it, then beating into the carving a plate of base gold with a pure gold face and finally touching up with a graver, whereas that from Chertomlyk was produced by laying a slightly inferior gold plate over the Iljint.sy sheath and beating it into its lines this is shewn by the traces of the Iljintsy engraving on the wrong side of the Chertomlyk cover and by the design not always having come out on the latter particularly where it is rather weak in the former. The finishing of the Iljintsy cover was the less elaborate (much of it pointille) and pathetic, but the more intelligent. The plate from the butt end of the bow-case was found at Iljint.sy (that from Chertomlyk is figured ASH. II. p. 118): each is rounded below and has a midrib flanked by affronted griffins rampant and acanthus-flowers above; so the thickness of the bow case, greatest 4 cm. from 9-8 in.) and the bottom, was 6-5 cm. (26 in.) as against a breadth of 21 25 cm. (8-25 The midrib answers to the division separating the bow (put in a length of 43 cm. (17 in.). string upwards) from the arrows (said to be in bundles point upwards) at Iljintsy there were 142 bronze and 12 bone arrows. The subject of the reliefs is the whole life of Achilles, not merely his time at Scyros, and so does not go back to one great composition e.g. of Polygnotus, but consists in Hellenistic wise of scenes divided by adjacent figures being set back to back reckoning from left to right we have, above, i, 2, Phoenix teaching Achilles to shoot 3—8 Achilles (6) seizing arms from Odysseus (5), 3 being the Scyran queen with Neoptolemus, 7 a nurse and the next scene is cut in two, 9 is Lycomedes (his right arm is clear upon the 8 Ueidamia Iljintsy sheath) parting with Achilles (10) while the four women to the left below ought to be looking at them they are the queen between two daughters and a nurse marked off as a group indoors by dotted curtains in the following scene we have Agamemnon and Achilles now reconciled by Odysseus and Diomede; Achilles is putting on a greave before going out the last figure is Thetis bearing away her son's ashes. to avenge Patroclus The animals, especially the lank griffins, are in the Hellenistic manner while the ornament shews exactly the same elements as the ba.se of a column at Didyma near Miletus (Pontremoli-Haussoullier, Didyims, p. 145): Lesbian cyma, acanthus, twist and palmette all 1.
35.
—
:
:
—
—
:
:
;
:
;
;
;
—
Addenda and Corrigenda
xl
not before the middle of the iind century B.C. which agrees with the pottery Add. to p. 165). So Pharmacovskij refers the gold work to Miletus in that century and the tombs themselves and with them most of the big Scythic tombs to a slightly later time. Additions to almost every page of Chapters xi. and xii. might be made from 435. pp. 293 Pharmacovskij, Arch. A/iz. 191 1, pp. 192 234; 1912, pp. 323 379. For p. 566, f. 345 read p. 565. p. 295 1. 18. 31. A head of Egyptian work from Kerch, B. A. Turaev, "Objets egyptiens et egyptisants p. 298 trouves dans la Russie Meridionale," Revue Archeologique, 191 1, 11. pp. 20 35. Deified dead and chthonian divinities, v. p. 606 n. 10. p. 310 1. 30. p. 304 1. 7 309 327, PI. 11., in. After Mat. vi. add 3lX\6. Rom. Quartalschr. viii. pp. 47- 87 p. 320 1. 25. Egyptian Porcelain. Cf. Addenda to p. 298 1. 31. p. 338 n. 4. in a late stage (v.
—
—
—
1.
;
„
n.
p.
339 ff ,,
„ p-
340
Pp-
347 348 349
P-
Ionian Pottery.
5.
Cf.
inf.
p.
564
n.
;
3.
Naucratis, BCA. xl, pp. 142—158; xlv. p. 108, f. 5. Ionian Pottery, Arch. Anz. 1911, pp. 223, 224, ff. 29, 32; 1912, pp. 354 371, nn. 7, 8. Early pottery inland; v. inf. p. 441 n. i. 51, 61. 41, 44, 46 Add cf. Arch. Anz. 19 12, p. 360, f. 51. n. 9. Add Milesian sherds from Chersonese itself, Arch. Anz. 191 2, p. 349. n. 14. Substitute Mr J. D. Beazley refers it to Oltus. n. 6. Panathenaic Amphorae, Kerch, Tanais, v. p. 626 Chersonese, Add. to p. 516. n- 520. Von Stern's IVatercohmr Vases (v. p. xxxiii) will deal fully with the whole class. 1. Add BCA. XL. p. 430, bl. f. cotyle from Cherkassk. n- I. n.
„
—
— —
Add
6.
—
—
;
For Reliefkeramite read Reliefkeramik. n. 3Polychrome glass, cf. Arch. Anz. 191 1, p. 199, f. 6. 362 n. 4iv. and Add. to p. 298 1. 31. Bes, cf. BCA. xlv. pp. 71 75, PI. n. 367 n. 14. 370 n. 3- Add For toys see von Stern " From the Children's Life on the N. coast of the t,o = Arch. Anz. 1912, pp. 147 Euxine," Bobrinskoj Misc. pp. 13 148, feeding-bottles, dolls, dolls' sets of furniture, etc., animals, waggons, an eicositetrahedron with the alphabet, some „
PPP-
P-
—
—
things Milesian ware. 1Add s. tortoise-shaped bronze lyre-body from 3-
379
p.
p. p.
p.
P-
203,
ff.
p.
Kerch deserves
notice, Arch. Anz. 191
1,
II, 12.
383 n. 9. Chmyreva vessels, v. Addenda to p. 168 n. i. 386 1. II. For a large hoard of Byzantine and Sassanian plate (vi. vn. cent.) from Malaja Pereshchepina near Poltava v. I. A. Zaretskij, Trans. (TpyiBi) of the Poltai'a Record Comm. IX. 1912, N. E. Makarenko, BCA. xlvi. and a future publication of the Imp. Archaeol. Comm. 390 n. 7. These crowns support Rostovtsev's theory of Bosporan kingship, v. Add. to p. 218. ^^1^ early earrings, Olbia, Arch. Anz. 1911, p. 222, f. 27 ; 1912, p. 355, ff. 42, 43; 395 "• 5-
—
Bosporus, p.
—
ib.
pp. 333, 346,
ff.
16— 18,
31.
—
Scarabs from Berezan, cf. B. A. Turaev, .5 C^. xl. pp. 118 120 and Add. top. 298. Add Burial at Olbia came in about 550 B.C. before which burnt bones were put l>eh7v cuts. into amphorae in special pits among the houses, v. Arch. Anz. 191 2, p. 351 an excellent early grave ensemble, ib. p. 354, f. 41 sqq. 458 n. I. Add A similar house just to the S. of this is described in Arch. Anz. 191 2, p. 363 sqq. losPE. I. 97^ as supplemented in iv. p. 271, Trans. Od. Soc. xiv. p. 22, BCA. \ 468 n. 4 XLV. p. I = Arch. Anz. 191 2, p. 366, dedicates tovs vTyous (i.e. three celiac) o-vi/ 476 1. 26 T^ o-Toa on behalf of Alexander Severus, the Roman Senate and the prosperity of 478 1. 20 Olbia ^eoi? ctttjkoois Sarapis, Isis, Asclepius, Hygiea, Poseidon (and Amphitrite). 479 bottom J 471 1. 10. For (f>paTLpai read (f>paTpiai. 479 1. 15. Add a.n(i BCA. XLV. p. 7, No. 2, Aip. Xpva-[nnros tov 8eivo<;?]/MrjTpl Oewv [dvfOiJKa' ?]. 486 1. 16. Bertier-de- La-Garde casts doubts upon this Pallas type in silver. 497 1. 7 1 The foundation of Chersonese is put back to the vith century B.C. by Ionian sherds and archaic terra-cottas found on its "New" site, Arch. Anz. 191 2, p. 349. 515 1. 21 J 516 1. 9. After 380) fl^^ and a Panathenaic vase. Arch. Anz. 191 2, p. 349. 524 1. 28. After Dia... add and Thrasymedes, BCA. xlv. p. 40, No. 2, c. 100 a.d. BCA. XLV. p. 40, No. 2 shews that there were only three vop.o(f>v\aK(% and that ] o «"' Ttts 8ioiKi](Teo% regularly acted with them and must be restored in BCA. c 2 7 f
412 415
n.
12.
:
p.
I
j
,
^'*
1
No. I XIV. p. 104, No. 9. 84 add BCA. xlv. p. 65, No. 1 2, a dedication to the Chersonesan Maiden. For fiivo read ^iov. cf. reprint of this defixio by R. Wiinsch, Rhein. AIus. lv. pp. 232 236.
HI- p- 21,
J
544 n. 1 1. 598 n. 7 620 n. 4.
After 1.
8.
Add
;
iv.
—
;
CIIAPTKR
I.
PHYSICAL CxEOGRAPHY AND NATURAL PRODUCTIONS.
The scope of the present work includes the History of the Greek Settlements on the north coast of the Euxine from the mouth of the Danube to that of the Kuban, and the Ethnology of the country at the back of that coastline from the slopes of the Carpathians to the lower course of the Volga and the foothills of the Caucasus. This tract extending through twenty degrees of longitude is quite different from any other tract in Europe, wherein the only region at similar is that of the Hungarian Puszta, which is in a sense its all westerly continuation and has always been deeply influenced by the neighbourhood of the greater plain. But this greater )jlain is itself but a continuation, almost a dependency, of the still wider plains of Northern Asia, and this continuity is the governing condition of its historical It is only within the last hundred years or so that Southern development. Russia has been definitely added to Europe. Before that time Asiatic tribes have been more at home in it than European. In Europe and Asia it is one continuous belt of steppe or prairie. The most striking feature of this broad stretch of country is the absence of mountains they only come in as forming its border on the west and on the southeast, where the coast range of the Crimea is a continuation of the Caucasus, just as the plain of its northern region is really one with the mainland plain beyond the Isthmus\ But though the whole region may be broadly regarded as a plain, Right across this must not be taken to mean that it is one dead level. from the Carpathians to the coast of the Sea of Azov near the Berda there runs a belt of granite, which crops out wherever it is crossed by To the north of the granite belt is a limestone one of the great rivers. Where these rocks occur the plain attains a considerable formation. elevation, to the west in Podolia it becomes diversified with hills, and again further east about the Donets, where are the chief coal-mines of Russia, there is hilly country that ends in steep cliffs about Taganrog.
Even where Much
the
rise
of
the best survey of the is to be found in Helknen iiii Skythenhvide, pp. 14 inclined to exaggerate the former '
graphy of Scythia
M.
the
plain
Physical (ieoK. Neumann's to 99.
He
is
extent of the
is
gradual,
it
attains
a height
of
woodlands. Cf. also Elisde Reclus, Nouvelle G^oUnivcrselh\ Vol. v., and L. Biirchner, Die lusiedcluni^ dcr Kiisten dcs Pontos Euxeinos, i::raphie
I't
i.
Introduction, pp. 5-22. I
T*hysical
2 300
above the
feet
Geography
as in Ekaterinoslav.
sea,
[ch.
In general
it
slopes gently
so that the cliffs which are a few feet high towards the south-west near the Danube are not less than a hundred and fifty at the mouth To the east of the Dnepr the coast plain is very of the Dnepr. Between the Crimea and the mainland the boundaries of land and low. water are so ill defined that a change of wind will make the sea encroach, but the steppe reaches the level of the western plain about the fortyseventh parallel, and further north it attains four hundred feet south of the Great Meadow'. In spite therefore of the general flatness the actual heights reached :
by some parts of the plain are far too great to allow any talk of serious changes in the course of the rivers during the last two thousand years. These have not been able to do more than deepen their beds and very The outlines of their course have been fixed slowly edge westwards. by the geological formation which has made the remarkable correspondence of the sudden bends from ese. to wsw. round which Dnepr, Donets and Don have to find their way to the sea. The plain and the rivers are
features
the
of
had nothing of the It rises.
the
country
sort in their
that
own
specially
struck
the
Greeks,
they
land".
is the great rivers that shew up the heights to which the plain Each has a steep or "hilly" bank to the west and a flat or
"meadow" bank
to the east, and flows winding along a broad valley, which at the lower end has been cut down to below the level of the If the river sea forming the liman^ so characteristic of Russian rivers.
has
to
cross
and
the granite belt
it
has there failed to
make
its
course easy
broken by rapids, most important in the case of the Dnepr. The lesser streams have made proportionate valleys and into these leads a whole system of ravines, which carry off the melting snow but are dry during most of the year. All these depressions make no difference to the view of the steppe, as they are not noticeable until the traveller comes to the edge of one of them, but they present considerable obstacles to anyone not acquainted with the precise places where they can be crossed conveniently. They provided much too complete a system of drainage and the now diminished rainfall is carried off at once from the surface of the steppe, compare the expression of Hippocrates, i^ox^Tevovcri. For the inhabitants of the steppe they are of the utmost importance. In them the flocks can find shelter in the winter, and in them the first beginnings of agriculture can be made. There is little doubt that the agricultural tribes of which we read in Herodotus confined their attempts to these valleys, and it was not till the other day that the open steppe was cut up by the plough. Till then it had been merely pasture, but some of it pasture unsurpassed in the world, at any rate during its season. for
1
itself
is
The marshy widening
NlCOpol. Her.
IV.
82, &(i)Vfj.dtTia Se
of Tj
the valley about X'^f'V "VTrj
ovk
e'xfi
noTapovi Tf TToXXw pcylaTovi kciI dpidpov TrXfto-Tovr. TO di dnn^mviiaaai ii^iov koi nupe^ twv T70Tap.S>v KOI Tov peycWeos tov TTfSiou k.t.\. So
Xpis
Tj
OTi
De
U
Hippocrates, aerc, etc. 25, 'H 2Kv6e(ov ('prjfilr) KoKevfifvr] nfoids i(TTi Koi XeifiaKoiSrjs Koi "^tKrj, Koi (vv^pos jxerpious- TTOTapol yap dcrl fxcyaXoi, 01 e'|o;(erei/ovai to vdwp ex twv Tre8i
2
Steppes
il
and
Rivers
3
From
the time of the snow's meltinij to the micklle of summer the growth of the grass in the richer regions seems by all accounts to have but even so the sun would scorch it up and animals been marvellous had to come near the streams until the autumn rains and again they had to find shelter in the valleys for the depth of the winter, so that the nomad life was not quite as free as is represcMited, for these wintering places are quite definitely the property of particular tribes. Throughout great areas of the steppe, especially towards the south and east, the rich pasture gives way to barren lands offering but wormwood and silk grass, or tussock grass that does not even cover the surface of the sand. Worse still in the government of Astrakhan, at the eastern boundary of here the only land of any our area, there is but unrelieved salt sand This is why the trade route of value is that along the lower Volga. which Herodotus gives particulars goes so far to the north. Yet commentators gaily assign such a district as the only local habitation of more great characteristic of the whole region is or less important tribes. lack of trees, but in the river valleys, besides the meadows which kept the cattle alive in the winter, there were some woods at any rate. Especially was this the case on the lower Dnepr where much land, since invaded In the north also the forest belt by sand-dunes, was formerly wooded. seems to have come further south down to the edge of the glacial deposit, along the line shaded on the general map, and to have sent The retreat of the woods is due partly to outliers into the open plain. man and partly to the drying up of Eurasia' to which it has itself This drying up of the interior has also had a strange effect contributed. even upon the coastline. The shores of such a country as we have described do not naturally To begin with the gentle slope of the offer facilities for commerce. some parts under the sea hence the shore between plains continues in the m.ouths of the Dnepr and the Don, if we leave out of account the southern part of the Crimea, as ever a strong contrast to the rest This initial difficulty of the region, is not to be approached by ships. is increased by the deposits of the great rivers, deposits which are heaped up with the more ease in that there is no tide to carry them away. As soon as the stream meets the dead mass of motionless sea, still more some current of the sea or of another river, it drops its load of silt along gentle curves mathematically determined by the meeting So the Sea of Azov acts as a kind places of the opposing currents. The coarsest falls of settlinof tank for collectintr the silt of the Don. to the bottom at once to add to the growth of the delta, the finer has to pass successively the dead points produced by the opposing currents hence the spits of the various streams that fall in from each side running out between the river mouths and especially the strange Arabat spit that encloses the Putrid Sea' and makes an alternative entrance to :
:
:
A
:
:
the
Crimea.
' Cf. Prince Kropotkin London, Aug. 1904.
in
Geographical Journal,
^
lanpa
"Kifivrj,
Strabo, vn.
iv.
i.
I
—
Thysical
^
Geography
[cH.
too the fact that during certain winds vessels have to lie ten miles from the shore off Taganrog', and the complaints of the silting up of the Maeotis expressed by Polybius' who regarded the completion of the process as not very distant, and the recent Imperial commission on the
Hence
subject".
After all this the current that flows out of the Maeotis has left only 4*25 metres on the bar at Kerch. The same process goes on at the mouth of the Dnepr. There is the bar and delta below Kherson, another bar (6 metres) at Ochakov running across from Kinburn spit ("AXo-os 'E/carr;?), and a third, the Tendra, along the line where it meets a coast current from A/3o/i,o5 'A)(tXXeajs, east to west. The Dnestr only just keeps open. Here the bar has long been dry land, save for two small openings of which that used by ships has a depth of only five feet. The small rivers such as the Kujalnik and Tiligul are entirely closed. Yet this process is quite modern. In 1823 the Tiligul was open, nov>^ Within the bar in every case is an the highroad runs along its bar. This inconvenient phenomenon estuary (liman) which used once to be open. of shut river mouths is due partly to the unequal flow of rivers which
carry snow water more however to their inability to keep a current in a channel that they had excavated in ages of more It is abundant rainfall. one more evidence of the drying up of the country. The Greek colonies of Tyras and Olbia were founded on the steep side of a liman where the current came near the coast, the position of Tanais was somewhat similar. All the other ports depended on the entirely exceptional formation of the Crimea Chersonese had the use of the many harbours about Sevastopol, some of which are steep to. Theodosia had a small harbour and fine roads, and the towns on the Bosporus though troubled with shoals were not yet strangled by accumulating silt. Beyond the Bosporus Bata (Novorossijsk) and Pagrae (Gelendzhik) had clean harbours, but the former suffers from a unique disadvantage, the Bora, a wind which blowing from the mountains covers ^_ ships with such a coating of ice that they have been known to sink under the weight \
have
to
;
sufficient
:
Of modern towns Odessa is comparatively free from silt, but its harbour is entirely artificial. In fact the headland that sheltered the roads But both Nicolaev and Kherson suffer from the is being washed away. shoals and bars encouraged by the drying up of their respective rivers. This drying process has tended to make the climate of Scythia more extreme in character. Of course most of the ancients regarded only its cold, and regarded it as cold all the year round': just as it requires an effort '
2
xiv.
Clarke's Travels, I. p. 428. IV. 40. So too Aristotle,
Mcieorolo^^ica,
i.
39.
The Don delta gains 670 metres yearly. The gulf below is I ft 6 in. less deep than 200 years The sea should last another 56,5ck) years, ago. ^
E. Reclus, op. cit. p. 789. ^ N. A. Korostelev, The Bora at Novorossijsk. Mem. de PAcaii. Imp. de.<; Sciences de St Peiersboiirg, Classe Physico-Mathcmatiqiie., viii" s^n, T. XV. No. 2, St P. 1904. ^ Her. iv. 28. Hippocrates, De acre, c. 26.
Clijfiatc
i]
and
Faufia
5
most of us to think of Russia and Siberia as very hot in the summer. Strabo' even refuses to l)eHeve in the heat, aro^uin<^ that those who found it hot cUd not know real heat'. A curious fact is that the Greeks undoubtedly looked on Scythia as damp and fogt^y, whereas it suffers from Probably there was more wood and so there was oft-recurring drought. more moisture, and probably also the Greeks connected the north with cold and wet and thought that further to the north there must be more Also there certainly were marshy foggy tracts at the mouths cold and wet. of the big rivers, the points where they had most comnK.Tce with Scythia, and the readiness with which i)eoi)le believe the worst of foreign climates accounts for the permanence of this idea. One or two little points served to confirm this impression. A Greek felt a kind of horror of a country in which the myrtle and bay did not grow^ and the attempts to mak(; them grow at Panticajxieum were probably not very skilled, for the vine did not do well, and that succeeds there quite for
nowadays^ So too the fact of the sea
easily
freezing struck them as evidence of an inActually this tends to come about chiefly in places where the fresh water contributed by the rivers has made the sea hardly more But this again was just in regions where the Greeks were than brackish. most likely to see it. Also the uncertainty it introduced into commerce at certain times of the year would bring it home to the Greeks of Hellas, and every Greek had heard of the brazen pot split by the frost and dedicated by Stratius in the temple of Aesculapius at Panticapaeum and the epigram thereon I The Fauna of the steppe region is not specially striking. It is on the The ancients were interested in the accounts of the Tarandus, whole poor. a beast with a square face and a power of changing colour, apparently the reindeer with its summer and winter coat": that no longer comes so far south. So too the otter and beaver have retreated with the forests place-names shew the former extent of the latter". though wild white horses about the source of the Hypanis may either The have been the western extension of the grey pony of Upper Asia or they tolerable climate.
may have merely Vun
wild*.
in the marshes there were hunted deer He also mentions and wild boar, and on the plains wild asses and goats.
Strabo
(vii. iv.
mentions that
8)
the Colus, a kind of buffalo or bison. On domesticated animals the climate was supposed to have such an effect that asses (in spite of Strabo's wild asses) and mules succumbed',
and horned •
2
VII.
iii.
cattle lost their horns'".
xxv.
summer. ^ Theophr. Hist. Plant, XVI.
6,
recognises the hot
iv.
v.
3.
Pliny,
NH.
137.
li.
i.
i6.
c. 30. Theophr. Frag, Her. IV. log. Her. I.e.; Strabo, Ul. iv. 15; Th. P. Koppen, On the Distribution of the Beaver in Russia, Journ. Mitt. Publ. Inst. St P., June, 1902. * Her. iv. 52. .Aristotle, de Ani?nalibus, viii. 25. '" Arist. op. cit. viii. 28. This circumstance was explained by the statement that the cold prevented "
172
* Until By/antine times the Greeks never seem have gained occupation of the mountains of the Crimea and their warm southern valleys with Mediterranean vegetation. Besides these were quite an exception on the north coast of the Euxine.
to
Strabo,
°
18.
Aristotle, Problem,
Arist.
;
''
'••
cic
Afirabilibus,
Natural
6
T^roductioiis
[ch.
Very characteristic of the steppe are the various rodents, susliks and baibaks, relations of the jerboa, but regarded by the ancients as exaggerated Such hence the story that skins of mice were used for clothing'. mice :
their curious watchful attitude, along with Indian ants and Babylonish garments, may have their part in the origin of griffin legends. We may also mention adders and snakes'-, bees'' and ephemxera\ More important than the land animals were the fish that abounded in
creatures with
the rivers and formed the main object of export^. The most important species were the Pelamys, a kind of tunny, and the avTOiKaLOL or sturgeons. Of the former Strabo (vii. vi. 2) has an idea that they were born in the Maeotis and made their way round and began to be worth catching when they got as far as Trapezus, and were of full size at Sinope. The difficulty is that I am assured by Mr Zernov, Director of the Marine Biological Laboratory at Sevastopol, to whom I offer my best thanks, that no sort of tunny does this that a kind of herring does so but that the scumbria, which answers to the general description of the pelamys, and a mackarel now called palainida, do not go into the Sea of Azov at all. The palamida is quite rare in the Black Sea though common in the Mediterranean. Moreover the tendency is for the Mediterranean fauna gradually to conquer the Black Sea, so it is not likely that this particular species was commoner in ancient times. Yet Strabo from his birthplace ought to have known all about it. The oLVToiKaLOi or sturgeons are first mentioned by Herodotus (iv. 53) at the mouth of the Dnepr. This fishery does not seem very abundant now. The other great locality was in the Maeotis, both along the eastern shore at the mouths of the rivers Rhombites" (this is now represented by fisheries at the same points and at Achuev which is just at the mouth of the Anticites) and at the Cimmerian Bosporus, where the Greeks were much struck by the fishing carried on through the ice and believed that fish as big as dolphins were dug out of the solid'. As a matter of fact though ice is collected on the shore every year the strait does not freeze over very often this happens more regularly in the upper part of the Maeotis at the mouth of the Don. There are three kinds of sturgeon. Accipenser Stellatus {sevrjilga) with a sharp nose forms the bulk of the catch in the Sea of Azov. A. Huso [Behlga) has whiter flesh and used to be common at Kerch and at the delta of the Dnepr. This seems to be the one that Strabo means when he talks of its being as big as a dolphin. Finally we have A. Sturio [osjotr), our sturgeon, which is more characteristic of the Volga. It has a blunt nose, and so differs from the fish represented on the Greek coins (PI. v. 18, 20). The ancients thought that the fish went into the Pontus to escape the larger fish that preyed upon them outside and to spawn, as the ;
;
:
Yet we have Greek representations of the saiga with its splendid horns, and the tarandus or reindeer was known with its horned hind. ' Justin II. 2, pellibus murinis utuntur, cf. Hipp. de acre, c. 26. ^ Arist. de Mirabilibiis, c. 141 Her. IV. 105. ^ Her. V. 10. Arist. de Animalibus, V. xxii. 8. their growth.
;
*
lb. V. xix. 14.
M. Koehler, TAPIX02 in Mem. (k VAcad. des Sciences de St Petersboiirg, VI ™« sdr. T. I. p. 347, St P. 1832. « Strabo, XI. ii. 4. Strabo, VII. iii. 18. '-
''
Cf. especially
Fauna and
Flora^
Mi?icrais
water was more favourable to the young. That is true of the but the middle of the sea is full of bacteria which jjroduce sulphuretted hydrogen, so that the fishes from the Mediterranean can only make their way round gradually and have not yet elbowed out of existence the archaic but excellent sjjecies proper to the Aralo-Caspian-Iuixine fresher
coastline,
basin.
As
to the Flora of the northern coast of the Euxine, leaving aside the
Crimean mountains, we have already spoken of the scarcity of wood, a scarcity which seems to have increased in modern times. What trees do grow are confined to the river valleys and include deciduous species only, as indeed is noticed by Theophrastus' who speaks of figs and pomegranates growing if earthed up, also excellent pears and apples, and among wild trees of oaks, limes and ashes but no firs or pines. There is however In the open country the ancients noticed the a special Pimis Taurica. ;
luxuriance of the grass or when they wished to find fault the stretches of wormwood', to which however they ascribed the good quality of the They speak also of eatable roots and bulbs ^ and of various drugs, meat'. also of hemp used both as a fibre and as a narcotic". special lack in Scythia was that of good stone. About Odessa and Kerch there is a soft local limestone easy to work but only durable if protected from the weather by a coat of plaster in the Crimea, especially at Inkerman, there occurs a stone of higher quality: but in general stone is not to be found, and this has been one reason for the absence throughout the whole region of important architectural monuments. Of other natural productions we need mention but amber", which is occasionally found near Kiev, but does not seem ever to have been systesalt', given as occurring at the mouth of the Dnepr, matically worked and indeed spread over a whole section of the steppe (the carting of salt into the interior was a great industry until the railways came, and followed immemorial tracks, the Greeks must have profited by it in their time), and gold which does not occur in Scythia itself, but has been abundant to the west in Transylvania whence the Romans obtained much gold, and to the north-east in the Urals where the mines of the ancient inhabitants {Chiidskia kopi) have been worked by the Russians, and further towards the middle of Asia, in the Altai, where also the modern miner has come across traces of former exploitation. In ancient times there were no doubt placer workings that yielded gold more readily than it can be attained now. These regions also contained ancient copper mines and the turquoise of the east country was not without influence on the development of decorative art in the whole region. So we may conclude a very hasty survey of the natural conditions which the Greeks met on the north coast of the Euxine and which groverned the evolution and history of the native tribes they found there.
A
:
;
:
' '^
'
Hist. Plivit. IV. V. 3. Ovid, Episf. ex Ponto, Pliny, i\'H.
Plant. IX. ^
* III.
XXVII. 45.
.wii. 4.
lb. VII. xiii. 8, IX.
.\iii.
2.
i.
23.
Theophrastus, Hist
Her. iv. 74. Th. P. Koppen,
On the Kindinj( of Amber in Russhi, /ourft. A/in. I'ubl. Inst. St P., Aug. 1893. " Her. iv. 53. Dio Chrys. XXXVI. «
CHAPTER SEAS
II.
AND COASTLINE.
Before we even approach the coast
of Scythia and discuss the knowpossessed by the ancients, something must be said of their ideas concerning the Euxine Sea and its subordinate the Palus Maeotis'. Herodotus", for instance, takes the former to be ii,ioo stades in greatest length, measured from the mouth of the Thracian Bosporus to that of the Phasis, and in greatest breadth 3300 stades reckoned from Themiscyra at the mouth of the Thermodon to Sindica. Moreover he thought that the neck between the Halys and Cilicia was only five days' journey "for a well girt manl" That means that he imagined the Euxine naturally, for this part, as stretching too far to the south at the eastern end protected by the Caucasus, has a much warmer climate than the western^ As a matter of fact the broadest part is from the mouth of the Dnepr to Heraclea in Bithynia, but Herodotus was evidently ignorant of the great bay along the south side of his square Scythia, whereas we may put the Rugged Chersonese and Sindica opposite to it some way up the eastern In the figure he gives for the greatest breadth coast of the same. is not very far out, it being (but in the western half) 325 geoHerodotus but between the points he mentions it graphical miles or 3250 stades is only 235 geographical miles or 2350 stades. His error with regard to the length is more serious. The extreme E. and w. points are Batum and the bay south of Mesembria, but he neglects the westerly bight of Thrace and makes a straight line from the Thracian Bosporus to the Phasis 11,100 stades, about double the real distance. may take it that in reckoning 70,000 fathoms for a ship's journey in a day and 60,000 for a night he was taking the utmost possible, wherein he made no allowance for contrary winds and other obstacles. The cross measurement is more correct, as a ship could often take a straight passage north to south. She would not go for long out of sight of land, for a little to the west at the narrowest part of the sea the highlands of the Crimea (Criu Metopon) and Cape Carambis may be seen at the
ledge
of
it
:
;
We
same
time.
This exaggerated idea of the size of the Pontus present to the mind of Herodotus must have reacted on his view of Scythia and induced him ' I.
E. Bunbury, History of Ancient Geography, II. 261-282.
pp. 175-636, ^
IV. 85, 86.
^ ''
I.
72.
H.
Berger,
Gesch.
Erdkunde der Griechen,
d. wissenscha/tlichen Leipzig, 1903, p. 103.
J
CH.
iLuxtne
II
Q
out on too large a scale, another reason for our not extending it interior. In later times after the publication of Peripli and the advance of geography the ancients had a very good practical knowledge of the shape of the Euxine, comparing it justly to the asymmetrical Scythian bow'. They naturally exaggerated its size, but their methods of calculation yet they paid much attention to the subject. always produced this effect Pliny'' gives five different reckonings of the circumference of the Pontus, they vary betw'een 2000 and 2425 m.p. (= 16,000 to 19,400 stades), the real amount is about 1914 geographical miles ( — 2392 m.p. or 19,136 stades). He also quotes Polybius for the distance of 500 m.p. across from one to lay
very
it
far into the
:
Bosporus to the other, which
is
approximately correct.
One
curious error persisted. Eratosthenes and Strabo' both regarded Dioscurias (Sukhum Kale) as the extreme point of the whole sea, lying in a corner (/xuxo?) 600 stades east of the mouth of the Phasis, which some old poet, Herodotus and Ptolemy make the extreme point. This should The error seems to rest really be at Batum, which is still further south. on a commercial superiority of Dioscurias which lasted during Hellenistic It was the last point of the navigation of the and early Roman times. the mountainous coast between it and the Cimriofht side of the Pontus :
merian Bosporus being dangerous and unprofitable. For all their familiarity with it the Greeks never forgot that the Euxine's first name was Axenos and most of them regarded a journey across it with some trepidation. To this day it is not a favourite sea with sailors, who dislike its fogs, its sudden storms and the scarcity of good harbours along the These causes tended to isolate the Greeks of its greater part of its coast. in spite of the close commercial connection with the homenorthern shore land no one voyaged to Olbia or Panticapaeum except on business, and Herodotus and the exile Dio Chrysostom are the only extant ancient authors of whom we can say that they visited the north side of the Euxine. ;
Maeotis.
Wrong as was' Herodotus with regard to the Euxine, his ideas of the He thought of it as not much Palus Maeotis were even more erroneous\ He smaller than the Pontus, whereas its real area is about one twelfth. knew that it was nearly twenty days' journey to the Tanais, elsewhere he gives 4000 stades from the Bosporus, and this he seems to have imagined as its width rather than the longest line that could be drawn Already Scylax was a little less wild and thought of in a narrow triangle. The distance across to the Tanais as half the size of the Euxine'. it was usually put at 2200 stades*, not so very much more than the actual 700 but most authors continue to give its circumference as distance of Right on into mediaeval times a very strange exaggeration. stades", 9000 :
1
'
Hecataeus,
Amm.
Marcell.
Eratosthenes
xxn.
and Eustathius ad 2
NH.
*
IV. 86.
M.
IV. 77.
viii.
loc.,
10.
Pliny,
and Ptolemy, ap. Dion. Perieg. 1. 157,
NH. * *
iv. 76.
XI. ii. 16. § 68.
"
Strabo,
\'ir. iv.
NH.
5,
Agathemerus,
18.
78; Strabo, I.e.; Agathemerus, 10 Schol. in Dion. Perieg. GGM. \\. p. 457 Peripl. Anon., 118 (92), etc. '
;
Pliny,
iv.
;
2
Seas
lO
and
[ch.
Coastline
mouths of the Tanais were supposed to be exactly on the same as the Bosporus, though Hippocrates speaks of the lake as
the
meridian
The ancients consistently stretching towards the summer rising of the sun. hence regarded it as a lake or marsh and as the greatest lake they knew Some even went so far as to perhaps their exaggerated idea of its size. regard the Cimmerian Bosporus as the true mouth of the Tanais\ On the other hand, some authors could not disabuse themselves of the notion that the Maeotis was connected with the Northern Ocean or at any rate :
with the Caspian". Caspian.
With regard to the Caspian Herodotus and Ptolemy agree in making an inland sea, though the former shews a tendency to make it balance the "Red" sea or Indian oceanl But Strabo^ Mela', Pliny^ and Plutarch^ all going back to Eratosthenes and perhaps to the Ionian geographers ^ make it connected with the northern ocean. Considering how little they knew about it, it is remarkable that both Herodotus and Strabo had a very fair idea of its size. The latter's information came from Patrocles, who was sent exploring by Seleucus. The idea of a passage from the northern ocean was due to the Greek belief in the symmetry of the world", and the existence of an arm of the sea running not so much north as east. Of this Patrocles seems to have been aware, but no one ever got near the Volga mouth, which indeed with its seventy channels is singularly unlike a sea strait. Herodotus seems to have thought of the Caspian as having its greatest length from north to south, but later authors put it from east to west". it
Survey of Coastline.
The
ancients never had a settled idea of the shape of the Scythian inaccuracy of the outline given by Ptolemy is a measure of the difficulty they found in getting their bearings. The requirements of their navigation demanded no more than a rough knowledge of the distances separating the cities, harbours and chief headlands as measured across the openings of unimportant or unnavigable inlets. Such knowledge they possessed in a very fair degree. The accuracy of the figures given by Ps.-Arrian and the anonymous compiler of the Periplus Ponti Euxini is remarkable when we consider the chances of corruption arising from the Greek methods of writing numbers. Of the inside of the country the Greeks knew hardly anything. They knew the appearance of the steppe and that great rivers made their way through it to disembogue in broad
The
coast.
Ps.-Arrian, Per. P. E., 29 (19 H.). Plutarch, Alexander, XLIV. For the silting of the Maeotis, v. supra, p. 4. ^ Her. I. 202, 203; IV. 40. Arist. Meteorologica, 1
e.g.
^
up n.
i.
10.
*
XI. vi.
*
I.
9.
I
;
vii.
i.
^
NH.
^
Berger, op.
vi. 36.
'
cit., p.
1.
c.
57.
Myres, Geogr. Journal, Viii. (1896) the maps used by Herodotus. 10 For the Araxes question and the rivers running into the Caspian v. infra, p. 30. ^
p.
v.
605,
J.
On
L.
1
2
Survey
Ill
Mouths of Da7iube
of Coastline.
1
shallow estuaries, but of the real direction of these streams' flow they had They imagined a symmetrical scheme of rivers coming down no notion. The supposed flatness of the steppe would at right angles to the coast. of course offer no obstacle to channels running from one stream to another, a hypothesis representing trade routes connecting the lower course of one Such portages have always been in river with the upper part of another. The granite ridge that runs from Podolia to Taganrog causes S. Russia. the well-known rapids of the Unepr and bends that stream into such an elbow that its upper waters are more conveniently approached either from one of the lesser rivers that fall into the Maeotis, or from the Ingul or Hence the confusion between Hypanis and Borysthenes, the Ingulets. But it is better to discuss difficulties with the Panticapes and Gerrhus. the position of rivers with that of the tribes so intimately bound up with them in the description given by Herodotus. Till the time of Ptolemy we have no details of the Hinterland save the schematic picture of the river system and the names of innumerable tribes, whether assigned to localities Herodotus just mentions the point Exampaeus and the or indeterminate. city of the Geloni, but these would be fixed by the river and tribe scheme, Before adventuring if any determination of their place could be reached. ourselves in the boundless interior let us see how much the ancients knew of the coast between the mouths of the Danube and the steep slopes of the Caucasus where they overhang the sea'. Different accounts of the Danube mouths^ are given by different authors', and none of them agree with the present state of things, but a comparison between the actual lie of the country and the various descriptions of its ancient condition renders it possible to account for the apparent contradictions of our authors and to trace the history of geologic change since the time of Herodotus. The delta begins between Isakcha and Tulcha, where the Kilia and St George arms separate, and forms a triangle with two sides of 46 miles miles long, to which is added a four-sided piece enclosed and a base of by lake Rasim, the Dunavets, the sea, and the St George arm. All this space is marsh, subject to floods except for five sandbanks upon which t,;},
For the sake of convenience in handling, I have reproduced the central part only of Latyshev's combination of Ptolemy's maps of European and With Asiatic Sarmatia, Dacia and the Caucasus. the outlying parts from the Baltic shore to the N\v. round by w. and s. to Transcaucasia on the To the N. are very few SE. we are not concerned. names which represent living information, but mostly they are the Herodotean tribes which obviously could not be accommodated in the comI here give paratively well-known central regions. some interesting points to the N. and E. as placed Ptol. does not locate tribes exactly. by Lat. Borusci long. 63°, lat. 58°; Rhipaei Montes Nasci Alexandri Arae 63°, 57° 63°, 57° 30' Fontes Tanaidis 64°, 58°; Modocae 63°. 57°; 67°, 60° 30'; Zacatae 67°, 59° 30'; Caesaris Arae 68°, 56° 30'; Asaei 68' 50', 59° 40'; Perierbidi 68° 30', 58° 50'; Fontes Rha Occidentales et Finis Montium Hyperboreorum 70°, 61°; Svardeni 71° '
;
;
;
Chaenides 74°, 59°; Epistrophe Rha Confluentes Rha 79°, 58° 30'; Zinchi 74°, 48" 30'; Montes Hippici 74°, 54° 81°, 52°; Finis M. Coracis 75°, 48°; Caucasus M. 75°, 47° 85°, 48°; Alexandri Columnae 77°, 51° 30'; Fontes Vardanis 78°, 48° 30' Portae Sarmaticae 78°, 47° 30' Alterae P. Sarm. 81^, 48° 30'; Sacani 82°, 51°; Ceraunii M. 84° 52'; Epistrophe Rha 85", 54°; 82^, 49° 30' Ostium Rha 87° 30', 48° 40' Fontes Rha Orientales 59° 30';
30',
74°, 56°;
—
—
;
;
—
;
90', 61'. ^
Braun, Investigations, pp. 182 sqq.
Herodotus IV. 47, Ps.-Arrian /"fr/))/. 35 (24 H.), Ephorus ap. Strab. Vii. iii. 15, Dionysius Perieg. Pliny, 301, and Anon 93 (67) give five mouths NH. iv. 79, Ptolemy HI. x. 2, who has a completely wrong idea of the Delta's shape, six; Strabo vii. lii. 15, Pomponius Mela li. 8, seven. Nowadays we have but three Kilia Mouth, Sulina Mouth, and .St George's Mouth. ^
1.
;
;
2
—
2
Survey
1
of Coastline
[ch.
This tract cannot correspond to the ancient delta, poor villages are built. which included the island Peuce whereon the Triballi with their wives and children took refuge from Alexander when he drove them from their For the banks of this island were steep and the current, confined country'. by the high banks, swift. Alexander only prevailed by crossing the main stream and discomfiting the Getae on the left bank. and therefore outside the Peuce then was an island with high banks Still most of our authorities say that it was between two present delta. Some- put it between the St George arms of the river and the sea. mouth (Ostium Feuces, '\(.pov o-rofxa) and the next to the n. (Naracu stoma, NapaKLov a-Tofxa), on what is now called St George's Island: and Dionysius But Strabo (vii. iii. 15) says merely has much the same idea (1. 301). lies near mouths and that there are other islands above and that it the it, directly on the sea, but even 120 stades=i5 miles below i.e. it is not We have no data for exactly determining the amount the up stream. delta has grown in the last 2000 years, except that according to the Feutinger Table Noviodunum (Isakcha) is 65 Roman miles=520 stades Ftolemy makes it from the Sacred mouth along the course of the river This brings us to just about 477 stades or 60 miles in a direct line. about a line of sandbanks reaching from Vilkov by Ivancha to Teretsa, and representing an old coastline which we may take as the coastline at the beginning of our era. This line gives about the right amount, 47 versts (31 miles = 279 stades), which we get as the distance between the old mouths from N. to s. in Arrian (280 stades) and Strabo (300 stades). If now we measure our 15 miles up stream from our ancient Sacred mouth we come upon rising ground which takes up the rest of the Dobrudzha up to Tulcha. Braun supposes that formerly an actual branch of the Danube cut off this triangle from the main land and fell into the sea somewhere opposite the channel Fortitsa, within twelve miles or so of Istropolis {? Karanasup), having sent off an arm into a marsh, now represented by lake Babadagh, and having formed lake Rasim. Bruun' anticipates Braun and says there exist traces of such a channel. This state of things is represented by Fliny's confused account\ When this branch got silted up confusion arose in the mind of Ftolemy, who found the southernmost mouth given variously as the Peuce mouth and the Sacred mouth, and he identified them and so was brought to seek the island Peuce in the modern delta and to throw out all the measurements and distort the shape of the whole delta to try and reconcile diflferent accounts both founded on fact but referring to different :
;
times.
Without detailed investigation of the actual lie of the land between main course of the Danube and Babadagh it is impossible to say whether Dr Braun has really disentangled the labyrinth of the Danube mouths. If it is at all possible, such a solution would best fit the case. the
1
Arrian Anaii.
Scymnus,
I.
2
—
4.
Anon. 94 (68), Pliny and Ptolemy. Under the name of Ptolemy we may quote data due to Marinus of Tyre whose work formed the basis of Ptolemy's. For our purposes no distinction can be made between them. 2
1.
787,
3
Cheriioviorje,
I.
pp. 48
—
59.
Peuces, mox ipsa Peuce insula in qua proximus alveus [nomen deest] apex pellatus xix m. p. mag^na palude sorbetur eodem alveo et supra Histropolin lacus gignitur Ixiii m. p. ambitu, Halmyrin \ocant. ^
1.
c.
Primum ostium
:
Mouths of Daiiube
ll]
I
3
conceivable that within historic time Peuce never was a real or Portitsa a real mouth of the Danube, but that the first was defensible across a short isthmus and along the course of a minor stream flowing into Habadagh lake, and so gained the name of island, to be a refuge for the Triballi and later (when it almost certainly was no longer separate) for the division of the Bastarnae hence called Peucini. So there may have been a false mouth to the south of the delta as there was to the N. or ships may once have gone in by Portitsa and across lake Rasim VVe can see by to ascend the stream now represented by the Dunavets. the varying accounts of authors that the real mouths of the river closed and shifted, as has happened with all the Black Sea rivers, but that old names and old descriptions lived on in Geography books and led compilers It
is
just
island
Only Strabo who prided himself on direct up-to-date information and avoided padding copied from other books, gives an intelligible account The question of the number of of the district as it was in his time. mouths is never settled, to-day one may count anything from three to twelve and no doubt it was the same in ancient times. We may take it then that while it is hopeless to identify the lesser mouths (we have ten different names preserved in various authors) Peuces ostium was originally what is now Portitsa, Ostium Sacrum (later also called Peuce) corresponded to St George's mouth, Naracu stoma was half-way between that and Galon stoma, the Sulina mouth (lately canalised and made really navigable) that Pseudostoma, Boreon stoma, Spireon stoma corresponded to branches of the Kilia mouth, and Psilon stoma was a still more northerly channel running out through the marshes (Thiagola) at Zhebriany. The stretch from the Ister to the Tyras is not important. Strabo tells us of two lakes, one open and one shut, corresponding to Sasyk and probably Alibey, two limans now communicating with the sea by narrow astray.
;
channels.
Between them came the place
ra. 'AvTL
his Cremnisci,
seem some traces left in the foundations of a tower. It is ascribed to Neoptolemus the Admiral of Mithridates, and appears to have been a lighthouse'.
A difficulty is in the distance given by our authorities for the space Strabo and Anon, make it between Danube mouth and Dnestr mouth. 900 stades. Really it comes to about 600. Ps.-Arrian obviously left the coast at Portus Isiacorum (Odessa) and cut straight across to the Danube mouth, making it 200 stades, probably by adding on half the distance for possible He says that there were no settlements in that space curves of the coast. eprjixa. /cat dvcouvfjia, whereby he did an injustice to Tyras, which was still Anon, filled in the gap with names gleaned we coining in Arrian's time". 1
' Becker, Trans. Odessa Soc. HI. p. 151, On the coast of the Euxine between the Ister and the Borysthenes with reference to ancient settlements.
'^
v. p.
An argument 24, n. 3.
for its not
being the real
A rrian,
Survey of Coast
14
know not whence, and made the total why Strabo should be 300 stades out
[ch.
But distance agree with Ps.-Arrian. is hard to say, unless he applied a rneasurement stretching to the southern and most used Danube mouth to the northern nearest one. Pliny gives 130 m.p., that is 1040 stades, from Tyras to Pseudostoma. The ancients all seem to have overestimated this unattractive Ptolemy on the other hand makes too little of this very piece of coast. distance. From Thiagola (Zhebriany) to the Dnestr mouth he gives what represents
390
Dnepr, he
is
stades,
while
further
substantially correct.
comes the break
in his bearings,
it
to
the
e.,
Dr Braun has due
to his
e.g.
between Dnestr and
well
shewn
that just here
having Byzantium two degrees
Harpis, the other too far to the n., in the same latitude as Marseilles. point he gives, is still orientated from the s., and represents Eskypolos, the town at the end of the Roman wall that guarded the lower Danube. Strabo says that 140 stades up the river Tyras are the towns of Pliny says that the town Niconia on the right and Ophiussa on the left. need have no doubt that it is Tyras was formerly called Ophiussa. What we know the present Akkerman, mediaeval Moncastro or Belgorod. Niconia of its history and coinage will be found further on (ch. xiv.). Strabo adds would be Otarik, where some antiquities have been found. another datum, 120 stades, for the distance between Tyras town and the mouth of the river, more close than the figure he has first given and agreeing with Anon., who says that to. Neo-rrToXeixov was 120 stades from Tyras river, surely a mistake for Tyras town\ The position of the island Leuce, now Phidonisi, is accurately defined by Strabo, who says it lies 500 stades from the mouth of the Tyras, and Demetrius (ap. Anon. 91 (65)), who gives 400 stades as its distance from This is fairly correct. the mainland at the Danube mouth. Other authors confuse it with the Apo'/Ao? 'A^tWew?, or the nameless island near the mouth of the Borysthenes, now called Berezan. First mentioned by Arctinus, Leuce is spoken of by Stesichorus in his Palinode, by Pindar {Nem. iv. 49), Euripides [Androm. 1259), Lycophron {Alexandra 186), and gradually the romantic legend grew that we find in its fullest form in Philostratus
We
Junior".
To the E. of the Tyras the next place mentioned is Physce in Ptolemy, probably at the mouth of the Baraboi, and Ps.-Arrian's Portus Isiacorum, interesting as being the forerunner of modern Odessa, and 50 stades (Anon. 87 (61)) further on Istrianorum Portus, probably by the mouth of the Kujalnik or Hadzhi Bey limans, once estuaries navigable from the sea. The cliffs gradually rise along this coast, and the name Scopuli (Anon. 87 (61)) may be justified. The next point is Ordessus (Ptol.) or Odessus (Ps.-Arr. and Anon.), probably at the mouth of the Axiaces or Asiaces (Mela), now the Tiligul, cut right off by a bar, but once open. Here, near Koblevka, Uvarov found traces of ancient habitation I '
Vide E. von Stern,
Akkerman, Trans. Od.
On the latest excavations at Soc. XXI II. p. 58.
Heroicus XIX. 16 (pp. 327—331). Latyshev, Cauc. I. p. 637. V. account of Leuce in Ukert and Trans. Od. Soc. I. p. 549, 11. p. 413, 2
Scyth. et
and a discussion of the whole question and of the worship there paid to Achilles by the Olbiopolites, in Latyshev, Olbia, pp. 55 61 and inf chap. XV. K.'A.Ou.vs.row, Recherches sur lesAntiquites de la Russic Meridionale, PI. xxvi. and xxvii. •'
O
—
1
5
Daiiube
ii]
D7tepr
to
1
Opposite the liman Berezan is the island of the same name referred by Strabo and Ps.-Arrian. This island was early settled by the Greeks, as upon it have been found vases of Milesian type and archaic asses of to
Olbia'.
It
is
confused
constantly
with
From
Leuce.
here
it
is
just
60 stades (Anon.) on to the mouth of the great liman in which the Bugh and Dnepr join. Altogether the distances along this coast are very much what Ps.-Arrian and Anon, make them. The common estuary of the Bugh and Dnepr is one of the fuiest in Europe, its very size prevented casual observers understanding how the Dio Chrysostom [Or. xxxvi.) gives us the best description. land lies. Herodotus and Dio alone grasped the fact that the city which its citizens called Olbia, and strangers Borysthenes, lay upon the Hypanis, the Bugh, The confusion was natural, but not upon the Borysthenes river, the Dnepr. The the site of Olbia could never have been determined from the texts. mounds, coins and inscriptions dug up at Sto Mohil (the hundred Barrows), a mile to the south of the village of Iljinskoe or Parutino, have settled the Alector mentioned by Dio must be Ochakov opposite the long matter. Between them is a bar spit of Kinburn, well known in the Crimean war. with a very narrow channel under the guns of the fort. When you have passed the fort the great liman is spread before you and even at Olbia the opposite side of the Bugh is so far distant that the impression produced rather than a river. Hence the variations of distance is that of a lake given by the authorities, Scymnus and Anon, making it 240 stades up from the mouth of the river, Strabo (who says Borysthenes) and Dio 200 stades. Pliny with his 15 m.p. must have measured from the point where a ship On the Boryleaves the Dnepr channel and begins to ascend the Bugh. On its sthenes itself there seems to have been no important settlement. left bank and on the islands of the river still survived into last century remains of the woods which gained the district the name of Hylaea, of which Herodotus, and after him Mela and Pliny, speak. It hardly required many trees to attract attention in the bare steppe land. We need not suppose that Valerius Placcus meant anything when he wrote ^Arg. vi. 76) :
Densior baud usquam nee celsior
extulit ulla
fessaeque prius rediere sagittac Arboris ad summum quam pervenere cacumen. Silva tiabes
He
had read
in his
Mela
:
:
Silvae deinde sunt quas
The
Hylaea
maximas hae
terrae ferunt-.
a favourite subject for discussion, but the difficulty only arises if we put the Panticapes' (which flows into the Hylaea) to the west of the Borysthenes and identify it with the Ingulets, But if so as to give room for the Georgi between it and the Dnepr. position of the
is
V. chapters XI. Xli. and XV. For the former extension of trees where now there are none, see Burachkov (who spoke from personal knowledge); On the position of Carcinitis, Trans. Od. Soc. IX. p. 3 K. Neumann, op. cit. pp. 31 and 74 sqq., who has collected various testimony to shew that trees did really exist along the '
^
;
river valleys, but it,
is
inclined to
make
too
much
of
and W. W. Dokoutchaiev, Les Steppes russes
autrefois
et
aujourd'hui,
Congrh
Ititernational
d'Archcolpgie prchistoriquc et (T Anihropologie, Session (i Moscott, Vol. I. 1892. ^ Her. iv. 54. Vide infra, p. 29.
li'.
6
Survey
1
we suppose
that
precisely into the
of Coast
[ch.
was the Konka across the Dnepr valley wooded region to the south of the estuary'.
it
it
would flow
In face of such a mistake it Ptolemy puts Olbia on the Borysthenes. But near seems risky to assign positions to the other cities he mentions. Great Znamenka and Little Znamenka overlooking the well-watered flats of the so-called "great meadow" we find the remains of fortified settlements with Greek pottery", which may mark his Amadoca and Azagarion. At the mouth of the Dnepr liman we have Kinburn spit, which is probably the site of Ptolemy's "AXo-o? 'E/carr;?', which Anon, puts on the next spit, the west end of the Tendra or Apo/Ao? 'A^tXXew*?, whereupon there seems to have been a sanctuary of the hero mentioned by Strabo. A stone with a dedication to Achilles was dredged up off Kinburn^ and others with his name were found on the Tendra\ The formation of Kinburn spit and the Tendra is unstable and channels in them open and shut so that what has been an island becomes joined to the mainland and again becomes an island according to the caprice of the currents. The Island of Achilles mentioned by Pliny hereabouts may well be of such Some authors, e.g. Ps.-Arrian, have hence confused the Ayooju,os formation. with Leuce. But in the main the descriptions are accurate, telling of the sword-like stretch of sand curving at each end and serving as the raceDzharylgach, the other end, seems to be course of the fleet-footed hero. what we must understand by Tamyrace. Between it and the place where the Tendra joins the mainland Ps.-Arrian gives eKpoa Xt/xt'i7s, probably a temporary gap in the continuity of the beach. Behind Tamyrace spit was some sort of shelter for the few ships that came that way. Between Tamyrace and the opposite coast of the Crimea is the gulf called the gulf of Tamyrace or Carcinitis running up to Taphrae on the Isthmus of Perekop. How little the ancients visited these parts is shewn by the vagueness of the measurements given. Tendra is about 80 m. long or 750 stades, but Strabo calls it 1000, Ps.-Arrian 980, Anon. 1200, Agrippa 80 m. p. =640 stades. The 60 stades given as the distance from the shore is not far out. So with the gulf called Carcinites or Tamyrace the 300 stades is not far out for the distance across the mouth, but the ancients had the most exaggerated idea of its extent to the eastward. Strabo puts this at 1000 stades and says some multiplied this amount by three. On the other hand, Pliny and Strabo both give the breadth of the Isthmus of Perekop, Taphrae, at 40 stades (5 miles) which is very near. Strabo adds that others reckoned it at 360 stades, which is about the distance from the gulf of Perekop on the w. to Genichesk on the sea of Again they give a very good description of the Putrid Sea (Sivash), Azov". but make it very much too big. This is one of the most unmistakeable Cf. Niederle, Staroveke ZprAvy o zeniepisu vychodnl Evropy (Ancient Information as to the Geoj^raphy of Eastern Europe), p. 35 sq. CR. 1899, p. 28, and Braun, op. cit. p. 21 sqq., 371-3, also Ouvarov, op. cit. PI. D. '
''
1
Later called oK^ro^ alone and afterwards the ,S. Aetherius, upon which the Russians refitted their dug-outs [Const. Porph. de adin. Imp. ^
Island of
c. IX., cf.
Latyshev, 'Island of S. Aeth.' in Joiirn.
Min. Pub. Instr. St losPE. iv. 63. ^ losPE. i. 179 '^
P.,
May
1899,
p. 73].
V. ch. XV.
— 183.
This
probably the site of Asander's wall, v. ch. xix., no doubt on the site of a former ditch that gave its name to the place, "
is
7
II
Djiepr
]
to
Crifnea
1
coast line and naturally impressed those who came Pliny- gets hopelessly confused. He mixes up the Putrid Sea, the liman of the Utljuk or Molochnaja and the Hypanis (Bugh) with one of the limans about the Peninsula of Taman at the opposite corner of the Sea of Azov and the Hypanis (Kuban), and one can make no sense out of his jumble of names. Lacns Buccs...Corctiis Maeotis features of the whole At this point near'.
reQW Scythia Sindica One cannot help thinking that as now, so formerly, the same nominatur. geographical names were repeated along this coast. Every other salt lake Sasyk, the cutting through a spit of sand is called Bugas, there is called are two Kujalnik rivers, an Ingul and an Ingulets (a diminutive though it is the bigger river), a Don and Donets, two sandspits called Dzharylgach, two places called Ak Mechet, two Sivash lakes, two rivers Salgir, and two Karasu, so in old days there were two rivers Hypanis, Bugh and Kuban, perhaps two Gerrhus, more than one Panticapes and several Iiiones, Insulae Achillis and so forth. Just as the Russians have adopted Tartar words as names, so the Greeks took native words meaning river or salt lake or Hence the confusion produced by the attempts of Ptolemy or channel. Pliny to distinguish these names without local knowledge. In the Gulf of Carcinites Pliny mentions the islands Cephalonnesus, Spodusa and Macra, and Ptolemy gives position to the first of these. Mela, Pliny and Ptolemy also mention a town, Carcine, which is merely the Carcilacus simis...anines Ihices, Gerrhus... hardly tally with
^
of Herodotus (iv. 99) and Hecataeus (fr. 153). Herodotus says that the falls into the sea and Mela (11. 4) copies him inaccurately, Hypacyris here sinus Carcinites, in co urbs Carcine, quam duo flumina Gerrhos et Ypacares tmo ostio effluentia adtingunt. Pliny is still further removed and speaks of The only stream that runs into the gulf is the Kalanchak, the Pacyris (sic)^ now quite unimportant, but from its mouth hollows and what were once water-courses may be traced far inland almost to the Dnepr about the land This may have been a way of getting quickly up to that called Gerrhus. district, but it must have been early abandoned owing to the failure in water of which we can trace the effect all over the steppe region. The position of Carcinitis town has been a great bone of contention because it has been assumed that it must have been situated on the gulf Carcinites, whereas the town Cercinitis is plainly put in the western Crimea by Ps.-Arrian and Anon, (who adds a name Coronitis). Across the gulf 300 stades from Tamyrace we find mentioned Calos Limen, 700 stades further Reckoning back exactly on Cercinitis, and 600 stades beyond Chersonese. from the well-known site of the latter we get Cercinitis at the mouth of the closed estuary Donguslav, the position approved by Bruun and Another 700 stades brings us too far round the corner to give Burachkov. If we take all the distances to the required 300 more to Tamyrace. somewhat exaggerated may put Cercinitis just to the west as usual we be of a Greek modern Eupatoria on where there are traces the a spot of nitis
town '
2 '
(v.
Strabo
NH. NH. M.
Chapter xvi.)\ vii. iv.
i.
Coins occur marked *
IV. 84.
'
IV. 93.
viii.
NH.
KEPKI and KAPK,
similar in
IV. 84.
Excavations of N. Ph. Romanchenko, pp. 219 236.
—
TRAS. 3
,
Survey
i8
of Coast
[CH.
type to the coins of Chersonese (PI. iv. i, 2, 3, cf. iv. 17), and even an inscription has been found and we can put Calos Limen at Ak Mechet or at So Cercinitis is another example of the the next Httle bay along the coast. curiously inaccurate naming of places along this coast by which the town Borysthenes (Olbia) was not upon the Borysthenes and Istrus not actually upon the Ister. The gulf Carcinites was the gulf just beyond Carcinitis, up which the men of that town traded by way of the Hypacyris until the latter dried up, and so it was thought of as standing at the mouth of that river. If this was the view of Later Ptolemy calls Carcinites itself a river. Herodotus we can see why he had no idea how much the Crimea is divided from the mainland, and a river being provided we need not trouble '
;
about Donguslav lake. At Chersonese we again reach a definite point. A discussion of the topography of the district lying immediately about it will best go with the sketch of its history and remains that will be given in Chapter xvii. Strabo (vii. iv. 2) gives 4400 stades as the distance we have come from the Tyras. But with moderate allowance for the curves of the coast the distance can hardly come to more than 3000 stades. Strabo must have reckoned in the circumference of the Carcinites gulf and made his ship go right up to Olbia and other places of call on the way. Anonymus (83 (57) 87 (61)) adds up to 3810 but gives 41 10 (89 (63)), having missed He says that Artemidorus gives 300 stades somewhere about Tamyrace. 4220, but that is going round Carcinites gulf. Beyond Chersonese Strabo (I.e.) rightly mentions the three deep bays and the headland now C. Chersonese. C. Fiolente is much more picturesque, but not so important geographically as C. Chersonese, and is not likely to be meant by Strabo. Portus Symbolon is clearly Balaklava, and by it was Palacion or Placia, built by the natives as a menace to the whole
—
Oe«osA« "'q wc r&
^^^^'^
''^t^'iValaJeUvJ.'
Haf £ou.- U»k^^ b.S.W
\ \ Fig.
Minor Peninsula.
I.
The
fancy that this narrow inlet is the harbour of the for it but the names of Dubois de Montpereux, after Pallas the first scientific explorer of these parts, and K. E. von Baer" who was rather a scientist than a historian.
Laestrygones has nothing
'
BCA.
X. 20.
2
Ueber die homerische Localitdien in der Odyssee, Brunswick, 1878,
v. inf.
Ch. xni.
Chersonese
"]
Theodosia
to
19
The southernmost
cape of the Crimea was called by the ancients Criu It was supposed to be just opposite well known. to Carambis on the coast of Asia Minor and they could both be seen from a ship in mid sea. The high land behind the capes can really be seen. This comparatively narrow part was reckoned to divide the Euxine into two basins, but it is hard to settle what particular headland was the actual Ram's Head. Pliny' gives it as 165 m.p., i.e. 1320 stades from Chersonese town, which would bring it to Theodosia; and 125 m.p. = 1000 stades on Anon. (81 (53)) to Theodosia, which would bring it back to C. Sarych. makes it 300 stades from Symbolon Portus. That would be about Aju Dagh. But he also makes it 220 stades from Lampas (Lambat), which would bring it again to near Aj Todor, not in itself a very prominent cape, chiefly interesting for a Roman station of which M. I. Rostovtsev has given an account ^ But above it Aj Petri rises high and can be seen further than Aju Dagh, and the latter is considerably to the north, so that The most southerly perhaps it is best to call Aj Todor Criu Metopon. point is actually Kikeneis or Sarych, still further to the west. The position given by Ptolemy also leans in favour of Aj Todor. Ptolemy's Charax Pliny ^ mentions Characeni may well have been the settlement on Aj Todor. In the interior Strabo mentions Mount Trapezus,
Metopon and was very
—
—
Chatyr Dagh
(vii. iv. 3),
and
it
is
at least
"CKat^ "Da^K "TriAprivSTiIws •
Fig.
.
as
f-o**
much
like a table as a tent.
KW.
2.
The modern place-name Partenit near Aju Dagh suggests that here may have been a sanctuary of the virgin goddess to whom all the Tauric ,
mountains were holy. Lampat, the next village, has also preserved its Greek name mentioned by Ps.-Arrian (30 (19 H.)) and Anon., and Alushta is the 'AXovcrrot' of Procopius\ Beyond Lampas 600 stades further east we have what Ps.-Arrian calls \i[i.y]v ^KvOoravpcov €pr)fjio<;, 200 stades short of Theodosia. Anon. (78 (52)) calls it also Xdrjvalojv. These 200 stades bring us to Otiiz, the most probable site, for 600 stades from Lampas makes the site too close to Theodosia. The name of Sugdaea, Sudak, so important in mediaeval times, does not occur before Procopius (1. c). Theodosia is again a certain site, and has recovered its old name '
Ch. XVII I.), From near Theodosia an earthwork goes across to the beginning of the Arabat Spit on the Maeotis. This seems to represent the boundary of (v.
'
V.
NH.
3
IV. 86.
Journ. Mill. Pub. Inslr. inf. Ch. XVII. -
.St
W, May
1900,
*
yv//. IV. 85. De Aeii. \\i. 7.
3—2
Survey
20
of Coast
[ch.
the kingdom of Leucon as against the Scyths and Tauri of the peninsula rather than the Wall of Asander'. At 280 stades from Theodosia Ps.-Arrian (30 (19 H.)) and Anon. (77 (51)) give Cazeca, clearly Kachik the eastern headland of the bay of Theodosia, about 30 miles from that city following the coast round; 180 stades further east, according to Anon., was Cimmericum, evidently Opuk, where Dubrux" discovered traces of a fortified town with a harbour. This is rendered quite certain by the existence opposite here of two skerries From the head of Lake Uzunlar, once an mentioned by Anon. (76 (50)). arm of the sea, goes another embankment to Hadzhibey on the Sea of Azov. At a distance of 60 stades Anon, gives Cytae, also mentioned by Pliny' and The 60 stades would bring it to Kaz Aiil. called Cytaea by Scylax (68). would (Pliny) come at Takil Burun, 30 stades from Cytae Acrae Acra^ or marking the entrance The site of the Cimmerian Bosporus. on the headland After uncertain. another stades reach Nymphaeum, we of Hermisium'^ is 65 undoubtedly Eltegen, where there are evident remains of a city and harbour Tyritace" seems to have been at the head of Churubash (v. Chapter xviii.). Dia of Pliny is uncertain, but must have been Lake, once an arm of the sea. between Tyritace and Panticapaeum. This latter was more than the 85 stades from Nymphaeum by Tyritace, given by Anon., but there seems no reason to As to Panticapaeum, there can be no doubt question these identifications. that its Acropolis was the hill now called Mount Mithridates (v. Chapter xix.). The identification of the several small settlements about the Cimmerian Bosporus, and on the Peninsula of Taman, is rendered difficult by the uncertainty as to changes in the one case in the position of sandbanks and spits which would necessarily modify the distances reckoned from one place to another, in the other to still more considerable changes in the water-courses which intersect the peninsula, deriving from the Hypanis or Kuban, and subject not only to ordinary silting up, but to the more unusual action of the mud volcanoes that abound in the district. Next to Panticapaeum, on the west side of the strait, we have Myrmecium, mentioned by most of the authorities as being 25 (Anon.) or 20^ This would fairly bring us to the place called the Old stades away. just the other side of the bay. Quarantine, Somewhere near must have which early issued coins marked APOA and AP (PI. ix. 10), been the town and which seems to have been absorbed in Panticapaeum, unless Apollonia was indeed the Greek name for that city. Forty stades further on (Strabo) we have Parthenium, while Anon, makes it 60 from Myrmecium to Porthmium, Probably these both represent the site of Jenikale lighthouse at the narrowest point of the channel, whose breadth is regularly given as 20 stades, which is It is really about 90 stades from Panticapaeum. about right. Ps.-Arrian and Anon, reckon the strait to be the mouth of the Tanais, and this is not unreasonable according to the view that makes the Maeotis a mere marsh and no sea. 1
Strabo
2
Tnms. Od.
3
NH.
*
supra, p. i6, n. Soc. iv. p. 69 and PI. i.
vii. iv. 6, cf.
IV. 86.
Anon, and .Strabo
xi.
ii.
8.
6.
NH.
Pliny, IV. 87, Mela H. 3. Stepli. Byz. s.v.; Ptol. 'Xv^nKTunx) TvpidTiiKr). '•>
"
"
Strabo
vii. iv. 5.
;
Anon. 76
(50)
TheodosJa
ii]
to
Sea
Bosporus.
of
Azov
2
1
On
the west of the Maeotis, between the Bosporus and the Don, except perhaps near G(Miichesk), Herodotus and his Cremni (iv. 20, 10, Ptolemy is the only authority, and the names he gives are mere names not to be identified, for he has a wrong idea of the he of the land, and in any Only case there seems to have been no important settlement on this coast. entrance Zjuk, miles to the west of the to the straits, the headland about at 40 we have remains of a Greek village", which may have been Heracleum or Zenonis Chersonesus. So too no purpose can be served by endeavouring to for
i
identify the rivers of this coast.
Of Tanais town of the Don is a more interesting point. Its site in the second and and its inscriptions we will treat later (Ch. xix.). third centuries a.d. was clearly near Nedvi'govka on the Dead Donets, but it is quite probable that the original Tanais town destroyed by Polemo was cannot on the site of Azov, or in the delta at Elizavetovskaja Stanitsa". identify the island Alopecia, mentioned by Strabo (xi. ii. 3), Pliny' and Ptolemy. It has probably been joined to the delta, which is growing very In any case it is hard to see how it can have been 100 stades fast. below the town. The east coast is more important because of its fisheries, which supplied much of the TapLxos exported from the Pontus^ The first, 800 stades from the Tanais, was at the Great Rhombites, probably the Jeja. At Jeisk, at its mouth, is still a great fishery. After another 800 stades
The mouth
We
came
the Little Rhombites by Jasenskaja Kosa, where there once flowed the sea the Chelbasi and Beisug rivers which now reach it only during the spring floods 600 stades more past the northern delta of the Kuban brings us to Tyrambe, possibly Temrjuk or Temrjuk Settlement, between which an important branch of that river (the Anticites or Hypanis) reaches the Maeotis. At a distance of i 20 stades was Cimmerice or Cimmeris village, probably the nw. point of the island Fontan. This was the point from which vessels reckoned their course across the Maeotis. 20 stades beyond was Achillis vicus, at the narrowest point of the strait, opposite Parthenium. These figures all seem put too low by Strabo (xi. ii. 4Perhaps'the current that flows down the Sea of Azov helped the 6). vessels along and led the navigators to underestimate the distance. The natural course would be for ships to go right straight across to Tanais and come down the east coast to take in their cargoes of fish. Ptolemy mentions these same points as Strabo, but his authority is not to be preferred. The topography of the Taman Peninsula is, as we have said, particularly difficult. The interweaving of land and water made it hard for Strabo (xi. ii. 6- 10) to describe, and the changes since his time, both in his text and in the land surface, make it still harder to apply his description^ In general the very greatest caution should be used in explaining difficulties of ancient topography by geological changes, but here three powerful into
;
—
—
A. A. Dirin, Trans. Od. Soc. Xix. ii. p. 121. Strabo XI. ii. 3. A'//. IV. 87. * Strabo XI. ii. 4. ^ The best account is in Cloertz, Archaeological Topography of the Tarnan Peninsula, Moscow, '
-
•''
1870,
and History of Archaeological Investigations
in the Tainan Peninsula, M. 1876, both repr. St F. 1898; but cf. I. E. Zabelin, Trans. Third Arch. Congr. (Kiev) 1874, 11., Explanation of Strabo's Topography of Bosp. Ciin.
Survey
22
of Coast
[ch.
Something has been done by the mudagencies have been at work. volcanoes found on both sides of the strait, but most active to the east of it. Their activity is not mentioned by the ancients, they may have been since then there have been thrown up the quiescent during classical times cone of Kuku Oba, which is the most striking object of the Bosporus, and some of the cones just south of Sennaja, the site of Phanagoria. One of these it was that cast up, in 1818, a Greek inscription", referring to the construction of a temple of Artemis Agroteral Another agency in changing the face of the land is the action of Whereas the northern branch, the Protoka, has formed an the Kuban. ordinary delta in what was once a bay of the Maeotis, the southern branch flowed into what must have been a group of islands and found its way to the sea through channels and sounds which itself it has done much :
towards
silting up.
Lastly the sea itself has encroached on the side towards the Bosporus. Here the shifting currents have alternately washed the shore away and deposited new sandbanks, there is even reason to suppose that the level Columns, the remains of a temple, are seen in of the land is sinking. the sea along the northerly spit opposite Jenikale, and again off the site of the ancient Phanagoria. Along the coast from Tuzla to C. Panagia barrows are seen in The latter cape takes its name from a church now section upon the cliff. swallowed up by the waves. At Taman itself the cliff, with remains of an ancient town, is being washed away. The statues from the monument of Comosarye* were found in the sea, because the headland of SS. Boris
and Gleb on which In the
was
it
district, then,
Taman, Akdengis
(or
built
had been encroached upon.
there are three main bodies of water, the Gulf of
Akhtaniz) Liman, and Kizil Tash Liman.
Branches
of the Kuban flow into the two limans, but the Gulf of Taman is at But there can be little doubt that a depression present cut off from it. running east from the cove Shimardan by Lake. Janovskij to the Akdengis liman represents an old channeP. The only certain points in the whole peninsula are Phanagoria^ the great masses of debris and rows of barrows about Sennaja leave no doubt where we must seek the capital of the Asiatic half of the Bosporus kingdom, and Gorgippia, long supposed to be Anapa and recently proved to be so by inscriptions". If we take the Gulf of Taman to be Strabo's Lake of Corocondame, of that name must have stood at the base of the southern the villaore o sandspit that partly cuts the gulf off from the Bosporus'. But Strabo says (xi. ii. 14) that Corocondame is the point from which begins the eastward sail to Portus Sindicus, and marks the beginning of the Bosporus strait, corresponding to Acra. If then we suppose that C. Tuzla extended a little further west and
= losPE.
Suvorm's Fort Phanagoria by Taman was
*
App.
^
Goertz, Topography, p. 45.
named according
^
App. yD = IosPE.
cf.
^
V.
2(^
Map
in
II.
II.
346.
ABC.-^KTR.
Dubois de Montp^reux.
'"
344.
p.
108,
f.
141, after
to the
Clarke's Travels, « "
losPE. iv. 434. Anon. 64 (23).
view current
—
pp. 81 83. BCA. xxiii. 32.
11.
in his time,
Tama?I
"]
Pcni7isula
23
from
it ran out a spit like the southern spit for a little over a mile (xi. ii. 9), get about 80 stades across to Acra instead of 70 (§ 8), 130 stades bring us to Patraeus and the monument of Satyrus (Kuban's Farm and perhaps Kuku Oba) 90 stades from there would be Achillis vicus, on the northern spit, where columns are seen in the sea, just opposite Jenikale". Cimmeris would be 20 stades further, at the base of the northern spit, just at the point where the navigation of the Maeotis begins. Only the distance to Tyrambe is much more than 20 stades, but this seems wrong
we
;
1
in
any
case.
The actual site of Corocondame seems to have been washed away. has been usually placed at Taman, inasmuch as that was the site of a very ancient Greek settlement, and some have seen in Tmutarokan, the mediaeval Russian name of Taman, an echo of the ancient Corocondame, but Taman does not lie on the Bosporus itself It is impossible to say that from it one sails eastward to Sindicus Portus, and it is much more than 10 stades from any possible entrance to the gulf. "Above Corocondame," says Strabo (xi. ii. 9), "is a fair-sized lake" (or liman), "which is called after it, Corocondamitis. It debouches into the sea 10 stades from the village. Into this lake flows a channel of the Anticites river, " and makes an island surrounded by the lake, the Maeotis and the river "When one has sailed into Lake Corocondamitis one has Phana10. § goria, an important city, and Cepi, and Hermonassa, and the Apaturum, the Of which Phanagoria and Cepi are built on the said temple of Aphrodite. island on the left as one sails in, the rest of the cities are on the right In the land beyond the Hypanis " ( = Anticites), "in the land of the Sindi. of the Sindi is also Gorgippia, the royal city of the Sindi, and Aborace." " From Corocondame you sail straight off to the east 180 stades to § 14. Portus Sindicus" (probably at the entrance to Lake Kizil Tash (170 stades)). "It is 400 stades further to what is called Bata, a harbour and village" (now Novorossijsk (500 stades)). From this it is clear that Phanagoria being at the bottom of the Gulf of Taman, the channel of the Kuban came just south of it, and somewhere But there on the same island was Cepi, usually put at Artjukhov's farm. Pliny's Stratoclia, nor is no way of identifying Hermonassa, Apaturon, or of giving names to the large number of sites of ancient settlements. The district was very thickly populated in antiquity and is covered with which latter some of the villages, forts, earthworks and barrows, from beautiful objects have been recovered. most Anon. (62 (21) sqq.) gives us more details of this part". He gives the distance from Hieros Limen (another name for Bata or Patus) to what he calls Sindica or Sindicus Portus as 290 stades (it is rather more than 300 to Anapa), and says it is 540 on to Panticapaeum, which is about Next he speaks of Corocondame and its liman, which he says is right. and the circumference he gives at 630 stades this also called Opissas It is hard is about right if we reckon in the shores of Lake Akdengis. "the not to wonder whether Opissas was not the name of this liman It
:
;
—
'
On
the
Euxine coast such spots were con-
nectccl with the
name
of Achilles.
^
Cf.
Bruun, Cheniomorje,
ii.
242
— 270.
of Coast
Survey
24
[ch.
He adds that Hermonassa is 440 stades from the entrance It seems and 515 by it to the entrance of the Maeotis. as if he measured by Lakes Corocondame and Akdengis and some passage of the Kuban into Lake Kizil Tash, so that Hermonassa would be one of the sites on the north shore of that liman. Of the Greek settlements in this peninsula Phanagoria (Ch. xix.) was a colony of Teios, Cepi of Miletus, and Stephanus Byzantius calls Hermonassa a settlement of lonians, repeating what Dionysius (1. 553) backwater."
the lake
of
these places, ^vda re vaeTaovcriv 'IcovlSos eKyovoi ai-q
says of
all
The
;
—
Bosporus, which was in relation with Lower Moesia. The periplus that bears his name has been unskilfully tacked on to the account of his real expedition a reference to the death of King Cotys does not come in at all well. The addition seems to date from Byzantine times, and to have used sources open to Anon., who did not, however, copy Ps.-Arrianl necessary for this coast. Strabo (xi. ii. 12 16) gives all detail According to Artemidorus first came the Cercetae for 850 stades after Then the Achaei for 500 stades, the Heniochi for 1000 stades, Bata. as far as Pityiis, now Pitsunda, and 360 stades further on was Dioscurias, Sukhum Kale. But the writers on the wars of Mithridates gave the order Achaei, Zygi, Heniochi, Cercetae, Moschi, Colchi, with Phthirophagi and Soanes further inland. There seems to have been some shifting of population, for Arrian and Anon, give also Macrones, Zydritae, Lazi, Apsilae, Abasgi and Sannigae, and speak of an old Achaea and an old Lazice west of the later positions Some of these peoples certainly still remain. Cercetae may of those tribes. very well be the Circassians (Cherkes). The Lazi are the Lesghians the Soanes the inhabitants of Svanetia the Abasgi, the Abkhazes. Strabo says that at Dioscurias were kept seventy interpreters, each for a different tribe of the interior with which business was done, and others raised the :
—
;
;
1
For the pirates of this coast see de Peyssonel, le commerce de la Mer Noire, Vol. II.
Traits sur p. 10.
Paris, 1787.
For
its harbour, v. supra, p. 4. C. G. Brandis, in Rheinisches Museum, Li. p. 109. C. Patsch in Klio, Vol. IV. (1904), disagrees. '^
^
v.
Sin diea
ii]
Dioscurias
to
25
number
It would scarcely be impossible to come up to to three hundred. former number nowadays by taking all the dialects of the Caucasus, and in Kerch, for instance, twenty different tongues are in quite common employ at the present time. For the racial affinities of the tribes East of the Sea of Azov, v. p. 127.
the
LOCI CLASSICI. »
Hecataeus, Phana^oria, Apaiunnii, ap. Steph. Byz.
Herodotus,
iv.
s.vv.
passim.
Maris
Ps.-Scylax, Periplns
— 8i
Inferni, 68
(second half of ivth
c.
GGM.
BC.
xxxiii
pp.
I.
—
li,
57-61). Aristotle,
De
Folybius, IV.
Aitimalibus
xix.
v.
14.
38—42.
Ps.-Scymnus, Periegesis^ Strabo, Geogr. vir.
iii.
11.
—
i
767
— 957 —7
(c.
iv.
19,
GGM.
90 BC.
(pp. 295
i
— Ixxx,
pp. Ixxiv
i.
— 312 C),
XI.
i.
5
—
7,
ii.
i
227
—
— 234).
16,
19
(490— 507 C).
Die Chrysostomus, XXXVI. Dionysius Periegetes,
pp.
142
11.
— 168,
541
— 553,
i— 16
Euxini
Ps.-Arrian, Pcriplus P.
(i
—
25—37
(19
— 25
H.)
in (v.
11.
p.
24
n.
3
;
GGM.
\.
370—401). Ptolemy, Geogr. in.
v.
vi.
v.
x.,
viil. x., xviii.
viii.,
Stephanus Byzantius, sub nominibus urbium, Anonymi Periplus Ponti Eu.vini, 47 (6) 118
—
also
652—732, and Eustatliius
11 H.),
FHG.
V.
etc.
NH.
I.
no — 115,
11.
i
—
15.
§§ 75—93, Vi. 15—22. Solinus, xiii. 1—3, XIV. I, 2, XV. i 29, xix.
Ammianus
iv.
Marcellinus, xxii.
Avienus, Descr. Orbis, Priscian, Periegesis,
II.
Anonymus Ravennas,
viii.
—
— — 26.
i
—
19.
10
—
214 254, 720—733, 852 891. 138—158, 557 566, 644 721.
11.
—
—
Jordanes, Geiica, v. (30
M.
c.
pp. 174—187.)
Pomponius Mela, Pliny,
(vth
(92).
i.
— 46). 17, 11.
12,
20, iv.
i
—
5,
v.
10,
ii.
AD.
GGM.
I.
pp. cxv
— cxxii,
402
— 423,
26
CHAPTER
III.
GEOGRAPHY OF SCYTHIA ACCORDING TO HERODOTUS. In the preceding survey of the coasts of Scythia we have had many tangible points by which to test the accounts of the ancients and have been able to fix the position of most important names occurring in the authorities. But it is far otherwise with regard to the interior. A whole series of ingenious investigators has endeavoured for instance to draw a map of Scythia according to Herodotus, and the different results to which they have come prove that in this it is hopeless to seek more than the Well has Pliny said " Neque in alia establishment of a few main facts. parte maior auctorum inconsiantia, credo propter inmtmeras iiagasque gentes^," and he proceeds to give whole lists of names derived from Herodotus is the main all kinds of authors from Hecataeus to Agrippa. authority, and no lover of Herodotus can deny that he might have used more system and consistency in his account without interfering with the charm of The mistake made by most writers is in striving to wrest the the narrative. different geographical sections of Book iv., composed at various times from various sources and introduced in various connections, into a seeming consistency with each other and with the modern map generally to the unfair treatment of the modern map. It is useless to attempt to give any resume of the views which have prevailed from time to time as to the geography of As any particular problem is treated the views of different writers Scythia. may be quoted, but a systematic setting forth of all the theories that have been advanced would take up a great deal of space without much helping matters. Some idea of the variety of the solutions may be gained from the Bibliography to this chapter it does not claim to be complete, for no useful purpose served would be by seeking out all the obscure or aberrant authors who have
—
;
dealt with the subject.
In Chapters vii. and viii. I shall enumerate the various civilisations that have left traces or rather tombs on the soil of S. Russia, but so far no one has succeeded in establishing any close link between the series of names or groups of names furnished by history and the remains which archaeology has unearthed in the steppe region. As will be pointed out there are correspondences between the culture revealed by tombs of the so-called Scythic type and the culture ascribed by Herodotus to the Scyths but this culture certainly belonged also to other tribes, particularly the Sarmatians. No one has applied so much common sense to the examination of Herodotus as Mr M.acan, and I am deeply indebted to his masterly excursus on the geography of Scythia. ;
»
NH.
VI. so.
—
CH.
Boundaries of Scythia
Ill]
27
—
Most writers take the passage cc. 99 10 1 as their main guide in setting But this jxissage rests on the radical error that the hne of the out their map. coast from the Don mouth to Perekop is about at right angles to that from Perekop to the Danube mouth. This latter line is one side of a square including all Scythia, and the former is another each side being reckoned at 20 days journey = 4000 St., about the actual length of the s. side, but a square with two of its sides almost in the same straight line makes an awkward Indeed this square Scythia is merely foundation for any further construction. a chess-board for the game of Darius and the Scythians, on which they can make their moves untroubled by any of the real features of the country, notably the riv^ers (Map iv.). much more satisfactory account is furnished by cc. 16 20, starting characteristically from Olbia and giving an intelligible survey of the inhabitants, the western half going from s. to n., Callippidae, Alazones, Aroteres, the eastern half from w. to e., Georgi who may well be the same as Aroteres, Nomades and Royal Scyths above them from w. to e. the same row of non-Scythian tribes that we get in 99 sq., Agathyrsi, Neuri, Androphagi, Melanchlaeni, with the Sauromatae beyond the Tanais and the Budini, etc. further to the ne. No geometrical boundaries are mentioned, only a rather doubtful desert (Map v. p. 34). The real boundary of Scythia was no desert but the edge of the forest'. As far as the open steppe, whether cultivated or no, extended, so far were the nomads masters, so far went the boundaries of Scythia. The same line which bounded the dominions of the Khazars, the Pechenegs, the Cumans, and the constant incursions of the Tartars, formed the real limit of Scythia. Time may have pushed northwards the forest zone as he has destroyed the Hylaea on the lower Dnepr, but a line running ene. from Podolia to the Kama must be just about the upper limit of the steppe. If there was a desert, it was one made by the incursions of the steppe men, like the desert belt to the s. of Muscovy in the xvth century, kept clear of settled habitations by the menace of the Golden Horde. The excursus on the rivers does very little to clear up our ideas of Scythia'. Of the- eight main rivers, five, the Ister, Tyras, Hypanis, Borysthenes and Tanais, can be identified with certainty as the Danube, Dnestr, Bugh, Dnepr and Don, but one can by no means say the same of the Panticapes, the Hypacyris and the Gerrhus nor of the numerous tributaries of the Danube. The whole question of the Danube has been complicated by the attempt loi) as the base for the descriptions of tribes to take square Scythia (iv. 99 and rivers given in chapters i 7 to 20 and 47 to 57. Since the time of Niebuhr it has been generally received that because the tributaries Porata, Tiarantus etc. flowed into the Ister out of Scythia, therefore the Ister formed the boundary of Scythia which is no doubt true if interpreted in the sense that the nomad Scyths lorded it over the Rumanian steppes as well as over the Russian but it does not follow that the boundar)' of this Scythia ran more or less north and south, and so Herodotus conceived ;
—
A
;
:
:
*
Shewn by
the shading on
Map
I.
^
Her.
iv.
47
—
57.
4—2
Scythia of Herodotus
28
[ch.
of the Danube as taking a great bend to the south for he says consistently that it flows from w. to e., and the boundary running n. and s. belongs only to square Scythia which is erected from the coast and is not concerned with anything more than the mouth of the Danube, there rightly regarded as Once the idea ot making a bend to the se. and so entering Scythia\ a great southern bend had been formulated it was confirmed by elaborate theories of symmetry^ and accepted even by Macan and Niederle who know so well the impossibility of reconciling all the geographical data. Given that the Ister of Herodotus flowed more or less west to east the The Pyretusidentification of the tributaries^ is a mere matter of detail. Porata is evidently the Prut the survival of this name justifies us in calling it is impossible to say which of the many left bank the Ordessus Ardzhish The Maris tributaries correspond to the Tiarantus, Naparis and Ararus, among the Agathyrsi is certainly the Maros which reaches the Danube by way This settles the Agathyrsi in Transylvania, and not so far of the Theiss. they are put in square Scythia. north as The Tyras is quite clearly the Dnestr'' but equally clear is it that Herodotus did not know anything about its upper course. As soon as it reaches the woods of Podolia it is lost sight of and a lake is invented for its source. The Greek feeling was that a great river must rise either from Herodotus knew that there were no a high mountain or from a great lake. mountains to the n. of Scythia, accordingly he has provided most of the rivers with suitable lakes. True to his wrong bearings he makes the Dnestr come down from the n. instead of the nw. The Hypanis or Bugh' is set e. of the Borysthenes by Strabo, Pliny, Vitruvius (viii. ii. 6), and Ptolemy. This mistake is owing to the confusion of the town Borysthenes or Olbia on the Hypanis with the river Borysthenes. Also if the mouth of the common liman be regarded as the mouth of the Borysthenes it actually is to the w. of the Hypanis. Further trouble is caused in Pliny by the existence of the other Hypanis, also called Anticites, now the Kuban. As to Exampaeus and the bitter spring supposed to spoil the river water for four days journey seawards it must have been some stream impregnated with salt from the steppe. Both the Sinjukha and the Mertvyavody (or dead waters) have this quality and either would suit fairly well but if Exampaeus is about the point where the Tyras and Hypanis are nearest each other it must be far inland in Podolia. In his description of the Borysthenes (Dnepr)'' the chief difficulty is that Herodotus omits to mention the well-known cataracts which would have come in so well in comparing it to the Nile. Constantine Porphyrogenitus first mentions them^ It seems as if the old routes had left the main river before :
;
:
;
^
Her.
IV.
99
6 "la-rpos
^KvdiKfjv) irpos evpov ^
J.
L.
Myres, op.
e'/cSiSoi
avep.ov to cit. p.
ts
(TTnfj.a
airrjv
(sc.
Terpafifievos.
614.
In the geographical introduction to his article on the European expedition of Darius (C/. J?ev. XI. July 1897, p. 277), Prof Bury makes Oarus= Ararus = Buzeo and so keeps Darius in the west of Scythia, v. inf. p. 117. * Aaj/norpif, Const. Porph. De Adm. Imp. 42. ^
(For the bearings of these river names see
inf.
p. 38.)
BoyoC, Const. Porph. I.e. Advanpts, Anon. 84 (58). De Ad/n. Imp. c. 9 gives a Hvely account of the difficulties offered by them, more than they would seem to present nowadays in ancient times perhaps they were quite impassable. ^
"
''
:
Rivers
Ill]
y (
29
arriving at them, going perhaps up the Ingulets, and as if the wat(T route which followed the Dnepr was due to the Variags, who would be the first to draw attention to the Rapids. The land Gerrhus must have been at the bend of the stream about Nicopol. In this district were the tombs of the Scythian kings and here the finest barrows have been opened. The Gerrhus river was fourteen days up stream from the Hylaea, the extent of the country of the Nomads (c. 19) on the 1:. side of the Borysthenes, while on the west for 10 or 11 days stretched the country of the Georgi and above them was a desert. Moreover the Borysthenes was supposed to flow from the n. as far as the land of Gerrhus, to which was forty days sail'. Its source like the Nile's was unknown. The description of the Borysthenes is true to this day. The Hylaea indeed has almost disappeared, but the rich pastures are still there; the fisheries and the salt trade survived till the other day. It is curious that there has never been a great port at the mouth of the Dnepr. Olbia and Nicolaev are both on the Bugh, and Kherson was one of Potemkin's mistakes both in name and in site. The channel is too shoaly for a satisfactory harbour, whereas of late years Nicolaev has begun to rival Odessa. The Panticapes is a puzzle. The natural meaning of the words of Herodotus suggests a river flowing s. and running into the Dnepr towards its lowest reaches on the e. side, but such a river does not exist. Some see in it the Konka a kind of alternative channel of the Dnepr which it accompanies for the last 150 miles of its course, others maintain that it is the Ingulets, which would answer very well except that it is on the right bank of the Dnepr. The question is bound up with the position of the Scythae If the Ingulets is the Panticapes, the natural meaning of c. 18 is that Georgi. they lived to the w. of it, but in that case they would hardly touch the Borysthenes and would not have been called Borysthenitae by the Olbian Greeks. Also Herodotus says distinctly that they lived between the Panticapes and the Borysthenes. But between the Konka and the Dnepr there is scarcely any space at all, certainly not three days journey. However this small space, the valley of the Dnepr, would be singularly suited for agriculture, and the -statement does not preclude their occupying an expanse Anyone ascending the Borysthenes might well think of steppe to the west. on seeing its confluence that the Konka was an independent stream. On the whole we may suppose that the informants of Herodotus knew but the mouth if ground be sought for of the Konka, and its course was purely hypothetical Great Meadow. its mother-lake, it might be the niarshes of the The sixth river, the Hypacyris, also does not occur on the modern map. Either there once was a considerable river represented by the Kalanchak and the dried watercourses which formerly fed it, over one of these there used to be a large stone bridge or Herodotus regarded the gulf of Perekop as the So too with the Gerrhus estuary of a river and deduced the river therefrom. separated from the Borysthenes in the land called the seventh river. It Gerrhus and flowed into the Hypacyris, according to c. 56 dividing the Scythian Nomads from the Royal Scyths. This gives no space for the fourteen ;
:
'
So apparently c. 53. It would be easier to Greek with actuality could we read
reconcile the
not a great change, giving just 14 for 40, lA for m the distance up to Gerrhus. :
Scythia of Herodotus
30
[ch.
days journey which they are supposed to stretch from w. to e. (c. 19). These fourteen days may perhaps be reckoned up the stream of the Dnepr and Konka, but Herodotus would regard this as s. to n. So that either the Gerrhus does not really flow into the gulf of Perekop and join the Hypacyris at all, but flows into the sea of Azov as the Molochnaja, Berda or Kal'mius all of which come close to tributaries of the Dnepr that join it above Nicopol (e.g. the Samdra), or else there is no real distinction between Nomads and Royal Scyths, which may well be the same tribe under different names. Perhaps the easiest solution is that the Panticapes is the Konka more or less where Herodotus puts it. This agrees with the natural position of the Hylaea. The Gerrhus as the Molochnaja flowed into the sea of Azov as Pliny and Ptolemy (but not Mela) believed and formed a short cut from the Another such short cut was sea to the upper Dnepr and the land Gerrhus. furnished by the Hypacyris now the Kalanchak. Such short cuts reached by portage were actually used by the Cossacks in their raids against the Turks and must have been still more convenient when there was a greater extent of forest and consequently more water in the rivers. No one but Bruun^ has doubted that the Tanais was always the Don or at any rate the Donets, and the Hyrgis would be the other branch now regarded as the true Don. Or this may well be represented by the Oarus which is almost certainly the Volga ^ in the upper part of its course I mean that merchants following the trade route towards the ne. might well understand that the river they crossed above Tsaritsyn flowed into the Azov sea instead of making its sudden bend s.e. to the Caspian. The Tsaritsyn portage must have always been a place where trade was transferred from one river to the other. As to the Lycus and the Syrgis, which may or may not be the same as the Hyrgis, no one has given names to them so as to carry conviction the former may perhaps be the Ural. In later times there was such confusion^ that the Caspian was represented to Alexander as being the same as the Maeotis^ The question of the other rivers running into the Caspian is very difficult. On the west we have the Kur and the Aras now joining at their mouths, :
;
these are clearly the Cyrus and the Araxes properly speaking. In the mind of Herodotus there seems some confusion because the Armenian Araxes answers in direction (iv. 40), but neither in importance nor in position, to another Araxes upon which he puts (i. 201) the Massagetae especially does it come short in the matter of its delta in which there should be islands the size of Lesbos (i. 202). This greater Araxes seems to be the Oxus or a running-into-one of the Oxus and Jaxartes^ The latest
;
' Chernomorje w. i. 104 and guiles de la Scylhie d'' Herodole.
^
Cf.
Ptolemy,
V. viii.
12, 13.
Appendix
to
Anti-
Grynaeus, Basileae, 1537.) Strabo, XI. vii. 4. Stein will have but one Araxes, thought of by H. as running out of Armenia past the south coast of the Caspian into which it sends an arm, to marshes far to the E. The Scyths forced over the river would be Sacae invading Persia (cf J. L. Myres op. cit.). Westberg {Klio, Beitr. z. alien Gesch. Bd I v. H. 2, pp. 182 192, Zur Topographic des Herodots) makes the Araxes of I. 202 the Volga and puts the Massagetae upon that, v. inf. pp. in, ^
'Pas,
Raw
in
the
language of the Finnish Mordva. ^ De Piano Carpini (ap. Rockhill, Rubruck, p. 8, c. ix.) thinks the Volga finds its way into the Black Sea, and even in the i6th century Mathias a Michov, a Pole who knew most of Russia well and has no mercy on those who believed in the Rhipaean Mountains, repeats several times that the Volga (Mathiae a Michov de Sarfalls into the Euxine. matia, Lib. I. c. vii. p. 493 in Nouus Orbis of Simon
^
—
1
13 n.
3.
Rivers
Ill]
and
Tribes
3
i
investigations seem to shew that two thousand years ago the Caspian ran up a valley (the Uzboi) in the direction of the Aral sea and communicated with it by means of a lake or depression Sary Kamysh into which an arm of the Oxus flowed. Between this arm and the main stream going into the Aral sea there would be room for large islands'. Further it is a question whether the Araxes mentioned (iv. 1 1) as having been crossed by the Scyths may not be the lower Volga, as it seems hard to think of them as ever having been south of the Oxus and displaced northwards by tribes coming from the east. If the Jaxartes were meant it would be just conceivable. They would find no satisfactory abiding place between the Jaxartes and the Don. We can never tell whether Herodotus be using Europe in the ordinary sense of the NW. quadrant of the old world or in his own special sense of the whole
northern
half.
Seeing there are such difficulties in identifying the rivers, which must have remained substantially the same, we cannot hope to fix the place of the various Scythian tribes (cc. 17 20) with any accuracy: we can determine their relative positions but we have no idea of the relative extent of the lands they occupied and only one or two definite statements. We cannot even say whether the Georgi and Aroteres may not be the same [people traversed and described by different travellers, and so too with the Nomad and Royal Scyths. On the modern map we may put the Callippidae quite close to Olbia the Alazones have no boundaries that we can fix'^ we may place them in the central part of the Government of Kherson, while the northern part of the same and some of Ekaterinoslav and perhaps some of Kiev were occupied by the Aroteres. These three tribes lay on one route from Olbia towards the north. To the west we only know of the Greek Tyritae about the mouth of the Dnestr whether the same native tribes occupied the Hinterland and Rumania we cannot tell. Travellers towards the ene. from Olbia passed the Scythae Georgi occupying the valley of the lower Dnepr included in a belt three days journey wide and extending ten or eleven days upstream to about the borders of Ekaterinoslav. Hence they would seem to have been continuous with the Aroteres and very likely identical. That is to say the two names between them represent
—
:
:
a congeries of tribes in the same more or less agricultural stage. The centre of Ekaterinoslav, by the great bend of the river, is the land Gerrhus which marches with the country of the Georgi and the Nomad Scyths. These with the Royal Scyths from which they cannot be clearly distinguished held the mainland part of Taurida, the western part of the land of the Don Cossacks, and probably also Kharkov and
Voronezh.
The flat northern part of the Tauric peninsula, which Herodotus thought continuous with the mainland, also belonged to them as far as These eastern tribes lay the slaves' ditch, wherever that may have been. on the route which led into Central Asia, and information about their 1
Cf. P.
Kropotkin, Geogr. Journal YM. (1898),
old beds of the Amu Daria and W. W. Tarn in JHS. xxi. (1901) p. 10, Patrocles and the Oxo-Caspian trade route. ^ cannot reconcile the statement that they p. 306,
The
We
;
lived where the Tyras and Hypanis come close together, which would be somewhere in Podolia, with the position of Exampaeus on their northern boundary, as this must have been further down
stream
(c.
52).
Scythia of Herodotus
32 position
was hardly as
definite
as that about the
[CH. central region
north
of
was perhaps indefinable where the grass grew for their cattle, there was the land of the Nomad Scyths as the most numerous and powerful tribe they did not need to respect their Olbia.
Indeed
position
their
;
;
neighbours' boundaries.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. Our ideas of the Geography of Scythia have gradually grown clearer. Thus we have slowly eliminated the views which brought the boundaries of Scythia well up into central Russia far beyond the limits of the Steppe, we have given up the attempt to bring Herodotus into agreement with the present condition of things by allowing great changes in the courses of the rivers and a former eastern extension of the Maeotis our countrymen Rennell and Rawlinson were most ready for such explanations we have forgotten such extravagancies as Lindner's view that the Scyths proper were to the west of the Dnepr, or Kolster's that Herodotus did
—
:
THL^CYTHlMvl
.N(£Ul\l
\o K.rechctov
toe .Vol.
f
^
/
Fig.
3.
not clearly distinguish between the Don and the Danube^ or even more pardonable eccentricities such as Bruun's, that the Tanais was not the Don, but the Molochnaja. '
Both writers
I
judge by Neumann's statement of their views
(op. cit. pp.
96
n.
2
and
204).
Bibliographical Sketch
Ill]
33
Most writers now agree as to the general orientation of the Scythia of Herodotus, but mention must be made of Krechetov's ingenious view, which figures the Scythian Square as washed by the sea along the halves of two adjacent sides only: the remaining halves of those sides running inland along the lower Ister and the coast of the Maeotis, which he reckons a mere marsh and no sea' (fig. 3). The square thus obtained with its corner at Cercinitis, placed by Krechetov at Donguslav lake in the Crimea, would be inclined slightly so as to have the E. sides facing ESE., so the sea along the south coast of the Crimea would be the eastern But when translated into the terms of the correct modern map, it sea of c. 100. works out to have much the same real meaning as the more usual interpretations which count the Maeotis as a sea for the nonce. And after all, what is important to us is not the shadowy idea of Scythia that floated in the mind of Herodotus, incapable of being consistently represented on our map, but the real state of affairs of which Herodotus and Hippocrates give so interesting but so tantalizing accounts. W'ho wislies to follow the various attempts at drawing a map of Scythia ad mentcm Hcrodoti, or at dis[)osing the ancient names about the modern map, may consult the following books as I have done. I omit the eighteenth century attempts as being controlled by too slight a regard for the geography of the regions concerned.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Rennell, James.
Map
The Geographical System of Herodotus examined.
London,
1800.
47
pp.
— 163.
III.
On
Geography of Herodotus and on the History of the Scythians, Getae and =Kl. Schr. Bonn, 1828. I. p. 132. Geographic des Herodot. Konigsberg, 1838. pp. 84—123. Map VI. Bobrik, Hermann. Dubois de Montp^reu.x, F. Voyage autour du Caucase. Vol. I. PI. 9. Paris, 1839 Neuch^tel, 1843. Lindner, F. L. Skythien und die Skythen des Herodot itnd seine Aitsleger. Stuttgart, 1841. Skythien und die Skythen des Her.; Nachtrag (viii. Supplement-Bd d. Neuen Jahrb. d. Niebuhr, B. G. Sarmatians.
the
Oxford, 1830.
;
Phil.,
1842).
Explication Nouvelle des donn^es gdographiques d'H^rodote concernant la Scythie {Annates des Voyages, 1845. I.).
N.
Nadezhdin,
I.
The Scythia
Trans. Od. Soc. Ukert,
Skythien.
A.
F.
Weimar,
Vol.
I.
Herodotus
of
(1845), pp. 3
Being
Vol.
— 114.
in.
Pt
explained 11.
of
by comparison with
his
Geographie
W. H. Pddagogik.
Of the Rivers of Scythia according to Herodotus. the Richelieu Lycie. Odessa, 1852. T.
Neumann, K. Abicht, K.
Romer.
In Publications of the Students of
W. Herodotus with a Commentary.
J. J.
U7id
In
Das Land der Skythen bei Herodot und Hippocrates {fahrbuch fiir Philologie und Bd XII. 568, Xlll. 1—77 (1846-7); 2l\%o Jahrb. f. Phil u. Pad., LXXVII. 331).
Dumshin, G. Blakesley,
Griechen
localities.
1846.
Kolster,
Wheeler,
der
the
London, 1854. The Geography of Herodotus. London, 1854. pp. 137—170, 178 Die Hcllenen im Skythenlande. Berlin, 1855.
Herodotos.
— 194.
Leipzig, 1869.
Bruun, F. An Essay to reconcile conflicting opinions as to the Scythia of Herodotus and the lands marching with it. Next in French edition ist in Russian in ASH. Pt II. St P. 1872. of the same. Vol. ii. pp. i 120 and Map I. St P. 1873. Reprinted in Chernoniorje. Odessa, 1880.
—
Burachkov, P. I. On the Position of the ancient City of Carcinitis and Od. Soc. IX., 1875. PP- I sqq. Zabelin, I. E. History oj Russian Life. Moscow, 1876. Vol. i. p. 227 sqq. Rawlinson, G. '
This
is
KaTTjKovTtiiv
M.
History of Herodotus, translated with notes.
a fresh interpretation of riv 5vo ff
OoKaiTa'av, navTTf
icrov
^fpf'cov
to t( fs tt/v
its
London, 1880. Vol.
/nfo-oyaiai/
(f>fpov
Koi
to
Coinage.
Ill.'pp.
i
In
Trans.
— 114, 178 — 209.
irapa rrfv BaXaacrav,
IV. lOI.
5
Her.
Scythia of Heroaotus
34 Manual
[ch. hi
of Ancient Geography, Eng. ed.
London, i88r. zur Altertlmmskunde Russlands. Bd I. St Petersburg, 1882. Bunbury, E. H. History 0/ Ancient Geography. Ed. 2. London, 1883. Vol. i. pp. 172 217. Kiepert, H.
Bonnell, Ernst.
Beitr'dge
—
Map
Voevodskij, L. F. Dzieduszycki,
W.
Rosprawy
Information
IV.
Geography of Polish lands. (Polish) in Akad. Krakow. T. XIX. 1887,
of the Ancients as to the
Wydziatu
Sprawozdania z posiedzen
i
Map
of Scythia prepared for the vi. Russian Archaeological Congress (Odessa), 1884. hist.-filozof.
141 sqq.
p.
Scythian Antiquities.
Lappo-Danilevskij, A. p. 352 sqq.
Tomaschek, W.
Kritik Hist. CI. 116, 117.
d.
alt.
Nachr.
iiber
Trans. Russ. Arch. Soc.
Skythischen
Norden.
Slavonic Section. Vol. Sitzungsber.
Akad.
iv. (1887),
IVien, Phil.
1888.
P. N. Letters on the Scythia of Herodotus 457—495. Boundaries and Outlines of the Scythia of Herodotus
Krechetov,
Trans.
in
;
Od.
Soc.
Vol.
xv.
(1889),
pp.
Archaeological Soc.
losPE.
Latyshev, V. V.
Macan, R.
W.
Vol. xiii. (1889), p.
Vol.
11.
St P. 1890.
Herodotus, Bks IV.
Krasheninnikov, M.
;
in
Drevnosti= Transactions
oj
Moscow
179.
— VI.
Map
II.
London, 1895. Disposition of Ancient Scythia according
to
Modern
Localities.
Slutsk,
1895.
Herodotos erkldrt. Buch IV. 4'* Aufl. Berlin, 1896. An Attempt to reconstruct the Maps used by Herodotus. Geographical Journal. L. Myres. J. London, viii. (1896), p. 605. Mishchenko, Th. G. Ethnography of Russia according to Herodotus. Journ. Min. Publ. Instr. Stein,
H.
St P.
1896,
May.
Information of Herodotus touching lands outside Scythia. Descriptio Etiropae illustrata. Prag, 1899.
Niederle,
L.
lb.
1896,
Regionum quae ad orientem spectant
December. veterutn
scriptorum
locts
Slavonic Antiquities.
Vol. I. Pt ll. p. 215 sqq. Prag, 1904 (both in Cech). Investigations in the province of Gotho- Slavonic relations. I. St P. 1899, pp. 69—99. Westberg, Fr. Zur Topographic des Herodots. Klio, Beitr. z. alten Gesch. iv. (1904), pp. 182 192.
Braun, Fr.
—
Shuckburgh, E.
S.
Heroaotos IV., Melpomene.
Cambridge, 1906.
35
CHAPTER
IV.
THE SCYTHIANS, THEIR CUSTOMS AND RACIAL
AFFINITIES.
Perhaps no question touching the ethnography of the ancient world has been more disputed than that of the affinities of the Scythians'. It would seem at first sight that with the mass of details supplied by Herodotus and Hippocrates and the evidence derived from archaeological investigation of their country we ought to be able to arrive at a definite conclusion, but so far no perfectly satisfactory reconciliation of the various views has Perhaps the first doubt that arises is whether such a been reached. whether the mistake common to almost reconciliation is to be sought for the subject may not be that they have rashly attempted all writers on to find one answer to the riddle, have said that the Scythians were Mongols or Slavs or Iranians, whereas the truth seems to be that the word Scythian had no ethnological meaning even in the mouth of With him, as I take it, it had a political meaning, whereas Herodotus. other authors who make use of the term it is merely geowith the ;
graphical.
was any northern barbarian lKvdr)<;, Europe, just as FaXctTTy? was any such from the west. Herodotus wishing to give a more exact account of the peoples to the N. of the Black Sea tried to draw a line between Scyths and nonFor instance Scyths, but he found it hard to make his line consistent. in IV. 8 1, when he tries to give us some idea of the numbers of the Scythians, he has in his mind two conceptions of the meaning of the term, for he says that he heard that they were exceeding many and also that they were few in number, that is to say the real Scyths (oXiyovs At other times he makes careful distinctions between (US ^Kv6a<; etvai). the peoples he calls Scythians and those to whom he denies the name, even when they have Scythian customs and Scythian dress yet some of may take it that these tribes are called Scythian by other authors. Herodotus used the word in a narrow sense to include only the Royal Scyths, possibly together with the Nomads, for it seems hard to establish and in a wide sense to denote all any clear distinction between them those tribes, whatever their affinities or state of civilisation, that were Each of these uses under the political domination of the Royal Scyths. is more definite than the ordinary Greek use against which there is an under-current of protest in the repeated asseverations of Herodotus that perhaps he is contradicting Hecasuch and such a tribe is not Scythian the After of Herodotus vague use returns. Thucydides^ taeus. the time
For most
from
the
Greeks a Scythian,
east of
;
We
;
:
' For a short history of the Scythian question, and the chief solutions that have been proposed,
see the Appendix at the end of this chapter, ^ n. 96, 97.
5—2
Scythians
36
[cH.
must mean all the people of Scythia together when he says that, uncivilised though the Scythians were, no single nation of Europe or Asia could stand against them in war, if but they were all of one mind. In late writers such as Trogus Pompeius^ and Diodorus Siculus (i. 55, II. 43) we have what purports to be very early history of the Scythians, who according to Trogus always claimed to be the most ancient of races. These authors speak of conquests pushed by the Scythians to the borders of Egypt and of an empire of Asia lasting fifteen hundred years and ending with the rise of Ninus. Fr. Hommel (v. inf p. 99 n. 10) thinks that this is an echo of the Hittite rule, but it would be rash to conjecture what may be the foundation for these stories, which come in a suspicious They look like the reflex of company of Amazons and Hyperboreans. the Egyptian stories in Herodotus (11. 103 and iio) who speaks of These are mere Sesostris having conquered the Scythians and Thracians. exaggerations of the real campaigns of Rameses pushed to the limits of the world and slenderly supported by mysterious rock carvings and such facts Trogus as the resemblance between the Colchians and the Egyptians. Pompeius idealizing the Scythians has made their exploits balance and surpass those of the nation whose claim to greater antiquity he dismisses. The greater part of the information as to manners and customs given by Herodotus and the physical details in Hippocrates evidently refer to On the other hand some statements seem quite inconthe Royal Scyths. sistent with their manner of life, and we are in our rights in supposing that such details apply to the settled tribes in Western Scythia about whom information would be easily available at Olbia. Less information
for instance
because they did not offer so much novelty to interest the Greeks and also they do not play a prominent part in the story of the expedition of Darius, wherein ex hypothesi nomads and nomads only could be the protagonists. Are we then to take the Scythians settled and nomad to be one race in two states of culture, or have we to do with the subjection of a peaceful agricultural people established in an open country and the domination of an intrusive horde of alien nomads If the wider sense of Scythian in Herodotus is taken to be political, the sharp line drawn by Herodotus between the agricultural Scythians and the Neuri, Agathyrsi and Getae need not have any ethnological significance, that is that even if we suppose the Neuri to be Slavonic and the latter two Thracian, there is no reason against taking these " Scythians " to belong to either of these races. The general view is that both agricultural and nomad Scythians were Iranianl There can be no doubt that up to the coming of the Goths and later the Huns, the Euxine steppes_were^^ iefly inhabited by a n Iranian po pulation, and even m "The^steppes population does j[iQt_jctiange__as easily~as~rt~used to be thought. It took the long continued storms of the greal_migrations from the coming of the Huns to that of the Tartars to sweep away this Iranian population and pen its survivors into the high valleys of Ossetia. is
about them
given
.'*
'
ap. Justin,
I.
i.,
II.
i.
sqq.
^
Yqx other
possibilities v. pp. 97
— 100.
Iranians in
iv]
S. Russia.
Ossetes.
Names
in hisci^iptions
37
Professor Vsevolod Miller' has given the clearest demonstration of the process by which this retrenchment of the Pontic Iranians came about. He shews that the place-names about the Ossetes in countries now peopled by Tartar-speaking tribes prove that they formerly extended over Next he shews their identity with the Jasy of Russian a greater area. chronicles, the Ossi of the Georgians. Klaproth first proved in 1822 that the Ossetes are the same as the Caucasian Alans, and this is supported by the testimony of chroniclers From Ammianus Marcellinus (xxxi. Russian, Georgian, Greek and Arab'. 16 ii. 25) we know that at the time of the Huns' invasion these Alans pastured their herds over the plains to the n. of the Caucasus and made raids upon the coast of the Maeotis and the peninsula of Taman. The Huns passed through their land, plundering them, but afterwards made alliance with them against Ermanrich the king of the Goths. Ammianus means by Alans all the nomadic tribes about the Tanais and gives a description of their habits borrowed from the account of the Scythians in For the first three centuries of our era we find these Alans Herodotus. mentioned^ as neighbours of the Sarmatians on this side or the other of the Don, living the same life and counting as one of their tribes. That is that Ossetes, Jasy, Alans, Sarmatians, are all of one stock, once nomad now confined to the valleys of the central chain of the Caucasus. The Ossetes are tall, well made, and inclined to be fair, corresponding to the description of the Alans in Ammianus (xxxi. ii. 21), and their Iranian language answers to the accounts of the Sarmatians whom Pliny calls " Medortim ut
—
ferunt
soboles^!'
number of inscriptions from the Greek cities along the Euxine we meet with several hundred barbarian names, and these give more The first to examine them less trustworthy material for investigation. In a large
shore or
was K. MuUenhoff
He compared
the names with the Old Vs. Miller has been more Persian and arrived at satisfactory results, but successful through taking Ossetian as the basis of comparison". On comparing the number of names which offer easy derivations from the Ossetian we may get some clue to the distribution of Iranian population along the coast. At Tyras we have no certain Iranian name among the five barbarian in Olbia out of about a hundred names half can be names we know explained (App. Nos. 11-13 give samples): in Tanais out of 160 names a hundred are intelligible (cf. App. 56): in Panticapaeum out of no only 15 give ready meanings and these are mostly also found at Tanais, so from near Taman only two names out of thirteen, from Gorgippia only seven or eight out of forty (v. App. 69) are demonstratively Iranian, and these Purthermore we must make a distinction between mostly occur at Tanais. scientifically
'.
:
Ossetian Studu'S \\\., Moscow, 1887. Josafa Barbara, Viaggio alia Tana ap. Ramusio, Navtgationi, \cr\\cc, 1559, vol. n. p. 92, = f M. iiij, " Alani Ii quali nella lor lingua si chiamano As." ^ Pliny, NH. iv. 80, Dionysius Periegetes 305, 306, Fl. Josephus, Bell. Jud. vii. vii. 4, Ptolemy etc. '
*
Cf.
.
•
NH.
°
"
VI. 19.
Ueber
die Herkunft
und Sprache der ponti-
schen Scy then und Sarinaten," J/oz/rt/i-iJi?; /<:/;/ (7V/-/t. Akad. d. W. 1866 p. 549 sqq., reprinted in DA. ni. p. loi sqq., 1892. Cf. Sir H. Howorth, Journal 0/ Ant/irop. Inst. \\. 1877, p. 41 sqq. * P'irst in an article in Journ. Min. Piibl. Instr. .St P. Oct. 1886, p. 232, entitled "Epigraphic Traces of Iranian Population on the North Coast of the Euxine," and again in the third volume of his Prciiss.
Ossetian studies.
— Scythians.
38 names
Language
[CH.
shewing Old Persian forms and those which resemble Ossetian. former are mostly names very familiar to the Greek world and in The common use in the Hellenised provinces of the Persian Empire, especially Asia Minor: they are many of them royal names and testify to the political and general influence of the Persian Empire rather than to an Iranian Such would be Ariarathes, Ariaramnes, Arsaces, Achaemenes, population. Orontes, Pharnaces, Mithradates, Ariobarzanes, Machares and many more. The true native Iranian names are almost confined to Olbia and Tanais, others in the Bosporan kingdom may well have found their way in through New Inscriptions (e.g. in losPE. Vol. iv) supply more barbarian Tanais. names but do not materially alter the results attained by Vs. Miller except that we find in them several more names certainly Thracian both at Olbia and The unintelligible names at Gorgippia seem to recall on the Bosporus. Caucasian languages rather than Indo-European. All these names are late in date, mostly of the ii. and iii. centuries A.D., the time when the Sarmatians spread from Hungary to the Caspian. At that time no doubt there was a broad band of Iranians right across, but it looks as if along the coast there long remained representatives of some other population, Getae in the west about the Ister and Tyras, and perhaps in the Olbia district, Tauri in the Crimean mountains, and tribes of the Caucasus stock to the south-east of the sea of Azov. From the western aboriginal tribes the Greeks may have heard the names of the rivers Borysthenes, Hypanis, Tyras, and Ister, names for which no satisfactory explanation has been suggested, and once sanctioned by classical usage these names continued to be used by the Greeks as long as they were in continuous occupation of this coast. But this tradition was broken by the destruction of the colonies Tyras and Olbia, and when the Greeks again had dealings with this coast they learnt other native names which only appear in authors who preferred actuality to classical correctness AdvaiTpL's in Periplus anonymi (86 (60)), Boyov and Aaz/ao-rpis in Constantine Porphyrogenitus (de adm. Imp. 42). Now these names seem to contain the Ossetian Don a river, at least they have never been satisfactorily explained from the Slavonic and the occurrence of Dan in river names just coincides with the extension of the Iranians in South Russia. The mouth of the Tanais being already in Iranian hands the Greeks at once adopted its Iranian name. The Iranian names for the western streams may be just as old, but they were not current on the seaboard and only found their way into Greek speech when the Greeks had, as it were, to rediscover the region after considerable changes of population. Maybe by then they learnt them not from the Iranians, but from Slavs who had borrowed them. The name of the Bugh has its counterpart in the Northern Bugh, also a Slavonic river, but it may be the same as Bogh = God, which is regarded as a loan-word from the Iranian Baga. I have never seen any other explanation of the curious fact that the present names for these rivers being apparently Iranian are first recorded just about the time that the In Iranian population was succumbing to Slavonic and other invaders. later times we get a fresh set of river names of Turkish origin. Only in the east part of the Crimea the Iranians seem to have touched the ;
iv]
Names
in
Inscriptions
and
Authors.
River riames
39
Black Sea coast, for "ApSaySSa = 'ETrra^eo? (Anon, yy (51)), "Taiiric" or Alan for Theodosia, seems clearly to contain Ossetian a:W= seven, and ard may be according to Miillenhoff ered/nua high, Lat. ardincs. Vs. Miller says sevensided, but that does not seem a near translation. So SouySata, Sudak is no doubt Os. suyddg holy, cf Sogdiana. Whereas the Iranian character of the Sarmatian language and even a numerically preponderant Iranian element in the population has been generally accepted, the case of the Scyths is by no means as clear. What reliance can be put on the statement of Herodotus (iv. 117) that the Sarmatians speak the same language as the Scyths, but speak it incorrectly WHiile Herodotus is not altogether to be trusted in his statements about language, still he occasionally notices points bearing upon it, for instance when he mentions the seven languages required And the fact along the trade route to the ne. up to the Arimaspians. of the resemblance and the difference between the Scythian and Sarmatian dialects is the only explanation for the invention of the aetiological myth about the Sarmatians being descended from young Scyths and Amazons (iv. The other main difference between the two peoples, 1 10-7). the free position of women among the Sarmatians, is also accounted for by the myth. Curiously enough the Ossetes still have legends of warlike women, and such stories are abroad throughout the Caucasus among the Circassians is a literal reproduction of this tale in Herodotus. When we come to examine the Scythian names and words in the Greek texts it is disappointing to find how few are readily to be explained from Iranian. Some words are quite clear, e.g. ^^va.pee
:
^
:
:
;
'
Poliaenus, vni. 55.
^
Vs. Miller, op.
cit. p.
126 and Miillenhoff op.
cit., v. inf. p.
43.
Scythians.
40
Language
[ch.
has been put forward, on the other hand Schiefner absolutely annihilated K. Neumann's attempts to derive any Scythian words from Mongolian^ Making all allowances for the inaccuracy with which Herodotus represented Scythian sounds, the corruption of the forms in our mss. and the fact that we have to place beside these forms languages considerably removed either in time or collaterally from what Scythian may have been, we must allow that the comparative success attained with Sarmatian forms suggests that there were foreign elements in Scythian which exercised much influence on the stock of names in use Founding any argument on personal names is singularly or in tradition. All history tells us that easily as nations change their unsatisfactory. There are hardly language, they change their names still more easily. a dozen English personal names in use or a dozen Russian, we must not therefore infer that Russians or English are descended from Greeks So Persian names were common all over the and Romans and Jews. East far beyond the extension of the Persian nationality, and it is hard to say whether the Persian names that we find in Herodotus as borne by Scythians are due to an original community of origin, or a borrowing at a time when the Scyths had warlike dealings with Persia either in Europe or Asia, or whether they are not merely given to personages in the same way as figures are given names on Greek vases. The Darius vase would be a peculiarly apt example, for on it Greek and Persian names are given indifferently to the barbarians hunting griffins and other monsters, just to lend them more individual interest. Such must almost certainly be the case with Spargapithes the Agathyrse^ Knowledge of the nationality of the Cimmerians whom the Scyths dispossessed would throw some light on the affinities if not of the Scyths themselves at least of the steppe population they found at their coming. The resemblance of the name Cimmerius with Cimber already made Poseidonius' imagine that there was some connection between them and the barbarians from the far north-west S and modern writers have further
compared the name of the Cymry and supposed that these were one There is no impossibility in a migration and the same people, Kelts^ from Central Europe to the steppes of the Black Sea in times before history, just as in historic times Central Europe has sent out conquerors to every corner of the continent, and Kelts actually did reach the neighbourhood of Olbia in the time of Protogenes, not to speak of their raids upon Delphi and Asia Minor. Further the bronze civilisation of
Koban
necropolis certainly offers such analogies with that of Hallstadt that they are not connected. If only there were any finds of Hallstadt types between Hungary and the Caucasus offering evidence that the people who owned the Koban bronzes had settled in the steppes, the Cimmerians might have been thought of, but people who settled long enough to leave the earthworks of which
the
that
it
is
hard to believe
" Sprachliche Bedenken gegen das Mongo' lenthum der Sky then," Melanges Asiatiques^ t. ii. p. 531, *
St Petersburg, 1856, but see
Her.
IV. 78.
inf.
pp. 85, 100.
^
ap. Str. vn.
ii.
2.
Aristophanes, Lysistrata 1. 45 Kifx^epiKo, but this is an easy corruption palaeographically. 6 Ridgeway, Early Age i. p. 387 sqq. *
Cf.
Ci7n7nerians
iv]
Herodotus
makes
mention
(iv.
12)
must have
41 left
weapons
by which
could be traced. And save for a single stopped axe-head from Kerch figured by its owner Canon Greenwell' no Koban or Hallstadt implements seem to have been found in South Russia. The flat-ended hair-pins found by Count Bobrinskoj at Gulaj Gorod'^ and the spirals found by him at Teklino^ seem to be rather eastern outliers from Central Europe than links between it and the Caucasus. H. Schmidt^ has the same difficulty to face in maintaining that the makers of the late bronze things from Hungary were Thracians and that these Thracians were the Koban people in the Caucasus (v. inf. p. 259) and that the Cimmerians of the plains between were Thracians as well. is true that the Cimmerian raids were made in common with the It Thracians, but we have to account for the Iranians north of the Euxine. Miillenhoff' supposes that there never were any Cimmerians at all north of the Euxine, that they are only known in Asia Minor, that their name was traditionally assigned to the earthworks and settlements about the Bosporus, just as now earthworks in eastern Europe are assigned to Trajan far beyond the limits of the Roman Empire, and that they were really invaders from Thrace or the parts beyond, men of darkness who joined with Treres and other Thracian tribes in invading Asia Minor. It is hard to think that Herodotus simply invented all the story of the Cimmerians coming from the n. side of the Pontus, though even so it is at first sight difficult to see precisely how things happened; how if the Cimmerians Hed sk. there should have been their kings' tomb on the Tyras; and how they should have formed their connection with the Treres. But that invaders from the east should have cut them Part went into Thrace, produced a turmoil into two is not inconceivable. there and finally, with Thracian tribes they had disturbed, entered Asia part were pressed towards the Caucasus and passed Minor by the nw. not as Herodotus says along the coast of the Black Sea, for no army it, has ever passed that way (Mithridates in his famous flight was accompanied only by a small guard), but by the central pass of Darial, through which, as the Georgian annals shew, the northern peoples have often Though the idea of the Cimmerians being cut in two forced their way. seems hard to accept, the analogy offered by the fate of the Alans shews that it is not without the bounds of possibility. On the coming of the Huns part of these was forced westward, joined the Germans against whom they were thrown and ended as the inseparable companions of the Vandals in North Africa. Part of them was, as we have seen, pressed up against the Caucasus and remains there to this day and about them are the Tartar tribes that penned them in. So likewise the Magyars were driven by the Pechenegs partly w. across the Dnepr, partly through the Caucasus, where they were called Sevordik'^ So the Scyths drove their
course
;
:
1 ''
and 3
and
Archaeologia, Vol. Lvni. Pt I. Govt of Kiev, Stn. I. No. XLI.
p.
102
and 115
pi. IX. 7, 8.
Sm.
HI. ccci.xvii. pp. 19
and 23 and
Zt.f. Ethnologic, xxxvi. (1904), p. 630. DA. Ml., p. 19 sqq. * und Ostasiatische J. Marquart, Osteuropdische Strei/zuge, p. 36. *
p. 12.
pi. li.
4
^
9.
M.
6
Scythians
^.2
[cH.
Then both the Cimmerians through the Caucasus and followed them. peoples came within the sweep of Assyrian policy'. find the Cimmerians, Here we get another view of them. Hence they are driven out by Gimirrai, first n. of Urartu (Ararat). These names are "IttJ As-gu-za-ai (Asarhaddon) or Is-ku-za-ai (Sun Oracle). form is miswritten latter the for T'13K'^{. TJ^C'X where and of Genesis x., Semitic languages in usual to help out The first syllable is added as such a combination as sk at the beginning of a word, so that the identity with the Greek Ki/i/Ae/3io? and %Kvdr)<; is almost complete. So too the leader of the Asguzai Bartatua is Protothyes father of Madyes in Herodotus (i. 103) and Tugdammi the Cimmerian is Auy8a/;its in Strabo Lygdamis was a familiar name and the copyist (i. iii. 21) for AuySajut?. was misled. The Cimmerians driven s. from Urartu attacked Man a kingdom under Assyrian suzerainty. The Assyrians supported their vassals and found allies in the Scythians who were already enemies of the Cimmerians. This hostility turned the Cimmerians westward against Gugu, Gyges of Lydia (Herodotus says Ardys i. 15), and one horde was destroyed by Madys (Strabo) in Cilicia, whereas Lydia was under their dominion till the time of Sadyattes, and Sinope and Antandrus were long Meanwhile the Scythians as allies of the Assyrians occupied by Cimmerians. tried to raise the siege of Nineveh which was being prosecuted by the Medes hence a conflict between Scythians and Medes and apparently Scyths also made their an overrunning of Media by the Scythiansl appearance further to the sw., apparently being sent by Assyria against Egypt, but bought off by Psammetichus. Thus they are referred to by the Hebrew Prophets^ and engaged in the sack of Ascalon where some contracted a disease ascribed by Herodotus (i. 105) to the hostility of Aphrodite. colony of them is said to have settled at Beth-shean hence called Scythopolis^ Evidence of intercourse between Assyria and the Scyths may be seen in the gold dagger sheaths from the Oxus (p. 255, f. 173), from Melgunov's Barrow (p. 171, fif. 65 67) and from Kelermes, and also the unique axe from the latter (p. 222 cf. p. 263). It has been supposed that the Scythians that overran western Asia were Sacae from the e. of the Caspian, and that such incursions were always possible we learn from subsequent history, but the Assyrian evidence goes to shew that Scythians had penetrated through the Caucasus. curious point is that the son of Tugdammi, Sandakhsathra^ has a name clearly Iranian, and it is hard to suppose that the Cimmerians had yet come under Median influence. Does it mean that the Cimmerians had Iranian affinities.'* It looks as if the "Royal" Scyths, whoever they may have been, were invaders from the far North-east who found in the steppes a population of Iranian stock whom they called men of darkness,
We
.
;
A
—
;
A
i.e.
Westerners
of this
(cp.
population
p.
out,
nomad and partly settled, drove some and established a dominion over the remainder.
100), partly
Winckler, H., Altorientalische Forschungen, 484 sqq., "Kimmerier, Asguziier, Skythen." ^ V. N. Schmidt, s.v. Scythian in Encydop. Biblica,Vo\. IV., Lond. 1903. '
I.
p.
^
Lit.
Cf. Jer. iv. 3
of O.T.,
p.
—
237,
vi.
who
20.
Cf. Driver, Introd.
to
suggests that a description
originally meant for the .Scythians to make it do for the Chaldaeans. xxxix. to i6 is even less exact. *
^
was worked over Ez. xxxviii. and
Josephus, Ant.Jud. xn. viii. 5. ?>z.-2in-Az!\^-s?i'i-xw,]\is\\^ Iranisches Namenbiich,
p. 283.
ivj
Citnmerians.
Legends of
Scythia7is
Orig'ui
43
By the time of Herodotus they may have become almost blended with their nomad underlings such blending takes place far more easily with nomads than with agricultural populations they may have even adopted their language, retaining the names of persons and gods which are so difficult of interpretation in the light of Iranian vocabularies. The j:onception of displacements of whole populations is being sujjerseded by the recognition of the fact that in most countries the mass of the people _has remained much the same as far back as we can trace its characteristics. The general type of skull and build in any given locality does not easily alter. From time to time conquests change the national name, the language _talked by all, the ethnological character of the upper classes or even of all the warrior caste to outside observers it seems as if a new race had been substituted for a former one, but in a few generations the aborigines again come to the top and in time the physical type of the invaders becomes almost extinct. Only a long succession of conquests of a country peculiarly open to attack can really sweep away a whole population, where that has been at all thick and where the disparity of development is not too great. are so used to the cases of the North American Indians, the Tasmanians, and other instances of utterly barbarous tribes really disappearing before the invader, that we do not realize that such conditions rarely obtained in the old world. To the north of the Euxine it took the successive hordes of the Huns, Avars, Khazars, Pechenegs, Polovtses and Tartars, to say nothing of less important tribes, to sweep the Iranian folk clean off the plains over which they had wandered and they only succumbed to this fate because they were living in perfectly open country upon a highway of nations. ;
:
:
We
;
Four
legends as to
tJie
origin of the Scythians.
In the first, which is told by the Scythians of themselves', they say that they are the newest of races and spring from Targitaus son of Zeus and a daughter of the Borysthenes. Targitaus had three sons, Lipoxais, Harpoxais and Colaxais, of whom the youngest obtained the kingdom by the ordeal of approaching four sacred gold objects that fell burning from heaven. These sacred gold objects were a plough and a yoke and an axe and From these three sons three tribes, Catiari, Traspies and Paralatae, a cup. Scythae being are descended, and the whole nation is called Scoloti the Greek name and the gold objects are kept sacred until this day. The next story (c. 8 sqq.) is told by the Pontic Greeks. In it Heracles Echidna, half woman, half serpent, bears three plays the part of Zeus sons to him. The ordeal is the stringing of the bow left by the hero and the knotting of the belt with its cup attached. The two elder sons, Gelonus and Agathyrsus, fail and become fathers of peoples outside Scythia, the third Scythes remaining in the land. These two stories are substantially the same. Only the second has been even more Hellenised than the first. The Scythians are represented as autochthonous even though Targitaus only dates back a thousand Three sons in each case submit to an ordeal in years before Darius. ;
:
;
1
Her.
IV. 5
sqq.
6—2
: ;
Scythians.
^^.
Race
[ch.
From the sons which, as usual in folk tales, the youngest is successful. well-known neighbouring nations in the one case tribes are descended obscure septs among the whose names the Greeks knew, in the other None of Scythians, to whom as a whole is given the native name Scoloti. these names meet us elsewhere except a bare mention in Pliny* taken The scene of both stories is laid in West Scythia from Herodotus. now no representation in both there comes a mention of a golden cup and more remarkable of a Scythian with a cup at his belt has been found The man who keeps still a golden plough is one of the holy objects. them is given land for his very own, as much as he can ride round in This legend in two forms can only apply to the agricultural a day. Hitherto writers who wished to be more than usually West-Scythians. exact have called the Royal Scyths Scoloti, but this legend would suggest that just these did not call themselves Scoloti, which was really the native name for the royal clan among some tribe of the western Scythians Mishchenko'' examining these legends thinks they apply about Olbial to the reigning clan of the Royal Scyths, but that perhaps their real scene Asia. He takes Pliny as a serious witness to the survival of is central cannot follow him in this, though I have come to much these clans. I the same conclusions in most things. Another account in Herodotus (iv. ii), to which he himself chiefly inclines, _definitely names the nomad Scyths and brings them out of Asia _(that is to say Asia in the ordinary sense, not according to the Herodotean definition of it), across the Araxes (apparently the Volga), into the and then follows the story of how the latter land of the Cimmerians Asia across the Caucasus and the Scythians pursued them. fled into This account represents the Massagetae as responsible for the first impulse, but Aristeas says that it was the Arimaspians that fell upon the Issedones and that these fell upon the Scyths and drove them against the Cimmerians, ^t any rate it is clearly stated that the Scyths came from Diodorus Siculus has made a contamination of these accounts the East. and while letting the Scythians come from Western Asia has brought in the Echidna of the Greek legend (ii. 43 sqq.). His story with its explanation of the history of Sarmatians and Amazons reads plausibly, being eked out with details which apply to the rise of every tribe that compare the accounts of how Chingiz ever rose to power in Asia Khan became great and spread abroad the dominion of the Mongols but his anachronisms enable his reader to estimate his account at its Of course the Asiatic origin of the nomad Scyths is no bar real worth. to their Iranian affinity, but it makes a non- Aryan derivation conceivable. ;
— —
;
;
Physical characteristics.
The supporters of the Mongol theory of the Scyths rely chiefly on the evidence of Hippocrates in his treatise on Airs, Waters and Places\ The evidence of the first of Greek physicians ought to be conclusive, but 1
Cotieri,
NH.
VI. 50.
which the ^youngest of three brothers succeeds cf. Spiegel, Erdn. Altertiinisk. I. 544, who compares Echidna and Dahak. 2
For Iranian
tales in
s *
journ. Min. Pub. Instr. St
—
24 30. There in Transactions of the 218. pp. 187-8, 207 cc.
—
is
P., 1886, Jan.
a translation by F.
Sydenham
Adams
Society, Vol.
I.
Legends.
iv]
Description in Hippocrates
45
unfortunately, in spite of much medical detail, it does not ^ive us a clear The fact is that he was trying to prove idea of Scythian characteristics. a theory, emphasizing the effect of the environment upon a race, and it is a question whether he does not rather twist his facts to meet his theory. And inasmuch as his notion of the environment is faulty he takes Scythia to have the facts that suit his a climate almost uniformly cold throughout the year theory are rather open to doubt.
—
—
Hippocrates begins by describing the Saurom.atae whom he calls a Scythian tribe living about the Maeotis and differing from the other tribes. He goes on to tell of their women's taking part in war the usual story. He draws a very clear line between them and the rest of the Scyths of whom he says that they are as different from all other men as are the Egyptians. But this difference which he ascribes to their monotonous mode of life, the men riding on horseback and the women on waggons, and to the continuous cold and fog of their country, he hardly defines in a convincing way. It amounts to a tendency to fatness, slackness and excess of humours, and a singular mutual resemblance due to all living under the same conditions. This slackness they counteract by a custom of branding themselves on various Further he says that the cold makes their colouring parts of the body'. TTuppo?, which seems to mean a reddish brown, the colour that fair people get from being much in the open. It cannot be any kind of yellow". The colour of the Tartars was not far from reddish. Kublai Khan had a white and red complexion, yet Chingiz Khan was surprised at his being so brown, as most of his family had blue eyes and reddish hair^ So too Batu is described by Rubruck as perftisus gutta rosea which du Cange takes = rnbidiis in facie so Hakluyt and Bergeron, but Rockhill is probably right in translating " his face was all covered with red spots \" The Chinese describe one of the five tribes Lastly Hippocrates observes in both men and women of Hiung-nu as fair. indifference that amounts in some of the men to actual impotence sexual a these are the Anaries of whom Herodotus also speaks, ascribing their disease to the wrath of the goddess at Ascalon whose temple they had plundered at But Hippocrates will have none of this, the time of their invasion of Asia^ and says this is a d isease just like any other disease" and due to excessive
—
;
;
G. Frazer, Golden Bough^, ni., p. 217. of St Juan Capistrano in California used to be branded in certain parts of their bodies ...because they believed that the custom added greater strength to their nerves and gave a better pulse for the management of the bow. ^ H. Kiepert, Ma/iual of Ancient Geography, '
Cf. J.
The Indians
Eng.
ed.,
yellow."
London, 1881,
He
p.
196, translates
"dusky
takes the Royal Scyths to be Turkic
in spite of the philologists. ^
p.
Rashid-ed-Din
358
n.
I, cf.
*
Rubruck,
*
Her.
I.
inf. p.
p.
ap. 100.
Yule^
Marco
Polo,
l.,
124.
105.
Cf Reineggs
(Jacob), Allgeineine historischtopographische Beschreibung des Caucasus, Bd i., p. 270. "Der Mann (der Nogajen) hat ein fleischiges aufgetriebenes aber breites Gesicht, mit sehr hervorstehenden Backenknochen, kleine tiefliegende ^
.^.ugen unci
keine
Wenn nun
nach
fiinfzig
bis
achtzig
Harlhaare.
Krankheiten eine unheilbare Entkriiftung folgt oder das Alter zunimmt, so wird die Haut des ganzen Korpers auserordentlich runzlich und die wenigen Barthaare fallen aus und der Mann bekommt ein ganz weibliches Ansehen. Er wird zum Beischlaf untuchtig und seine Empfindungen und Handlungen haben alien Mannlichen entsagt. In diesem Zustande muss er der Manner Gesellschaft fliehcn: er bleibt unter der Weiben, kleidet sich wie ein Weib, und man konnte tausend gegen eins wetten dass dieser Mann wiirklich ein altes Weib und zwar ein recht hassliches altes
Weib
sei."
quotes curiously enough from an English translation which I have not seen, and
Neumann,
p. 164,
translates back into
The
German.
disease described by Pallas {Voyages en plusieurs provinces, Paris, II. 8°, II., p. 135 sqq.) does not appear cognate with this, though some
46 -
riding. rich
Race
Scythians. But
among
all
this,
them.
he says
With
the
definitely, applies only to the
common
folk
it is
[ch. most noble and This whole
entirely otherwise.
description seems to suggest the condition of an Asiatic race in the last stage of degeneration, when the descendants of a small band of conquerors have reached a state of effete sloth and are ready to make way for a more vigorous stock.
The chief question that is raised by this description is as to the amount of trust that can be put in the statement that the ruling caste of Scyths is quite unlike any other kind of man. In the representations on works of art (v. p. 57 n.) the nomads do not appear so very unlike any other northern people, their resemblance to modern Russian peasants has often been pointed out though this resemblance is superficial, due rather to certain similarities of costume and to the way in which an abundant growth of hair disguises the individuality of The similarities of costume are due to a type, than to a deep-seated likeness. the fact that the Russians have borrowed many details of their dress from nomad tribes through the intervention of the Cossacks, whose mode of life had much in common with that of their hereditary foes. The words for clothes in Russian are mostly of Tartar origin \ Still the bearded warriors on the vase from Kul Oba could not possibly be described as evvovyp^i^i(TT(x.Toi avdpwiriov. If these are in any sense Scythian they must belong to a later time when the N, Asiatic blood had become completely mixed in. The Tartars of Kazan and the Uzbegs of Turkestan, races in which Altaic blood has been much diluted with F'innish or Iranian, are fully bearded. The Chinese drawings of Kara Kitans (p. 96, f 27) shew them with full beards. The representations of nomads from Kul Oba seem to belong to about the middle of the fourth century B.C. and by then the peculiar type described by Hippocrates might well have become almost obliterated by intermarriage with earlier inhabitants. Ammianus Marcellinus (xxxi. 11) uses a similar expression of the Huns " spadonidtis similes," and he is not likely to be copying Hippocrates in the same way that he applies to the Alans the description Herodotus gives of the Scythians. It seems as if the Huns, almost undoubted Altaic, produced the same impression on Ammianus as the Scyths on Hippocrates". The osteological characteristics of the skeletons found in Scythic graves throw very little light on the questions at issue. Had the skulls discovered been uniformly short or long, such uniformity would have been a weighty argument for assigning them to Tartars or Europeans respectively. But the rather scanty observations made hitherto tend to shew that there was considerable variety among individuals who used objects of defined Scythic type. The best known case is that of the five skulls found in Chertomlyk and discussed by K. E. von Baer in ASH. Of these two were short and two were long and one was intermediate, and the data were not sufficiently exact to shew that either lords or servants were one or the other. And even had there been such data they would not have cleared up the question, as it would ;
alike. My friend Dr L. Bousfield suggests that it was very bad orchitis and that Hippocrates may have been right in putting it down to constant riding. 1 V. V. Stasov in his review of Maskell's
symptoms are
Russian Art, Works, Vol.
11.
iii.,
p.
823.
For the types of variously proportioned mixand Turko-Tartar blood v. Ch. de \J]i3.\\ry,Les Aryens mt Nord et au Sttd de PHifidou Kouck, Paris, 1896. An Uzbeg with a beard is ^
tures of Iranian
illustrated in Keane's Ethnology, p. 312.
,
Physical Characteristtcs
iv]
47
be possible to argue the greater purity of blood of either rulers or servants a priori the latter might be supposed to be imported slaves, but Herodotus distinctly says that they were native Scyths, and he tells ot the marriage of Scythian kings with various foreign women. So too some of the skulls illustrated by Count Bobrinskoj in Smela slightly suggest Mongolian forms, others are purely European'. To this same conclusion came Professor Anatole Bogdanov", who says that in Scythic tombs the skulls are mostly long though occasionally Mongoloid and notes a general tendency towards brachycephaly during the Scythic period. For strangely enough although Slavs and Finns are now short-headed they seem to have become so only during the last few centuries'*. In Hungary e.g. at Keszthely the cemeteries which are referred to the Sarmatians are full of bow-legged skeletons, a. characteristic which may be accounted for either by their horsemanship or by a mixture of Altaic blood\ The process of gradual amalgamation of Central-Asian rulers with an alien subject population under very similar circumstances may be observed in the case of the coins of the Kushanas. Not that a change of racial type can be followed unless Miaus represents the purer blood, but the Indian name Vasudeva, along with the Kushana Vasushka, succeeds to Kujula and Hima Kadphises, Kanishka and Huvishka, without a break to mark a change of Their successors the Ephthalite Huns answer decidedly to the dynasty. type described by Hippocrates but in their case the evolution was cut short by the Turksl ;
Manner of
Life.
If we consider the customs which Herodotus ascribes to the Scythians it becomes evident that they form no coherent whole. Although it is hard to say what various usages may coexist in any given nation, what survivals from
an earlier state
may
continue into a high civilisation, the parts of the picture
drawn by Herodotus do not fit together. We see that he has mixed together information drawn from different sources and applying to different tribes. When it comes to endeavouring to determine according to these various customs the affinities of their users we are on very uncertain ground. Analogues for every detail can be found among various nations and Most of the usages as readily among Aryans as among non-Aryans. mentioned are inseparable from a nomadic life and throw no light on the affinities of the people among whom they obtain. The characteristic dress of the Scyths which struck the Greeks so much, is almost the only possible one for a nation of riders living in a cold climate, so too the use of various preparations ofjTiar^§jiiilkj_butter, kumys and cheese, the felt tents, bows and 1 Sm. II., pi. xxvii.^xxx. Ur \V. H. Duckworth, of Jesus College, kindly examined these for me.
^
Congres
International
cT Archeologie
Pre-
historique et cC Anthropologic, U"^ Session a Moscoii, T. I., Moscow, 1892, p. 5. "Quelle est la race la plus ancienne de la Russie Centrale?" 3 'H\Qder\t, Slavonic Antiquities, I. ^^. ?>q sq(\. * G. Nagy, I'he Nationality of the Scyths, p. 31.
Archiv f. Anthropologic, y.\U.{\?>%^), For the Macrocephali with their artificially elongated skulls v. D. Anuchin, Sur Ics cranes Cf. L. V\\^f\tr, p. 302.
anciens
artificielleinent
Moscow
Congress,
p.
263
dcfortnds ;
de
BCA. XX.
la p.
Russie, f. 41 ;
85,
shortened skull lb. XXV. p. 126 f. 18, both from Chersonese. ^ B. M. Coin Cat., Greek and Scythic Kings of Baciria and India, by P. (Gardner, xxiv. 7, xxv. E. J. Rapson, Grundr. d. Indoi 9, xxix. 10. Arischen Phil. u. Altertiansk., Bd II. Heft 3 B, am very grateful to PI. Ii. i, 8 I 12, iv. 18. Professor Rapson for indicating this series to me, but cf O. Franke, "Zur Kenntnis d. Tiirkvdlker u. .Sk. Zcntral-Asicns," p. 79 in Abhandl. d. k. pr. Akad. Berlin 1904. The Ephthalites' coins have taingi very like those that occur in the Crimea, v. for a
—
—
inf.
ch. xi. § 4.
—
\
48
banner
Scythians,
of Life
[ch.
arrows, curious methods of cooking owing to the absence of proper fuel, and so on, were conditioned by their general mode of life and could be nearly paralleled among any nomad tribe. As a matter of fact the medieval travellers found all these things in use among the Mongols, and some of the coincidences with facts recorded by Marco Polo, de Piano Carpini, de Rubruck and others are striking. These agreements are not restricted to such necessary similarities the accounts of cemeteries and funeral customs, of the religion of the Mongols, of their personal appearance, of the polyandry of the Tibetans, of their way of disposing of the aged, suggest that though it may be going too far to declare positively that the Scyths were Mongolian, we must admit that the Mongols before their conversion whether to Islam or Buddhism were their closest possible analogues. And their fate in western Asia and eastern Europe has been analogous. Already the hordes that Batu led against the West had very few pure Mongols save among the chief leaders, and this strain soon merged in the mixed multitude that it ruled, so that the later khans of the Golden Horde were just like any other west Asiatic monarchs, a mixture of the Turk and the Circassian This seems the place to give a summary of what our authorities tell us as to the life of the Scythians, especially the Nomads. The main bulk of information is contained in Herodotus (iv. 59 75), and the reader is prayed to have him some details are filled in from other passages and other authors at hand (especially Hippocrates, De Aere, etc.). In order to give as complete a picture of nomad life as is possible within narrow limits I have anticipated the archaeological results set forth in the later chapter which describes the tombs found in the Scythic area. Professor Lappo-Danilevskij^ has arranged the accessible material under convenient headings. In preparing the following summary I have everywhere been indebted to him, though much has been discovered since his book was written. Count Bobrinskoj [Sin^la passim) also gives a convenient view of what is known of various classes of objects. In spite of the well-known existence of tribes of agricultural Scythians, Scythian always suggested to the Greek the idea of nomadic life. The governing condition of the nomads' existence was the necessity of finding natural pasture for their cattle, hence their moving from place to place, and this necessitated everything from the form of their dwellings to the cut of their clothes, from their tactics in warfare to their method of cookery. Their chief occupation was looking after their many horses, and of this we have a splendid illustration on the famous Chertomlyk vase (v. pp. 159 162, ff. 46 49), on which we see pourtrayed in greatest detail the process of catching ;
—
:
—
—
1 In the confusion of nomenclature used for the races of northern Asia it seems impossible to arrive at a satisfactory terminology. By Mongolian in the broader sense is meant belonging to the eastern branch of the Uralo-Altaic peoples as opposed to the Finno-Ugrian branch. This eastern branch can be further divided into a western section to which belonged the Hiung-nu or Huns and the Turks, and an eastern section of whom the best known representatives are the Mongol tribe and But in dealing with western Asia the Manchus. and Europe the two sections are indistinguishable, as any movement of the eastern section produced its chief effect upon the West through the instru-
mentahty of the western section. Hence point of view Hunnish or Turkish comes to thing as Mongolian, though a confusing may seem to Turcologues unpardonable.
from our
the same of them But the nature of the material does not allow of greater accuracy seeing that we have an actual case of 100,000 Huns who took the name of the Sien-pi For eastern Mongols when defeated by them. the gradual shading of Mongols into Turks (v. p. 91 sqq.), Turks into Ugrians and Ugrians into Finns, and the various crossings of all these races with the "Caucasic" stock, see A. H. Keane, Ethnology, p. 295 sqq., also Franke, loc. cit. ^ Scythian Antiquities, pp. 383 sqq.
—
Food
Cattle.
iv]
4.9
the wild horse of the steppes or breaking him in. Others have been reminded by it of the story in Aristotle' of the Scythian kin<^'s practice of horse-breeding. On the vase we have two breeds represented the; tame horse which is being hobbled and the wild ones with hog manes. Professor Anuchin- thinks the is like the Kalmuck breed and former the latter the half-wild horses of the Professor Ridgeway^ compares with the former the shaggy horses royal stud. of the ancient Sigynnae and those of the modern Kirgiz, descendants of the " Mongolian " pony. The indocility of this race made the i)ractice of gelding necessary, otherwise it was unknown in the ancient world'. Horses were also ;
Scythians were supposed to like them very high. used for food. Next in importance to their horses came the cattle used for drawing their great waggons. Both Hippocrates and Herodotus say that they were hornless. The latter ascribes this to the cold (i\'. 29). They had sheep as well, for mutton bones are found in cauldrons in the tombs, as for example at Kul Oba. They made no use of pigs either in sacrifice or in any other way. So the early Turks regarded swine as tabu^ Besicles looking after their cattle the Scyths of course engaged in hunting, and we have gold plaques" with representations of a Scyth throwing a dart at a hare, reminding us of the story of how the Scyths when drawn up in battle array over against Darius set off after a hare'. As hunters they had a taste for representations of animals, especially in combat, and these are very characteristic of objects made for their use. Representations such as those on the Xenophantus vase (ch. xi. § 7) are purely fantastic more realistic is a hunting scene that appears on the wonderful fragments of ivory with Greek drawing found at Kul Oba (p. 204° ABC. lxxix. 10). Hunting supplied some of their food, more was produced by their cattle especially by their horses. Most characteristic were the products of mare's milk especially kumys o^vyaXa, the cheese called l-mrdKYj, butter and buttermilk^ also horse-flesh and other meat. Their methods of cooking were conditioned by the scarcity of fuel. Very characteristic are the roundfooted cauldrons in which have beea found horse (e.g. Chertomlyk, p. 162, and" mutton bones (e.g. Kul Oba). They also used some vegetable f. 50) food such as onions, garlic, and beans'* as well as grain, and the people about the Maeotis dug up a sweet bulb^" just as the Siberian tribes do with the Martagon lily". Besides kumys they drank wine readily enough, and Greek amphorae penetrated far into the country such jars were part of the provision put in a dead man's tomb few of the amphorae found far from it would seem as if the commoner sorts the coast bear stamps (ch. xi. § 7) did for the barbarians. Their habit of drinking it neat especially excited the contempt of the Greeks. :
:
:
:
:
Hisf. Anim. IX. 47. On the question of IV. 52), St P. 1896.
wild white horses {Her.
^
Thoroughbred Horse,
*
Strabo, vn.
iv.
8
;
p. 130.
use of mares, Pliny,
NH.
vni. 165. * Her. IV. 63. Vamh6r/, Die primitive Kultur der Turko-Tatarett, p. 38, 199, but cf. inf. p. 182. ^ p. 197, f. 90, KTR. f. 162, p. 154, ABC. XX. I, silver
ASH. M.
Xlll.
10.
Her. iv. c. 134. Hippocrates, De Morbis, iv. c. v. § 20, and Strabo vn. iv. 6, hence the Homeric epithets Cf. '\inTrifi6\yoi and yXaKroc^dyoi, //. xui. 1. 5, 6. Rubruquis c. 6, ap. Hakiuyt p. 97, Rockhill p. 62. " Her. IV. 17. "* Theophrastus, Hist. Plantaruin vii. xiii. 8 ^
'
^
^
and
Cf.
IX. xiii. 2.
" For the eating of bulbs among A. Vambery, op. cit., p. 220.
the Turks
7
v.
:
Scythian Manfier of Life
so
[cH.
Waggons.
As everybody knows, the home of the Scyth was on his cart. Already Hippocrates" gives the fullest Hesiod^ speaks of the waggon-dwellers. description, saying that the smaller ones had four wheels, the larger six, that they were covered with felt and arranged like houses divided into two or three compartments and drawn by two or three yoke of hornless oxen. In these the women lived, whereas the men accompanied them on horseback. Aeschylus sums up their whole life in three lines' ^Kv6a
d'
d(j>l^ri
vofidSa^,
TreBapaioi vaiovcr £K7//3oXo(.s To^oicrtv
And rhigh "
in
o'l
TrAeKras CTTcyas
cvkvkXois o^ois
e^rjpTVfiivoi.
thou shalt come to the Scyths, nomads
who
the air upon their fair-wheeled wains, equipped with far-shooting bows." have remains of waggons in various Scythic tombs but they seem perhaps rather open funeral cars than the wheeled dwelling (p. 75). It an open car also that we see on the coin is of Scilurus struck at Ulbia.
dwell in wattled huts
in
We
^
.
^^
wt/-
.,
(„ t
Fig.
4.
Some light may be thrown by the toy carts found in Greek graves at Kerch treated of by Professor P. Bienkowski of Cracow^ Some are clearly
Fig.
5.
BCA.
IX.
Pi.
V^.
Kerch.
Toy model
cart.
mere country
carts, not unlike those still in use in the Crimea, a body of wicker or skin with wooden framing set upon a pair of axles. Others
' ap. Str. VII. iii. 9 rXaKro(/)dyoji/ eV yaiav, dnrjvais oIkT ixovrmv. Cf. Hor. Carni. III. x.xiv. 10 " Scythae, Quorum plaustra vagas rite trahunt
domes." ^ ^
De Aere c. 25. Prom. Vine. 1.
735.
^
Wiener Studien, XXIV.,
— 72 and
— VIII.
p. 394,
and BCA.
ix.,
have much pleasure in thanking him for allowing me to copy his pictures in the former paper and for sending me an off-print Of course the wooden axles have of the latter. been supplied. pp. 63
pi. IV.
I
:
IV
Waggons
]
more
are
No. 2 tower
in
51
like our idea of waggon dwellings, being not merely tilt carts as Fig. 6, but remarkable structures such as No. b, with a kind of i
which were windows before and behind set upon a body which itself had windows in the sides between the wheels and also behind. The pyramidal tower may be a tent whether fixed or moveable like those of modern nomads. Or this may have been an arrangement for defence for the method of making a lager of waggons has always been a resource of in
;
TcrrAGotti.
ViencrStudieri.
Mi Fig.
6.
The waggons always had a hole in front for the dissel-boom, and in one case were furnished with a pair of oxen also on wheels. .They seem rather late in date, but the types are probably old'. If we may judge by the analogy of other Asiatic nomads it is at least a question whether the Scyths were always on wheels, like the gipsies in England. We have no artistic representation of any vehicle quite suitable for such a life. It seems more likely that they carried their tents all standing upon their carts and set them down upon the ground when The Sarmatian tent represented on the walls of the they came to a halt. catacomb of Anthesterius'^ is set upon the ground, and this is the arrangement "Their houses wherein they sleepe they ground described by Rubruquis'. upon a round foundation of wickers artificially wrought and compacted together the roofe whereof consisteth (in like sorte) of wickers meeting above into one little roundell, out of which roundell ascendeth vpward a necke like vnto a Chimney, which they couer with white felte The sayd houses they make so large that they conteine thirtie foote in breadth. For measuring once the breadthe betweene the wheele ruts of one of their cartes, I found it to be twenty feete over and when the house was upon the carte it stretched over the wheeles at each side fiue feete at the least I told 22 oxen in one teame drawing an house upon a cart.... And a fellow stood in the doore of the house, vpon the forestall of the carte driuing forth the oxen When they take down their dwelling houses, they turne the doores alwayes to the South." Evidently everything was on a much larger scale There than with the Scyths, but probably the principle was the same. were also small permanently covered carts. In later times the clumsy the nomads.
:
:
'
Compare Mr Hill's cart, which is Greek or coming from Alexandria, JHS. XVii.,
Oriental, p.
88.
Miss Lorimer's country' carts are mostly
two-wheeled, not like those figured here,
v.
xxin., 2 3
p.
132.
ch. XI. § 4, op. cit. c. 2,
CR. 1878, pi. I. I. Hakluyt p. 95, Rockhill
p.
54 sqq.
JHS.
7—2
52 Scythian
Manner of
Life
standing tent lifted down bodily from the cart has given place to the folding
The transition Jurta of the Kirgiz. It is shewn in the annexed pictured Kundure body of gives a view of a Tartars who in Pallas's time were just adopting the Kirgiz dwelling such as is shewn on the extreme left, whereas they had used small white tents which were put bodily on to bullock carts and could be taken off again and set down on the ground. They also had Arbas or two-wheeled waggons with wooden sides and a rounded top, and similar ones are described among the medieval Tartars. The picture gives as good an idea as may be of what must have the general appearance of a body of Scyths.
been
Towns.
Of the towns mentioned by Greek authors as being in Scythia we know neither where they were nor what. The agricultural Scythians may well have had settlements worthy of the
I
name, and even nomads have always had some kind of capital (e.g. Karakorum) and places for trading. In any case they mostly seem to have been either on the coast as Cremni'^ or in the western half of Scythial 1
Travels
p. S. Pallas,
vinces of the Russian
m
Empire
the Souther?! Proin the years \ 793-4,
Eng. Trans. London, 1802, vol. I. pi. 6, p. 172. Cf. E. D. Clarke, Travels^ London, 1817, vol. i., p. 394. The covered carts are well described by Josafa Barbaro in his Viaggio alia Tana, ff. 93 sqq., in Ramusio, Navigationi et Viaggi, vol. II., Venice,
Marco
I. lii., Yule^ i. p. 252, 254, n. 2. puts Cremni at Eskykrym, the old capital of the Crimea, to which it has given its name. It seems better to take the name as Greek and the place as a trading station. Besides Herodotus certainly thought of it as on the coast of the Maeotis, for the shipload of Amazons landed there in the Sauromatae legend (iv. no). Even so it is hard to imagine how they should have found their way through the Bosporus: still St Ursula sailing from Britain to Rome was wrecked at Cologne. ^ About Smela are vdzwy gorodishcha, entrenchments serving as refuge camps, and some have yielded Sc. objects, e.g. Sni. 11. pp. 52 61. V. A. Gorodtsov's excavation of one at Belsk is not yet published, but v. inf. pp. 119, 147.
1559. ^
Polo,
Westberg,
I.e.,
—
I
Art
Scythian Dress in Greek
CH. iv]
53
The ancients tell us nothing of the dress of the Scythians excejDt that they wore belts and trousers and pointed caps. must therefore rely on representations which may be more or less certainly regarded as intended These fall into two classes, those presumably executed for Scythians. they are mostly in repousse gold or silver and give north of the Euxine and those, very nearly all vase-paintings, due to Greeks us genre scenes in less close contact with the Scythians. The latter class is thoroughly untrustworthy, as might be expected, and chiefly depicts battle scenes. Among the various barbarians which appear on Greek vases of only two can it be said on the artist's own authority that he was thinking On the well-known Francois vase' we have three of northern nomads. archers (p. 54, fig. 8), one labelled Euthymachos, one Toxamis and one Kinierios. Toxamis, whose name according to one authority " klingt echt skythisch," perhaps on the analogy of Lucian's very suspicious Toxaris, wears a patterned tunic, a quiver and a high pointed headdress. He is shooting with a bow whereon seems to be shewn the lacing which is essential in a composite bow though in its more developed forms it is Kimerios, about whose name there can be no doubt, is usually concealed. similarly equipped but has a bow-case instead of a quiver. But Euthymachos, who may well be a Greek archer, is dressed just the same, and in even though probably Greek, wear barbarian later vases archers, costume". In the case of another painting of barbarians attempts have been Dr A. S. Murray sees them in made to identify them as Cimmerians. a horde of cavalry who are slashing down Greeks on a sarcophagus
We
—
—
Clazomenae^ But these people are using great swords such as were not deIt is true that they veloped in S. Russia until after the Christian era. have bow-cases, but these again seem not quite like the gorytus, the combination of bow-case and quiver which is peculiar to the Scythic area. but the swords and the caps It is hard to judge by mere silhouettes, from
may not like those of Central Europe the Thracian allies of the Cimmerians ?
seem much more folk
Treres,
;
we
call
these
There is another vase (p. 55, fig. 9) which might conceivably represent Cimmerians rather than Scythians as they have hitherto been called by F. Diimmler who published it and others like it which form his class It is certainly tempting to see in these wearers of of "Pontic" vases\ But all these vases are peaked hoods some East European Nomads. found in Italy and it would be rash to decide where they were made*. Another case of referring to our region unidentified barbarians is seen *
Mon.
1888, pi. -
e.g.
XIV.,
pi.
I.
Ined. IV. 54,
— V.
Wiener Vorlegebldtter
vi.
Hartwig, Die Griechischen Meisterschaleu^ Gerhard, Auserlesene Vasenbilder in.
264. 3
Terra-cotia Sarcophagi in Brit. Mtts. ^.
\.
Rom. Mitth. II. p. 171, pi. IX. I am indebted to Mrs H. F. Stewart, of Newnham College, for calling my attention to this and to the Agathyrsi •
vase. She has even been good enough to allow me to reproduce her drawing. Miss Jane Harrison has also helped me very much in this question of vasepaintings. To both I wish to offer my best thanks. ° Prof. Furtwiingler, Ant. Genirnen, III. p. 88, would assign them to a local It.dian make, and Mr H. B. Walters, Hist. 0/ Anc. Pottery i. p. 359, will
not decide between
Kyme and
Italy,
Scyth lan
54
CH.
yjear
Oiietlmoti
Hvt.LVl
m. Agathyk^i Ha/^v^. XXXVIII.
1 2.
BOW- case: H.XIV
FRANCOIS \«^5E.
Non.d.Inft
H.LY
FIGURES OF
BARBAWKNS
uarhard
Hedorv. Dioime4ft
.
Fig.
8.
— Scythian Dress
IV
i?i
Greek Art
55
\
F^IG.
9.
"i'ontic" Vase
witli
Cimmerians
(?).
(Fi^. 8, top) figured by Hartwig'. He guesses that people are Agathyrsi, but he does not adduce any evidence these strange Herodotus in the most cavalier fashion and in his discussion he treats entirely ignores his distinctions between the various neighbours of the Scythians. He thinks the knowledge of detail points to the master having been That there was such an one we know'- from a signature. One a Scythian. of the supposed Agathyrsi is Wearing on his chest just such a rayed plate as was found at Nymphaeum (v. p. 213, f. 114). have a tangible reason for referring to a Scyth the fallen figure labelled 5kvoe$ that occurs in a black-figured vase (Fig. 8, below) with the combat of Hector and Diomede'. His hood with a high point behind and perhaps his bow-case, seem accurately remembered, but inasmuch as he wears a sleeveless tunic adorned with crosses and no trousers but greaves, he does not agree with more exact pictures. This freedom of treatment shews that we are not to expect accuracy in cases defined by no inscription, and therefore we cannot deny that a barbarian is meant for a Scythian just because his clothes do not exactly tally. On the other hand I know of no figure figures are much too often described as Scythians. upon a red-figured vase which I could be sure was meant for a Scythian. Phrygians, Persians," Greek archers equipped in Asiatic guise, most frequent of all, .Amazons have a common dress which is not so far removed from that of the Scythians but that a Greek might apply it to the latter. These people all have a headdress with more or less of a point, but there are nearly always lappets which could be tied about the chin (Fig. 8, top). Their clothes seem made of a thin material, the trousers (or perhaps stockings) usually fitting quite close to the legs and the jersey having sleeves often of The close-fitting tunic over these is usually the same striking pattern. plain and sleeveless, sometimes patterned and sleeved (Fig. 8, below). Another form of tunic is rather flowing and then is generally sleeved or its place is taken by a cloak with sleeves that wave empty behind The wearers mostly have axes as well as perhaps this is the candys. bows. Their bow-cases have no place for arrows (v. p. 67, f. 17) and their in the case of a cylix
:
We
'
op.
cit. pi.
XXXVni., XXXIX.
i, p.
Jahrb. Gerhard, A.V. ni. 192.
421. 3
•'
d. k.
dcutschen arch. Inst. 1887,
p. 144.
"
;
Scythii lan
S6
rear
[cH.
Only when they are labelled at all like any Scythic type. or when they are hunting griffins or engaging in any other distinctive occupation can we say who they may be. There is no doubting the Persians on Hartwig's plates lv., lvi., nor the young Athenians on his plate xiv., so on the well-known vase with a BoKLixaaia of horsemen the central figure is surely not an outer barbarian'. Likewise the Amazons are often clear enough \ in other cases, e.g. Hartwig's ii. 2 and xiii., they are only to The be distinguished by the inscriptions^ conlist of Scythians in Walters (p. 1 79) tains the examples which I have discussed and others which all appear to me Persian as far as I have been able to see them so too with Reinach. It is much safer to call such figures oriental archers\ An Arimasp such as we find on the calathos from the Great Bli'znitsa (ch. xii.) is no doubt an Arimasp, but his dress is purely fantastic. The crowning example of the decorative use of barbarian costume is on the Xenophantus vase, and here we know that all are Persian. Yet Clytios would pass for an Amazon (ch. xi. § 7). So likewise with engraved stones. There is one' which represents a barbarian with a long cloak and a tunic leaning on a spear, and there is that signed by Athenades with a man sitting on a folding stool and trying the point of an arrow ^ Both come from Kerch, yet neither is specifically Scythian but rather Persian the latter is even closely paralleled by a coin of Datames satrap of Fig. 10. Terra-cotta Barbarian or Greek Tarsus ^ Terra-cottas found in the Crimea in local costume, Kerch. KTR. p. 188; CR. 1876, VI. 8. 204, give us very generalised figures wearing it would seem the native hood and trousers and the Greek chiton much what we should expect from Dio Chrysostom's account of the Olbiopolites*. But again this is very like Phrygian dress and may be merely another example of influence from Asia Minor, always strong on the northern Euxine. The last classical representation of conventional Scythic dress is on an ivory diptych of the 6th century a^d.** swords are not
:
f.
:
1
models of Scythic dress.
^
5 ch. XVII. 9.
Jahrb. 1889, pi. 4. V. Reinach, Repertoire de Vases, sub v. So too Walters, op. cit. 11. p. 176,/. 137. * e.g. Walters, pi. XXXVii. 2; Ashmolean 310, pi. 13; Louvre, Pottier, li. F. 126. K. Wernicke, '' Die Polizeiwache auf der Burg von Athen {Hermes, xxvi. 1891, f. 51 75) points out that the policemen in the fifth century were ever-present ^
« 7
—
s.v.
XI.
KTR. KTR.
§
13
p. 188, f.
:
f.
KTR.
p.
207,
178 = ^7?. 1861,
f.
igo = ABC.
pi. VI. II.
179.
*
Or. XXXVI. p. 50,
3
Mon.
V. ch. xv. Plot, VII., p. 79, pi. X.
Diptychon.
:
Dar.
et
Saglio
Dress as shewn
,v]
i?i
local
Work
57
Even in the other chiss of monuments apparently made by Pontic Greeks although they bear every appearance of accuracy we cannot be sure of every detail. Also we must remember that none of the folk represented need necessarily be Scyths in the narrower sense of the word, they are most of them in all probability Sarmatians. They are almost always shewn with beards. They wore close-fitting coats with narrow sleeves, cut rather short behind, but in front coming down much lower to The Haps folded over so that the coat was in some sort double a point. breasted without coming up to the chin. It was apparently trimmed and probably lined with fur. It was adorned with, as it were, orphreys or bands of either embroidery or gold plates following the seams at the inset of the sleeves, down the middle of the back and at the sides. At the sides were little slits to allow free movement as in some modern coats. The round dots on the Kul Oba coats seem rather ornaments than actual buttons in both cases. The belts kept them to. The coat was apparently the only upper garment, for the man facing on the Chertomlyk vase has for some reason freed his right shoulder of his coat and this leaves it bare. The under side of the coat is of different texture from the upper. The belt is apparently of leather and a strap run through a slit in it carries the bow-case. Trousers are either full enough to hang in folds and adorned just with a stripe down the seam, or tighter and covered with stripes round or lengthwise (Kul Oba). They were tucked into soft boots which were tied round the ankle and sometimes the instep as well. The fuller variety were so tucked in as to come down and partly conceal the boot'. Such clothes had no need for fibulae, but we find pins with ornamental heads in Scythic graves.
Headdress.
We
these men with long hair and considerable beards. They either went bare headed or wore hoods more or less like the Russian is difficult to tell which forms belong to the nomads and bashlyk. It which to the Persians. The Asiatic nomads had very high pointed headgear, according to Herodotus and the Bisutun bas relief of Sakunka the Saka But in other cases the apex of the hood is allowed to hang (p. 59, f. 12). down, and that this is intended is shewn by the pattern on a band round It contains griffins the end of the chief's hood found at Karagodeuashkh. somewhat whose heads are towards the longer side of the band'. similar band from Kul Oba goes the other way up and is adorned with figures and foliage'. very remarkable object, which seems to be a find
A
A
'
These
Oba Vase
details
can be best seen on the Kul
(pp. 200, 201, ff. 93, 94), the Chertomlyk Vase (pp. 159 162, fif. 46—49), and the Kul Oba Necklet (p. 202, f. 97). Other representations are
—
added from Kul Oba plaques bearing a man shooting a hare (p. 197), two men shooting in opposite directions (p. 197), man and woman with mirror (p. 158, f. 43), man with gorytus (p. 197), two men drinking out of one rhyton (p. 203). Also two men one with a severed head and one with a sword from M.
Kurdzhips (p. 223, f. 126, CR. 1895, p. 62, f. 140), the seated man from Axjutintsy (p. 182 f. 75 bis) and two wrestlers from Chmyrev barrow (p. 169, f. 62, CR. 1898, p. 27, f. 24); I.e. f. 26 is an obscure fii^ure which seems to have on a sleeved coat without putting its arms into the sleeves; this seems a Persian fashion. Cf. Persepolitan sculptures, the Pins, p. 191, ".Alexander" sarcophagus, etc. p. 219, f. \2Z = Mat. Xin. viii. i, 2. ^ p. 202, f. g6 = ABC. u. i. '^
8
\.
83.
'
Scyth tan
S8
rear
headgear, is a golden truncated cone about hoops separating three bands of pierced ornament, two of griffins and one between of This alone shews palmettes set with garnets. It was that its date is comparatively late. found by Prof N. I. Veselovskij at BesleAnother neevskaja Stanitsa on the Kuban. strange head ornament, which may be put down to native influence, though found in a grave near Panticapaeum, is the heavy gold pilos ornamented with volutes. But these stiff metallic headgears must have been rare. More commonly the stuff head covering is adorned with gold plaques, as we see on the Kul Oba vase and find in actual fact. For instance, a man's skull covered with gold plates of two patterns in sihi, which must have been
was found
CH. lo
high
in.
made
of
four
sewn on
Sinjavka on the Rossava (Kiev Government)". to a stuff cap.
It
at
Nomads.
Asiatic
Almost as instructive as the accurate Greek representations of European Scythians are those of Asiatic nomads perhaps the best :
on a large gold plate from the Oxus Treasure^ Although the man who made
of these
is
II. Gold Tiara with Garnets. Besleneevskaja Stanitsa. CR. 1895,
Fig.
p. 28,
f.
43.
i.
could draw, the style of execution is curiously lacking in character we cannot call it Persian or Scythic, though other plates of the treasure shewing more or less similar figures, women's as well as men's, do appear quite barbarous also the distinctions of texture which would make the dress more intelHo^ible are not rendered. The costume is almost identical with that we have been examining, save for a difference of cut in the lower border of the coat and the arrangement of the bashlyk which has bands covering the mouths The man carries a bundle of rods in his right hand. These last details recall the regulations of the Avesta for preventing the breath from defiling the sacred flame and the barsom carried by the Mage. Therefore the presumption is that we have before us a Persian but he is wearing a nomad's clothes, and his dagger makes clear for us the arrangement of the typical Scythic daggers with their it
;
:
:
side
1
pi.
projections.
ch. XI.
II. ^
192,
p.
XVIII.
i;
12;
KTR.
p.
49,
f.
56=C/?. 1876,
2.
^ *
I. f.
84; Sw.
III.
p.
139,
f.
71,
and
pi.
p. 255, f. 174, Dalton, No. 48. Cf. the "Alexander" sarcophagus
Pompeii Mosaic of Issus (Mus. Borb. XXXVI. sqq.).
and the VIII.
pi.
2
Asiatic Represe7itatio7is of
IV
F"li,ti
Gafte. Piltt«
Nsi.
Nomads
59
Pccja polls.
Fig.
12.
Persian has
reliefs
shewing
Nomad
Costume.
i—
\
6o
Scythian Bisutiin
On
and
Gear
[ch.
Perse-tolis.
bas relief of Bisutun we have a Saka labelled as such in unfortunately being a prisoner he is without of Darius The only thing distinctive about dress. national and his his weapons upon his head. He is fully bearded cyrbasia him is the very tall representing Persepolis court ceremonies shew rows The bas reliefs of with full sleeves and skirts, high headof figures^ wearing flowing robes dresses, daggers with curious broad guards stuck into their belts, and laced shoes, alternating with men wearing the nomad costume, close-fitting coat and trousers, round-topped bashlyk without lappets, the Scythic dagger with its complicated attachment to the belt and shoes tied with a thong round Both have the same way of wearing their hair, the same the ankle. torques, and the same bow-cases decidedly unlike the Scythic gorytus. They are taking the same part in guarding the king, introducing persons The difference of costume must to whom audience was to be granted. go back to an original difference of race, but what relation they bear to It has been suggested that we have Medes each other we cannot say. and Persians, or that one sort are nomads hired to be a palace guard like the Turks at the court of the Caliphs. At Persepolis, besides the men in nomad costume that appear to be palace guards, we have on the same platform which supported the Great Hall of Xerxes representations of strange peoples bringing tribute. Those for instance on No. 105 have pointed caps, and are carrying cups such as also they have rings or bracelets quite similar to are used for kumys Scythic types (cf p. 257, f. 178, No. 140 of the Oxus Treasure) and lead On No. 109 we have bowmen with metal objects, hammers a cart with them. daggers of the Scythic form. and They are clothed in a kind rings and behind, away in front and long which irresistibly recalls Radloff's of coat cut description of the curious garment in the big tomb on the Katanda (v. inf., It just answers to his comparison of a dress-coat. p. 248). On the staircase of the Palace No. 3, or dwelling palace of Darius or Artaxerxes, we have similar people, but this time they are leading When the great king is represented on a throne supported by a sheepl various peoples, such figures occur again ^ so on the king's tomb to the S.E. of the platform called No. 10". The peoples on these monuments are unfortunately only to be distinguished by their attributes, by the animals that accompany them, and by what we already know of Asiatic dress. The inscriptions do not help us to put names to them, but in some of these tribes we can surely see the Sacae, whom Herodotus puts among the subjects of the great king, and other northern tribes who were tributary or represented as such by Herodotus (vii. 60 66), in his review of the army the Persian court. of Xerxes, gives most of the tribes of Iran and its northern borders much the same clothes, that he says the Persians borrowed of the Medes; the
the
inscription
:
:
—
^
2
59>
P-
Perse,
I.
lb.
pi.
= n.
f-
i2
= Flandin
et
pi. 95, 96,
Coste,
Voyage en
^
^
i8.
97, 100.
^
op. op. op.
cit.
ni. pi. 119.
cit. III. pi. cit. iii. pi.
155. 164.
IV
Nomads
Persian Representations of
]
6i
the differences seem mainly in the headdresses, tiaras among Medes, Persians and Hyrcanians, Cissii with mitrae, Bactrians and Arii much like the Medes, so too Parthians, Chorasmians, Sogdi, Gandarii and Dadicae, while Sacae had tall-pointed caps. Another picture of Persians and nomads is on a cylinder and represents a Persian kincr stabbin<^ a nomad whom he holds by the top
of his hood. The attitude is exactly the familiar one of the kingr slaying a lion or other beast. The barbarian is trying to hit the king with a battle axe. He is bearded, wears a short sleeved coat, trousers and a gorytus just like the men on the Kul Oba vase. Behind each protagonist is an archer shooting. The bows are the typical
Asiatic,
all
their
'
'
asym-
sigma-shaped,
metrical bow suitable for use on horseback. Above all the symbol of the deity lends its countenance to the king's victory.
With
'^^'^"^^'^^'^^/^ ^}^^\%^^^^^^ ^
differences
Persian Cylinder. Combat between ^'^•,'3-. Persians and Sacae. Rawlinson, Five Great Mofiarc/iies, IV. p. 321.
these
costumes are essentially the same, the costume which climate and custom force on the nomad, and it is probable that the Persians borrowed it from their nomad neighbours or kept it from the time that they were nomads
Fig. 14. Coin of Tiridates 1 1, of Parthia n.c. 248 210, shewing pointed bashlyk encircled by diadem and with lappets below. R. Arsaces as Apollo on the Omphalos with hood, trousers and asymmetrical bow. Uallon, 'freasure of the Oxus, p. 48, f. 32 b.
—
themselves.
A later form of the same costume and especially of the headdress as worn by the Parthians, descendants of conquering Nomads, is shewn on the annexed coin. Women's Dress.
Of the women's dress we have only a vague idea. In Kul Oba and Chertomlyk were found identical plaques with the figure of a woman seated holding a handled mirror and a nomad standing before her and drinking out of a horn*. Over her dress she wears a cloak with hanging sleeves and her head is covered with a kerchief The dancers figured on a plaque from Kul Oba" are Greek and go back to Scopas (compare the dancers on the tiara from Ryzhanovka') though their kerchiefs rather recall the Scythic fashion. The best view of women's dress is that furnished by the three-cornered gold plaque from the headdress of the queen at Karagodeuashkh*. On this we see the queen herself sitting as it were in state with a woman attendant on '
p.
distinct. 2
158,
f.
\b.
p. 197,
f.
45=^j5C. XX. II. XXX. 20. <)o^ABC. XX. 5.
= ASH.
Front view,
in-
3
Sm.
•
p. 218,
XVI. 3. \20 = Mat. XIII.
II. pi. f.
iii.
i.
62
Scythian
Gear
[ch.
each side behind her and a man on each side in front. Unluckily the plaque has suffered much from the falling in of the tomb's roof, but we can still make out that the lady wore a tall conical headdress such as that to which this very plaque belonged. From it a kind of veil fell down behind the whole effect being like that of the medieval headdress in which fairies are often represented. Her dress can hardly be seen as she is almost shrouded in a great mantle adorned with dots, which may well represent gold plaques. Some such headdress belonged to the woman in Kul Oba, and about the woman's head at Chertomlyk could be traced a line of gold plaques (pp. i6i and 158, i. 45 = ASH. xxx. 16) forming a triangle with a rounded top and lines going down thence to the hands, the vestiges of a kind of mitre with long lappets\ She was covered with a purple veil of which traces were found. ;
Gold Plaques and Jewelry. Both men and women among the Scythians adorned their clothes with the gold plaques so often referred to. Poorer people wore bronze instead (e.g. the grooms at Chertomlyk), but gold is the characteristic material. The Hermitage is said to possess over 10,000 specimens. The plaques were sewn on to the clothes chiefly along borders and seams, more rarely as it were scattered over the field. They were of every shape and size, and bore figures of men, animals, and conventional patterns, such as palmettes, rosettes, and the pyramids of grains, called wolf's teeth. Enough specimens to shew their extraordinary variety are illustrated below (e.g. pp. 158, 178, 184, 192, Of a special character are the strips which seem 197, 208, etc., cf p. 157). to have chiefly adorned headgear. They seem rather of barbarian work, being less adaptable than the plaques, and therefore made on the spotl The plaques are mostly found on the floors of tombs, not in situ but fallen from clothes that have rotted away hanging on pegs in the walls. Solid gold also the nomads, both men and women, wore in every conceivable ornament. Herodotus mentions this of the Massagetae (i. 215), and Strabo of the Aorsi (xi. v. 8). Besides the high headgear of which we have already spoken, the women wore frontlets of gold mostly of Greek workmanship, and these were used also to support temple ornaments which took the place of earrings. This fashion is best illustrated by the finds at
Kul Obal
So
Ryzhanovka^ and Darievkal
at
Earrings were also largely worn. Men it seems only wore one^, women had sometimes several pairs buried with them, at Kul Oba for instance, where the finest pair may be either true earrings or temple ornaments', Ryzhanovka^ Karagodeuashkh ', Chertomlyk, Zvenigorodka '". This magnificence is still more marked in the torques and necklaces. The latter, as indeed most of the women's adornments, are chiefly of Greek 1
Cf.
ASH.
n. p. 107,
KTR.
p.
263.
Alexandropol, KTR. p. 252, XV. 3. f. 2^1= AS//. Chertomlyk, AT/?, pp. 309, Darievka, 310, ff. 269— 271 = C/?. 1864, V. 3—5. 2
Sjh.
e.g. p. 157,
II. pi.
x. XI.
f.
44.
Axjutintsy,
inf. p.
3 p. 195, {. 8S = ABC. II. 3, XIX. ing the well-known Athena heads. *
Sm.
II.
xvi. 3, .wii.
i, xviii.
14.
182. I, 4,
5,
includ-
^
Sm.
^
p. 237,
n.
x. 3.
147=
f.
Vettersfelde,
5,
e.g.
Chertom-
pi.
III.
6 and
i.
lyk, A'T/i. p. 264. f. SS = ABC. XIX. 5. 178 = Sm. II. xvi. 4 and 5.
'
p. 195,
^
p.
**
p.
217,
f.
iig=Ma/.
IV. 10. ^^
A'TT?. p. 290.
xiil.
7,
yewelry
IV
63
work, or imitations of it, and present some of the most wonderful examples The simplest are such plain circk-ts as that of goldsmith's skill that exist. from Axjutintsy just a thick gokl wire, or with nothing more than simple grooves or other mouldings, as at Karagodeuashkh" or a wire adorned heads, such as one found in Stavro|^ol at the end with rude animals' government ^ at Akhtanizovka on the i'aman Peninsula where the wire went round the neck several times and made a kind of collar opening by hinges \ and at Volkovtsy". At Chertomlyk wc;re gold, silver-gilt and bronze torques, the latter for grooms and servants, the former with lions at the ends or all along the hoop for the king and queen". At Alexandropol a servant Better work, purely Greek, we find on the Salgir in the had a bronze hoop^ Crimea^ and at Karagodeuashkh"; here the ends represent a lion fighting a boar. The best known specimens are those from Kul Oba'". Of these, the' first, belonging to the king, ended in the excellent representations of nomad horsemen, to which we have already referred. The second belonged to the queen, and ends in lionesses. Of the third only the ends remain, adorned with a lion's head and bands of enamelled palmettes. So the warrior at Vettersfelde had a gold neck-ring (iii. 3). The composition of these rings ending in lions' heads seems to be a Greek execution of the Iranian design exemplified in the In feeling near akin to collar and bracelets found at Susa by J. de Morgan". the Iranian, are two neck-hoops from Salamatino (Saratov)'', in style they are almost identical with the Oxus Treasure. Besides the solid gold hoops we have wonderful gold plaits and chains and necklaces, as at Karagodeuashkh " and Ryzhanovka", but they do not equal those found in purely Greek graves as the Great Bliznitsa on the Taman Peninsula and at Theodosia". Even more varied than the neck rings are the bracelets. At Kul Oba the king had in the sphinx bracelets on his wrists a pair of the most beautiful But even here under the Greek execution lies personal ornaments existing'". More an Iranian base; they recall the armilla published by Mr Dalton ''. purely Greek are his queen's armlets with griffins and deer, and that with Peleus and Thetis from above his right elbow"*. Very pleasing are those from Karagodeuashkh '" ending in sea horses. pair found near the station Golubi'nskaja in the country of the Cossacks of the Don, just where it approaches the V'olga, is interesting as offering a close analogy both in design and colouring of enamel to armlets from the Oxus Simplest of all are mere wire circlets, such as those from Treasure. Unusual in type are the ribbon-like Ryzhanovka, in bronze^" and in silver". ',
:
A
'
Sill. \\. xxii.
2
Mat. xni. V. CR. 1897, p.
3
I
and
72,
f.
viii. 3.
167.
ii8 = C/?. 1900, p. 107, f. 210. 77 = Sm. III. p. 83, f. 23.
*
p. 215,
f.
°
p. 184,
f.
«
p.
7
/^TJ?. p. 246. CA'. 1891, p. 78, f. 58. p. 217, f. i\()--=Mat. XIII.
8
*
n.
PI. IV. v.,
I.
i58,f.45=^5//.xxxvii.2,7;
cf.pp. 157, 161.
and E.
^* '^ '"
f.
p. 199,
f.
pi. 11.
7—9.
=
f.
p.
217,
f.
Ministlre de ^Instruction Publiqne 1897 H 1902, Paris, 1902, pp. 95 and 97, Meinoires, T. viii. (1905),
-"
Sm.
^'
ib. xviii.
1'
p. 271,
f.
92= ABC.
xiii.
vol. LViii.
I,
(Oxus Treasure, No.
116). p. 199,
f.
r.
=
" Archaeologia,
'"
202,
and
Arts,
=
"*
p.
Beaux
Siit. II. xvi. 9. 74, ib. p. 37, f. 7 ch.xi.g i2,xii. C/?.i869, 1.13; ^/)'C.xii».3,4.
p. 179,
ABC. VIM. I, 2, 3. 97, p. 197, f. go Cf. La Dc'U'gation en Perse du 187.
•0
Pettier, Gazette des
1902, p. 32. '2 cj^ ,go2, p. 139, ff. 246, 247. '3 p 217, f. ii() = A/(it. XIII. iv. 4, 3
11.
g2
= ABC. = Mat.
xiii. 2
\\()
xvii. 5
8
and
and 12.
6.
XIII.
and 3. 8 and
iii.
9.
y^
Scythian
64 armlets found in
had
his
arm
at
sitti
Gear
[ch.
Volkovtsy and Axjutintsy \
The
Vettersfelde warrior
ring".
Greek armlets the Kul Oba king had almost plain native gold or electrum^ one large pair worn upon his upper arm and four as a defence below the elbow. For instance at Chertomlyk the Finger rings were also much worn. the king seems to have queen wore ten rings in all, one on each finger
As
ones
well as his
in pale
;
Fig.
15.
CR.
i8go, p.
118,
f.
71.
Golden bracelet with enamel
Golubinskaja Stanitsa.
inlay.
had two, and the servants mostly one each ^ They occur of all materials, silver, glass, iron, copper, even stone. Good specimens were found at Karagodeuashkh and Ryzhanovka^ Three of these are specially interesting as having bezels set with Greek coins whose aesthetic beauty was appreciated in this way (PI. v. 16). Besides these regular species of adornments, the nomads had a taste for amulets or charms as we call them. Besides various pendants there have occurred animals' teeth, a natural gold nugget, a flint implement at Vettersfelde (i. 3), an Assyrian engraved cylinder', even a rough stone (Ryzhanovka). gold,
°
Those who could not afford home-made of clay or stone, or of
the precious metals used beads, either glass imported from the Mediterranean area; even cowrie shells found their way so far north ^ The best coloured plate shewing the variety of beads found in S. Russia is given by Count Bobrinskoj I As materials, he enumerates paste, rock crystal, shells, stones, carnelians, gold, silver, amber, birds' and beasts' claws and teeth^", and there seems to be also Egyptian porcelain. The glass beads comprise most of 1 V. p. 184, f. 77, No. 425 = 5w. III. p. 85, f. 24; Rep. Hist. Mus. Moscow, 1906. I. 17. ^ Furtwangler, I. 4. 3 V. p. 197, f. ^o=ABC. XXVI. 3. * Lappo-Danilevskij, Sc. Antiquities, p. 420.
*
Mat.
XIII.
iii.
10
and
11.
^
Sm.
' ^
p. 193, 5;;^
9
Sm.
'"
of
II.
u
p.
xviii. 5, 9, 10, f.
y
^^
= Sm.
I.
11, 13. p. 'JJ.
j
Iil. pi. xiii.
208,
f.
106 below = CA'. 1877,
VII Brothers.
ii.
13,
No.
iv.
;
IV
yewelry.
]
Mirro?'s
6s
the ordinary types. Further south corals have been found. The anne.\ed cuts offer as good a representation as can be given without colour.
Phc. 45. Vi.
Phc. 44. */u
pi^.
Glafi
iu»d.
Acflate Bea
Phc. 46.
Phc. 47.V). Pnc.48.'/<. Pnc.49.Vi.
»/i-
frona n«aw- fecaianecvsto-ja. Sta.nitsa.
FH&Sa.'/i. Phc.53. •/<.P"C.54Vi. Pnc.55.Vi- Pnc.
Phc. 57.Vi-
56.'/<.
Fig.
1
PHr.58.'/i.
Phc, 50.'/>. .
Piic. 51.Vi.
('Kuba.nOCK.lS^
Pnc.59.'/i.
Pnc.
GO.'/i-
Piic.6l.«/«-
6.
Mirrors.
To
admire themselves in all this finery the Scythian women had metal These were of three types, that of the ordinary Cireek mirror with handle in the same plane that with merely a loop behind and that in which the loop has been exaggerated to make a kind of handle at right angles to the plane of the back of the mirror'. In alniost every rich tomb in which a woman was buried, there has been found a mirror. The first type is far the most frequent and corresponds to the common Greek type (there are none like the round handleless Greek mirrors in boxes), and many are of actual Greek work or direct imitations of it we even get, as in Kul Oba, Scythian patching of Greek objects. It is a mirror of this type that is held by the woman on the plaque already mentioned (p. 158, f. 45). Three very simple examples are figured by Count Bobrinskoj-, one has a bone, and one a bronze" handle nailed on to the bronze disk. Equally clumsy in a different material is that from Kul Oba, on which a gold handle of native work has been added to the Greek disk of bronze ^ Greek mirrors of this type early found their way into Scythia, for some specimens (ch. xi. § 10) belong to the archaic period. Those of which mirrors.
;
;
:
the execution is purely Scythic, shew a reminiscence of Greek models, not merely in the general shape, but in the division of the handles into panels that were filled with characteristically Scythic beast forms'. More often there has been worked out an arrangement thoroughly in the spirit of
Minusinsk '
art,
the end of the handle being adorned by an animal in the
Cf. Bobrinskoj, Stnela, Ui. p. 67, and K. SchuBarbarische unci C.riechische Spiegel,
macher,
skythisch-sibirischen
XXIX. (1897),
V'olkcrkrciscs,
Zeilschrift fiir Etlnioloi^ie, XXIII. (1891), p. 81 sqq.
^
Sm.
Hampel, Skythische Denkmitler aus Ungarn in Ei/inolon^ische Mittlicihcui^cn aus Ufi_^ani, Bd v. P. Reinecke, Die skythischen (1895), Heft I Alterthiimer im mittlcren Europa, Zcitschriff fiir Ethnoloi^ie, xxviil. (1896), p. i, and Ucbcr einige Beziehungen der Alterthiimer China's zu denen des
3
S)n. in. p. 95, f. 44. p. 201, f. gs = ABC.
J.
*
I
^'
;
M,
Cf.
Zt. f. Etiin.
p. 141.
II. .\iv.
5,
and
I.
Arch. Anz. 1904,
x. 2.
XXXI. p. 22,
7. f.
i
;
Khanenko,
op.
XLVI. 351 b, and those from Hungary, Pokafalva, and Transylvania, Olach Zsakoda, Hampel, cit.
I.e.
ff.
25
— 29.
— 66
Gear
Scyt/iia?t
round (bear or wolf, No. 351, cf. daggers,
v. p.
178,
[ch.
f. Jz) of two beak-heads facing (p. 191, f. 83, Thoroughly Scythic are 169 171, v. p. 266).
p. 249, ff. These are the mirrors with a loop at the back (v. p. 190, f. 82, No. 237). from which it is hard phalerae, from the mostly smaller and may have developed penetrated, which this type China, to in In Siberia and to distinguish them. the loop' is sometimes in the shape of an animal, and this form was exagor the gerated in the west, so that the animal is disproportionately raised of the mirror I loop develops into a handle at right angles to the plane ',
Bows, Bow-cases and Arrozus.
weapon of the nomads was the bow. Owing actual remains for exact knowledge bows have been found in S. Russia ^ one at Michen near
The most to
material
its
characteristic
we cannot depend on
Two of it. Elisavetgrad, the other near Nymphaeum, but they were not in such perfect But we have many preservation as to give us an exact idea of the shape. Scythic bow is descriptions by ancient authors. The and representations the letter sigma, probably the four stroke one, Agathon to by compared t,'/) who Ammianus Marcellinus (xxii. viii. is suggested by which not the C, The shape Black is continually waning moon. of the Sea likens it to the compared to that of a Scythic bow, the Crimea representing the handle with unequal curves on each side bending round to the string represented by Asia Minor I This agrees fairly well with the bows on the Kul Oba vase (p. 200, f. 93), especially that which the archer is stringing, and with those on the coins of Olbia and Cercinitis (PI. in. 4, ix. i), and of Leucon of Panticapaeum (PI. vi. 16). Compare the bow held by Arsaces, who on the Parthian coins takes the place of the Seleucid Apollo on the Omphalos". The asymmetry is best seen in a bow wielded by an Amazon, It is harder to judge of and quite possibly copied from a Scythian bow'. its shape when it is represented at the moment of aim being taken, as on the handle of the sword from Chertomlyk (p. 163, f. 51), and on the plaque More often we see it with two nomads shooting in opposite directions \ represented in the gorytus or combined bow-case and quiver as on the Kul Oba vase, and the coins of Olbia". This complicated curve of the bow made it more convenient to use on horseback (the Scyths are called tTTTroTo^orat, yet we have no view of one ''
;
on pp. 278,
279,
ff.
201,
we have Siberians), and allowed it to be gorytus. The modern Tartar bow seems the
203
comfortably in the very counterpart of the Scythic, and the bows pictured by Chinese artists in the hands of the Hiung-nu are also similar. These latter had bow-case and quiver separate, and the Manchu bow-cases in the British Museum are quite unlike the Scythic ones in all details of their construction '". carried
HI. xu. xii. j. to\-)= Sm. lu. f. 85 3. 05 iop=o/«. 193, I. Cf. p. 193, f. 85 bottom, Sm. ill. p. 113, shanenko, op. cit. LVii. o. Kh '
=
Cf. \^i.
V. p.
2
•*
Lappo-Danilevskij, Sc. Aiitiqq.,
*
ap.
Athenaeum,
p.
p.
f.
62
model of a bow and bow-case, R. Martin, Hdge du '^^"'"'' -"Musce de Minoussinsk, XXX. 15, where »
434.
454 d.
p.
Strabo, n. v. 22. BM. Cat. Parlhia^ Artabanus p. 61, f 14. V. 4 7; Mithradates II., pi. vi. i, etc. ^
"
pi,
I.,
—
'
Gerhard, Aiiserlt'sene Vascnbildcr.,
Ii.
snake drawing snaKe arawing bow oow on ring stone, en. ch. xii. XU. = c/r. CB. 8, and the Persian's bow on p. 54, f. 8. » p jg^^ f_ ^q i^tR. p. 135, f. 1^0 = ABC. XX. 6.
1861, vi.
ccxxii.
Cf.
a
little
244, f I52
metry
is
= F.
well shewn,
f. 27. Certainly the Scythi c bow was not a simple or "self" bow, but composite. comp For
^^
p. 96,
—
B OWS
I\'
ClJKrI
B ow~ cases
67
These combined quivers and bovv-cascs {yoipvTos) were peculiar to the Scythic culture, except in so far as they were borrowed by neijj^hbouring The wooden model from a nations. They were worn on the left side. tomb at Kerch supplements the numerous representations on vases (Kul Oba, [). 201, f. 94) and g'old plates (Kul Oba, p. 197, f. 90, Axjutintsy, small
Wcoel.
Fig.
17.
on the coins of Olbia (PI. in. 4), a Greek i^rave-stone and frescoes from Kerch (ch. xi. § 4), also on a cylinder representing the Great King fighting Sacae (p. 61, f. 13), whereupon the latter only have them. The Persians, as shewn on the bas reliefs (p. 59, f 12), seem to have had simple bow-cases, and of such we have a model in bronze from Minusinsk (p. 244, f. 152). All these enable us to recognise as gorytus-covers three richly repousse gold plates (from Chertomlyk p. 164, f. 53, Karagodeuashkh p. 221, f. 125, in very bad preservation, and from Iljintsy", district of Lipovets, government of Kiev, a replica of that from Chertomlyk), upon which the adaptation of Greek ornament to Scythic form is specially remarkable (v. p. 284). Less rich was the specimen from Volkovtsy (v. p. 183) of leather with five small gold plates instead of one complete cover. Such plates are the dots in the pictures named above. The quivers were likewise made of leather and adorned with gold plates, but we have none completely covered at Axjutintsy, large barrow, the deer took up most of the surface (p. 181, f. 75). The three-cornered gold plates found in the VII. Brothers (pp. 209, 211, 213, ff 108, iii, 114), and one of similar shape barrow,
p.
182,
f.
from Chersonese
75
bis),
(ch. xvii.),
:
this type see
H. WaMout, fournal of Anlhrop. Inst.
XIX. (1890), p. 220 ff., XXVI. (1896), p. 210 ff. The Chinese character Kung (inf. l.c.) = bow suggests the four-stroke sigma. An unsymmetrical Manchu bullet-bow from Mukden in the Pitt-Rivers Museum at Oxford exactly resembles the pictures of the Scythic bows. As an indication of the range of such a bow we have an inscription from Olbia, published and discussed by von Stern (App. 6=Tra7is. Od. Soc. XXIII. p. \z = IosPE. IV. 460), making a prize shot 10 be 282 fathoms, about 660 yards, according to von Luschan (ibid.) too far for a self-bow but not unprecedented with a Turkish bow. Mr C. J. Longman gives 360 yards as the utmost for an English bow, and for a Turkish mentions 482 yards attained by Mahmud Effendi in London in 1795, and 972 yards shot by Sultan Selim in 1798 in the
presence of the British Ambassador to the I'orte. Selim could shoot farther than any of his subjects {luidiniuton Archery, pp. 103 and 427). Alajor Hcathcote, a practical archer, sug'j,'^csts to mc that for use in war where only point blank shots could be ctTective, our self-bow would not be as inferior as appears from the above figures also it did not require such careful protection from damp. Cf. also F. von Luschan, "Uberden antiken Hoyen," in Festschrift fiir Otto Bciuutorf, 1898, pp. 189 :
197 in p.
;
and Zusammengcsetztc und
verstiirktc
Hogen
Verhdl. d. Berlin. Anlhrop. Ges. XXXI., 1899, 221, as noticed in Centralblatt fiir Anth?-o/>o/o_<^ie,
Ethnologic und Lh\i^eschichtc, \. ( 900), p. 84. The Persian bows were long (/ify(iXn), Her. vii. 61, probably self-bows, the Sc. having their local (e'lTiXMfyia) bows, C. 64. ylrch. Anz. 1903, p. 83; JICA. ill. App. p. 51. 1
'
9—-
68
Gear
Scythia7t
[ch.
^
from Karag-odeuashkh (p. 219, f. 123), are usually explained as the ends of Their number need not surprise us, seeing that a common man-atquivers. arms among the Mongols was required to have three quivers'. In each quiver were very many arrows. At Volkovtsy there were about 300, and similar numbers in those found in other tombs. Each Scyth could well spare an arrow-head for the king's monumental cauldron'. The arrows were made usually of reed, sometimes of wood, and were about 30 in. long (e.g. at Chertomlyk). The bow was about the same length. The gorytus is 49^ cm. and about a quarter of the bow sticks out beyond in the illustrations, so The fragments of the whole would come to 60 or 70 cm., say 2 ft. 6 in. The breadth would be the Nymphaeum bow made up about that amount. about 30 cm., say a foot^ The arrow-heads are of stone, bone^ iron, and especially of bronze. A few are the shape of small spear-heads with two cutting edges, but Count Bobrinskoj discusses the the typical shape is of triangular section. The triangular ones various types and illustrates a very varied series". being furthest from the stone forms. seem the latest, Some have a small socket, others also a kind of barb or thorn on one side. Many a head has a hole for a sinew to bind it to the shaft. Doubtful traces of feathers have been found by Count Bobrinskoj". In general arrow-heads are far commoner in Scythic graves than in those of any other people. Of the 200 found in Kul Oba^ most were gilt, and the bronze is perhaps the hardest
known I
Spear-heads were found in most of the well-known tombs, copper in the Round Barrow at Geremes, in Tsymbalka bronze, most often iron, e.g. the Stone Tomb at Krasnokutsk, Chertomlyk and Tomakovka. So, too, many in Count Bobrinskoj's district about Smela. The shape is that of a leaf with a socket running up into a kind of midrib". In the frescoes of the tomb of Anthesterius (ch. xi. § 4) the spears are painted of enormous length, 15 or 20 feet apparently, but at Chertomlyk was found one about 7 feet which is much more reasonable. They also used shorter darts, which are mentioned by the ancients, and are represented in the hand of the hare hunter'" and on the Kul Oba vase. Apparently the weapons grew longer with time, for Tacitus" speaks of the great Sarmatian spears {conti). Swords, Daggers and Sheaths.
At teristic
close quarters the Scythians used swords or daggers, less characthe bows, but in themselves intercstinof for their form. any of them are worthy to be called swords. The longest
than
Hardly specimen of the type comes from outside the ordinary region for Scythic finds. It is found at 113 cm. long, and its haft is 18 cm. It was De
Piano Carpini ap. Rockhill, p. 261, n. 3. Her. IV. 81. ^ Lappo-Danilevskij, .SV. AfitL, p. 434. * p. 158, f 45 p. 190, f 82 = .S'w. II. xiv. I. ^ p. 190, f. 82 and -S'w. III. p. 9 sqq. and pi. XVI. Cf E. Lenz, BCA. Xiv. p. 63 sqq. " " BCA. XIV. p. 31. ABC. XXVII. 11. ^
2
;
**
ib.
20 gives an arrow nock.
The
was
shaft
of ash. " ii.
8
III. 190, f. 82 and Sm. U. xxv. 6 and 7 Collectio7i Khanciiko, vol. II., pt 3, xxxviii.
v. p. ;
;
164, 165. i"
"
p.
\Cj-]
Hist.
= ABC. i.
79.
XX.
9.
IV
]
Ai'rows^ Spears^ L)aggcrs
69
Akloboly, in the county of Hdromszck, Hungary'. To judoe by their sheaths those from Kul Oba, Chertomlyk and the Don had blades about
AWaWj^C' Fig.
H3rx,rv.S5sit)
Tolill.en^ «3\cm.
18.
54 cm. long, and most specimens of daggers are shorter than every Scythic grave has yielded one or more such daggers. aiis J. Hampel, Ethnologischc Mitthcilungcn Ungarn, Bd IV. (1895), Heft Skythische Uenk'
i
;
miiler aiis
Ungarn,
f.
22
a, b, c.
this.
Almost
The pommels
70
Scyt/iia72
Gear
[ch.
are usually plain knobs, sometimes they have a pair of beak-heads or beasts curled round towards each other these curls degenerating in the later and longer specimens into a likeness of the antennae of Hallstadt swords but the make of the weapon is quite different^ The guard is narrow and heartshaped, rarely projecting enough to be any protection. The hilts are often overlaid with gold as at Vettersfelde^ Chertomlyk (both the king's great sword and three others, p. 163, ff 51, 52), Kul Oba' and Karagodeuashkh where the blade was rusted right away^ In western Scythia about Kiev these swords have occurred very often, e.g. at Darievka^ Axjutintsy", several at Volkovtsy and Prussy near Cherkassk', and one in the district of Dubno in Volhynia*. As we go west swords of this type grow steadily longer. The Siberian dagger is the short sword of Chertomlyk and the long sword of Aldoboly, which would almost merit the description in Tacitus of the swords of the This seems to correspond to an evolutionary progress, the Sarmatae". Minusinsk daggers are certainly early compared with the Hungarian swords'": ;
;
between come one from Ekaterinenburg (54 cm.), from Izmailovo (Samara, Such swords also made 63 cm.) and another from near Samara (83 cm.)". The above their way to the north to Ananjino and the basin of the Kama'-. examples all have iron blades and hilts of iron, gold or bronze a whole bronze dagger was found by chance at Kamenka, district of Chigirin'l The all bronze dagger is rare in Europe though common in Siberia'*. This type of sword had a special sheath to suit it, marked in the older examples by special adaptation to receive the heart-shaped guard, in others by a special tip or chape made separately and often lost (it was this separate tip {ixvK7)<;) that caused the death of Cambyses, by coming off as he jumped on his horse and allowing his dagger to run into his thigh") and a projection on one side by which it was hung to the belt'" in the manner shewn by the Oxus plaque (p. 255, f, 174), and the Persepolitan reliefs (p. 59, The sheaths have of course perished, but they were often Nos. 95, 100). gold plates which enable us to judge of their shape. with An early covered forms part of the Oxus Treasure It is in plate of this type (p. 255, f. 174). very bad preservation, having been snipped up into small pieces, some of which It is decorated with hunting scenes in which the as well as its tip are lost. king appears under the familiar winged disk, all in a rather mechanical style, bearing the same relation to Assyrian bas reliefs that the Chertomlyk The costume of the figures is rather bow-case bears to Greek marbles. in
:
' p. 189, f. 81 =.?;«. 1. vii. 2 and 5; but cf. E. Lenz, BCA. xiv. p. 62. ^ Furtwangler, MI. 5. 3 ABC. XXVII. 10. Cf. ibid. 9 from the otherwise Greek tomb of Mirza Kekuvatskij.
^ '•'
" ''
Part 8 '
'"
Mat.
Sm. Sm.
XIII. V. 4. II.
XV. 7.
II.
xxii. 4.
,
Khanenko, Vol.
3, pi.
XXXVIII. 166.
167. praelfliigos, Hist.
II.
Part
2,
pi.
Ii.,
ill.
;
ib.
e.g.
I.
others from op.
cit.
ff.
Bela Posta in Gr. Eugen Forschungsreisc, Bd 102,
1905, p.
f.
Zichy,
Dritte Budapest,
in.,
57.
D. A. Anuchin, On certain 179. forms of the oldest Russian swords. Trans. VI. Russian Arch. Congress, Odessa, 1886, Vol. i., p. 235 sqq. very late one 3 ft long from Koshibeevo, '^
v. p.
258,
f.
;
Coll.
Hampel,
i'
Asiatische
16
79.
Pili'n,
—
18.
.
Bereg and Neograd.
Tambov Government, A. Kama and Oka, Mat. XXV.
A.
Spitsyn,
pp. 11, 59,
''
p. 189,
f.
81,
'*
p. 243,
f.
\^o— Mat.
'^
Her.
"'
The bow-case being worn on
svi'ord
ill.
.Sill.
Antt.
of
pi. xii. 3.
III. xi. 5. III.
vii.
10; p. 249,
f.
169.
64.
was on the
right, not
a
the
left side,
common
practice.
the
1
Daggers a7id Sheaths
iv]
7
Scytho-Persian than Assyrian, and the patterns which mark the structure of the sheath are distinctly (jueer, suj^^csting a barbarization of Greek models. Doubts have been cast on its authenticity, but it shews a combination of motives upon which a fori^er would hardly hit, and which may be explained by our supposin<^ its maker to have been a craftsman trained in the Assyrian traditions and working for a nomad. This view is supported by the analogies presented by the Melgunov dagger and sheath (pp. 171, 172, 65 67) which, being of the same Scythic shape, is regarded as being a product of Assyrian work of the early The blade was 43 cm. long. The illustrations make a long \ith century h.c. At the tip were two lions rampant facing each descrijjtion unnecessary. other, along the sheath eight monsters with fishes for wings shooting towards the hilt. The fifth from the tip is lost on both sides, but his tail apjiears At the hilt end is the familiar composition of two on that not shewn. figures and the tree of life. The projection for hanging has a typical Scythic deer, otherwise the workmanship seems purely Assyrian. In 1903 a very close parallel to this hitherto unparalleled decoration was found by Mr D. Schulz at Kelermes near Majkop. The description of the sheath sounds identical, but the motive of two beardless winged genii adoring a tree at the upper end is repeated upon the guard, while the grip is adorned with a geometrical design. The work is finer than in Melgunov's example'. Another sheath, important for its forming a link between these and the later Siberian style, was found in 1901 near the Donl Of Greek work we have such plates from Vettersfelde ([). 237, f. 146), Kul Oba (p. 203, f. 98) and Chertomlyk (p. 164, f. 53). For the same kind of dagger quite a different sheath, without the side projection, is one from Romny (government of Poltava, p. 186, f. 79, No. 461). Another type of smaller dagger and sheath, apparently of Greek work, ['i.
—
occurs at Tomakovka'' and Vettersfelde\ As to the custom of setting up a sword and worshipping it^ the attendant circumstances seem rather to suggest its belonging to some Thracian tribe in .western Scythia within reach of trees. The ascription of the same custom to the Alans by Ammianus Marcellinus (xxxi. c. ii. 23) Herodotus to is of a piece with his wholesale borrowing of details from adorn his account of Sarmatia. That Attila regarded the finding of a sword as a good omen of his warlike might does not prove that the Huns Howactually worshipped a sword as the incarnation of the god of war I ever, Geza Nagy' cites something of the sort among the Bolgars, the Voguls, the Tunguz and the ancestors of the Magyars. Elsewhere (vii. 64) Herodotus says of the Sacae, whom he identifies with the Scyths, that they had daggers lyyeipi^ia., though in iv. c. 70 he speaks of their putting an acinaces into the bowl from which they are to drink for the ceremony of blood brotherhood. But even acinaces need not mean a very long sword, short it is usually applied to the Persian sword, which is represented as 1
Anz. -
p.
45 ^
p. 222 and B. V. Fharmacovskij in Arch. This find is not yet illustrated. 1904, p. 100. V. p. 270, f. 186, Kieseritsky, Arch. A/iz. 1902, V.
"
Furt. ni.
f.
4^
= ASH.
XXVI.
16.
'
2.
Her. iv. 62. Jordanes, Gef.
Miiller,
f.
p. 158,
'
^
FNG.
op.
cit. p.
c.
xx.w., quoting Priscus,
IV. p. 91.
49 sqq.
fr.
8,
Gear
Scythia7i
72
[ch.
Had he meant an ordinary sword he would on the reliefs of Persepolis. have said ^t(^o9. The archaeological evidence therefore exactly bears out the natural inference that the Scyths used short swords, hardly more than daggers, and similar to those of the Persians. Besides swords or daggers we find knives in Scythic tombs, seemingly The best example of the type knives for general use rather than weapons. ornamented from Kul Oba', which has an gold handle and a steel is that modern table-knife. Usually, as in the blade. The whole is not unlike a Two similar ones were country about Kiev, they have plain bone handles". Near Zhurovka was found an iron knife, quite found at Chertomlyk. recalling the Minusinsk "cash" knife''. Axes.
Herodotus further speaks of the Scyths as having axes, sagaris they formed part of the equipment of the Sacae of the Persian host (vii. 64) and were used with the sword in the ceremony of blood brotherhood. The Greeks mostly thought of these as double axes, and it is such that we find in the hands of Amazons and of barbarians, vaguely meant for Scythians, On the coins of Olbia (PI. in. 4) we find weapons on fantastic works of art. with one cutting edge, and on the other side of the handle a curious projection whose nature it is somewhat hard to make out. On coins of Cercinitis and on the plate from Axjutintsy (p. 182, f. 75 bis) a seated figure holds such an axe. Moreover, actual finds do not help us much to determine the real shape of Scythian axes. It may be noted that most of these finds and the coins likewise come from western Scythia, and it is in the western legend that special mention is made of axes^ Earliest in type are axe heads from west Russia about Smela, all unfortunately chance finds. They include a very simple one with the beginnings of flanges^ and three socketed specimens, distinguished from the ordinary European types by a double loop". Such an one was also found at OlgenfelcP (Don Cossacks). Much the same types extend across to Siberia (p. 243, f. 151). A single-looped axe occurred at Pavlovka in Bessarabial Very modern looking iron axe-heads found by Mazaraki at Popovka (Romny, government Poltava) seem to belong to late Sarmatian times". More characteristic is a bronze model axe-head from Jarmolintsy it is not known from what particular barrow. The wrong end is in the form of an animal's head. Another such model'" has the haft preserved. These objects seem to have been symbolic and call to mind the model picks from Siberia". The real axes most like those on the coins are an iron specimen from near Romny^-, and one in bad preservation from the banks of the Salgir". It is certainly remarkable that the axe is so rare in characteristically Scythic graves, seeing that the Greeks evidently associated ;
;
iv.
'
V. p.
^
V.
II. ^
Her.
«
ib.
"
'"
190,
f.
10.
XIV.
p. 21,
f.
II.
5
IV. 5.
190,
Svt. II. XXV. I, 8, 14. Sin. II. xxiv. 20; III.
I.
_(,•;//.
f.
vi.
i.
82. *
xi.
I.
i,
lb., p. 85,
both on
p.
A
73.
bit, ib. ^i
model axe
= .S'w.
p.
242,
il. f.
to serve as check-piece of a and p. 214, f. 115 top. 150; Radloff, Sib. Ant. i., pi. xvi. iv.
and xvii. '^ Khanenko, 13 CR. 1891,
Cf. infra, p. 246.
52.
Nos. 3, 17, 18 = p. CR. 1 89 1, p. 80, f. 59.
f.
XV. 4 and 6. Cf. Sc. Atitt., p. 425.
82, .S'w.
Lappo-Danilevskij,
BCA.
*
'
iqj = ABC. XXX.
p.
f.
64.
179,
12,
op.
cit.
II.
Pt
3, pi.
xxxviii. 170.
V. A. Gorodtsov gives a survey of all types of axes found in Russia in Rt'p. Hist. Mus. Moscow., 1906, pp. 94 135. p.
78,
f.
56.
—
\
IV
Knives^ Axcs^ Honcs^ Shields
]
and
Arinoii}'
73
axes. At last in 1903 a really fine axe, overlaid with Assyrian style, has been found at Kelermes'. the Scyths may well have used maces, for instance that Bobrinskoj-, but as this was a chance fuid it cannot be the Scythic period'. t(j 'Ihe use of lassos by the Sauromatae is mentioned by Fausanias (i. 21. 5). Also sling stones have been found, but to whom they belonged is not clear To keep his weapons sharp the Scyth always carried with him a perlorated whetstone, and no object is so characteristic of the Scythic graves. So de Piano Carpini (c. 17 § 6) says of the Tartars that they always carry a file in their quivers to shar[)en their arrow-heads. Often the hone is set in gold, i^lain as at Karagodeuashkh' and V^ettersfelde", more; usually adorned with palmettes and other Greek patterns, as at Kul Oba', Chertomlyk, Salgir", and Zubov's barrows". At Kostromskaja'" and Grushevka (p. 177, f. 72) were found large slabs of stone which had served as whetstones.
the vScyths with gold work in the Besides axes figured by Count certainly referred
Shields
and Ar/nour.
On
the Kul Oba vase (pp. 200, 201, ff. 93, 94) we find long-shaped oblongs with rounded corners. Hence Furtwiingler has supposed that the Kul Oba deer and the Vettersfelde fish adorned shields of this shape. But at Kostromskaja, a deer very similar in outline to the Kul Oba deer was found attached to a thin round iron shield, 33 cm. across", and it is quite probable that this gives the size and form of the Kul Oba and Vettersfelde shields. Iron scales were found round the gold panther at Kelermes. In any case the shields were quite small and suitable for use on horseback. The oblong gold plate with a deer from Axjutintsy'- may have been a shield ornament or may have decorated a quiver, inasmuch as there was a heap of arrows below it. The round gold saucer from Kul Oba" was certainly a drinking cup, not a shield boss. Stephani calls it a breast-plate. The oval shields with a lozenge boss borne by combatants on catacomb paintings and shewn on gravestones can hardly be called Scythic, (Ch. xi. §5^ 3, 4.) Aelian" says that the Scythians covered their shields,
Tarandus (reindeer)
shields with
skin.
The
only certain breast-plate which appears to have been made for a Another possible breast-piece is the Scythian is that from Vettersfelde''. silver relief of a golden-horned hind with her fawn and an eagle below found This seems to have belonged to a in the second of the Seven Brothers'". coat of scale armour from the same tumulus and it is clear that scale armour was characteristic of the nomads. Pausanias gives an interesting description of the Sarmatian armour, which seems to have struck him by its ingenuity (i. 21. 6). He and Ammianus Marcellinus (xvii. xii. i) say
op.
*
Cf. p.
2
Sm.
'
Cf.
222 and Arch. A/iz. 1904,
III. xii.
f.
5
Afa/. XIII.
*
p. 237,
f.
i45
'
p. 197,
f.
i.p
8
CR.
'••'
loc. cit.
'<
vii. 7.
= Furt.
= ABC.
p. 225,
\2Z
f.
1891, p. 78, f. 57. BCA. 1902, I. p. 103,
f.
= CR. 226,
1897, p. 12, f.
12<)
f.
-CR.
44. 1897,
p.
13,
p.
181,
f.
75
p.
204,
f.
()g
= .S'w. n. xxi. 3 and p. 163. = ABC. xxv., A'77?. p. 85,
De Animal,
n.
16.
f.
Thoraces, Pliny,
114.
NH.
vni. 124.
II. 2.
XXX.
p.
46. '-
L.-D.
M.
"*
100.
Lappo-Danilevskij,
432.
*
"
p.
" Ibid, and
a statuette at Odessa.
cit. p.
11.
I.
7.
31.
'"
p. 237,
'«
V.
1876, IV.
p.
f.
i45
207,
f.
= Furt. 11. io5 = A'7A'.
1.
p.
195,
f.
183=67?.
r.
10
Gear
Scythian
74
Of
[ch.
we have no enough. The scales were sewn on to a leathern or stuff backing, being arranged like feathers And if any one may not have seen a or "like the scales of a dragon. dragon he must have seen a green fircone." Apparently the backing was always present, the arrangement of the holes does not permit the scales being held in place by a system of thongs plaited and intertwined as in But in the specimens at Oxford the Japanese and Tibetan scale armour. scales are held so well by interlaced thongs that the backing might have been left out. Examples in iron and bronze have been found in almost all the tombs of Scythic type, Kul Oba", Alexandropol'', Seven Brothers^ Krasnokutsk From Popovka come scales of bone polished and Tsymbalka', Bezchastnaja''. on one side. There are other such in the Historical Museum at Moscow. Bronze (Kul Oba) and iron (Alexandropol) scales were sometimes gilt. Further defensive armour consisted in greaves which are always of purely Greek form and work; such were found at Chertomlyk. Unique brassarts are a cuirass and a pair of of vth century Greek workmanship found near Nicopol in 1902 at Kul Oba were sollerets for the king's feet'. A helmet of pure Greek work from Galushchino (Kiev) is figured by Khanenko^ and another Greek helmet was found at Volkovtsy. The native helmet seems to have been covered with scales. Lenz (I.e. p. 61) figures what may be part of one, and they are well shewn on the frescoes of the catacombs at Kerch, whereon the people wear scale helmets and coats of scale armour. The latter were so long and awkward that the wearers had to sit their horses sideways. The Greeks wear shorter mail covered with .some kind of surcoat^ The pictures are an instructive commentary on the remarks of Tacitus (I.e.) on the clumsy arms and mail of the Sarmatians, which rendered them helpless against the handy weapons of the Roman legionaries. The resemblance of this kind of mail to that worn by the Tartars and to that ascribed by the Chinese to the Hiung-nu need not be insisted upon.
that
was of horn or
it
specimens, but
hoofs.
horses'
material
this
common
bronze and bone are
iron',
:
Horse trappings.
The
horse trappings of the Scythians are perhaps the most characof their belongings. In some cases the horse must have been most richly caparisoned, in a style that recalls the magnificence of Oriental equipment from the time of the Assyrians to the present day especially the fashions of the Sassanian kings as pourtrayed on dishes and bas reliefs'". When Scythian horsemen are represented by the Greeks they seem equipped quite simply. Those on the Kul Oba torque" and the Hare teristic
;
1
Cf. Tacitus, Hist.
2
ABC.
3
p. 158,
*
KTR.
XXXIX.
79.
i.
XXVII. 3—6. f.
i\i
p. 188,
= ASH.
f.
134 (Zubov's
Khanenko,
op.
cit.
Farm)
II.,
Part
;
shewing the con\.c..,JHS. 1884, Ashmolean) inf ;
CR. 2,
III. viii.
The
15
— 21,
subject
is
cf. II.
p.
173
;
v. inf.
discussed by E. Lenz,
"^
ABC,
p. 231,
Sm. 80.
publishing scales from Zhurovka, BCA. XIV. p. 54. Archacol. Chroti. of S. Russia., No. i, 1903, p. 36, pi. v.; ABC. XXVIII. 9.
XI. 13.
pp. 273, 276, 277. 8 ib. pp. 268, 270. " ib. Illustrations p. 278. struction may be found in XI, VI. (from Kerch, now in the
;
f.
pi.
1897, p. 13, VII,
Part
f.
45
;
3, pi.
op. cit. 11. 2, pi. IX. 218. v. ch. xi. § 4 = C"/?. 1872, text pi. IX.; KTN. p. 211, f 193. '" Cf. KTR. pp. 414, 416, fif. 372, 373. '' ABC. VIII. i. p. 202, f. ()7 ^
"
=
and =
I
Arjnotir.
iv]
Horse
t7^appi?j.gs
75
the very spirited sk(.-tch of a luinter' seem even to l)e riding bareback Scythian being dragged by the reins shews a saddle with some kind of saddle cloth cut into Vandykes', but is very vague about the girths and so On the Chertomlyk vase (p. 161, f 48) we is no evidence as to stirrups. have a man hobbling a hog-maned pony with a simple saddle, with a girth and martingale but no crupper, and as it seems no stirrups, though a thong hanging from the girth looks rather like a stirrup leather. So on the Kerch The bridles look much like modern frescoes there seem to be no stirrups. ones, except that the cheek pieces are usually longer than nowadays and generally have three loops in them, probably for two i)airs of reins and The actual bit is matle in two pieces something answering to a curb. They were sometimes made more effective with like a modern snaffle. The types of bits and cheek pieces [Psaliay are the same ports {i)(lvoi)\ ;
right across to the
upper
Jenisei.
Horses
slain
accompany
to
world are mostly provided duly with
their
owner
necessary harness, the front row of number a of horses is so equipped, though in some cases but not the back row, or there is a regular gradation from harness elaborately adorned with gold, to silver, bronze and iron bits. There is said to be a Scythian saddle in the Hermitage, but its provenance does not seem clear''. When driven in carts, horses seem to have had much the same bridle, but There must have been some kind of collar, but our only view of no saddle. a Scythian cart, that on the coin of Scilurus", shews neither this nor shafts. Of the carts, especially the funeral cars, we have considerable remains, in the Alexandropol barrow a space seven feet long was covered with fragments of the car, at Krasnokutsk and Chertomlyk the pieces were piled in a heap about four feet long by three feet broad and two feet high. Here were found fragments of tires, naves of wheels, nails and bolts, rivets and various strips of metal. At Krasnokutsk there seem to have been eight wheels, but perhaps here were two cars, or else one so great as to compare with those described by Hippocrates or even Rubruquis, as used for carrying In most cases the car had been broken up on the site the dwelling houses. of the tomb, at Karagodeuashkh so effectually that hardly anything was Harness and cars were decorated with all imaginable metal plates of left'. gold or bronze. Especially important -were the frontlets and cheek ornaments on the horses' heads. The finest specimens of all are perhaps those found in Chmyreva barrow"*. into the
ne.xt
all
>
'
p. 197,
''
p.
204
f.
go = ABC. XX.
1), f.
\OT,
= ABC.
from Volkovtsy,
9. I,
XXIX.
9.
p. 214, f. ii5 = 67v'. 1876, p. 133, VII. BroNo. VI.; V'oronezhskaja, tVv'. 1903, p. 71, f. 152. ^ Stephani calls them \/^aXia, and this term is usual in Russian archaeological literature. But E. I'ernice (LVI. Winckelmann's I'rogramm, Berlin, 1896, Gricchisches Pfcrdegcscliirr, p. 34, note 30) shews reason to believe that the cheek pieces (Seitenknebel) were called \vkoi, whereas ^oKiov was a vague word for a bit as a whole. From the would distinguish the cheek ornacheek pieces menls something in the shape of a lop-sided leaf, which with the long frontlets and round phalerae served merely for adornment (cf. the specimens ^
V.
thers.
1
p.
185,
f.
78,
and
others).
The
elaboration of the bit and bridle was occasioned by the indocility of the northern horse. Hence it is that much the same devices were needed o\er the whole of his area whereas the thoroughbred was docile and obeyed a mere halter. (Cf. W. Ridgeway, 'I'/w Origin of tlie Thorouglihrcd Horse, passim.) So too the Scythians alone among the ancients rode geldings a practice which is described as originally Turkish. (Vdmbery, op. cit. p. 195.) " v. Lappo-Danilcvskij, op. cit. p. 456. " p. 50, f. 4 = KTJ\. p. 175, f. 170.
—
:
"
Mai.
"
p. 166, ff 54,
243, from
xiii. p. 50.
55
= AT/?,
Tsymbalka
;
Sin.
pp. ill.
269— 272, p.
83
AT.
sqc].,
10—2
241 fT.
—
32,
—^
Gear
Scythia7t
76
[ch.
also adorned by plialerae'', chiefly at points where strap These may be plain or be decorated, sometimes with the most The plain phalerae are exquisite Greek work, as in those from Chmyreva. hardly to be distinguished from the looped mirrors, and may well have
Harness was
met
strap.
Many of the plates of bronze and gold found in rise to the type. and various graves seem to have decorated straps rather than garments the whole class of so-called Siberian gold plaques seems to have adorned The nomads have always loved to decorate these as well horse trappings. As Herodotus says of the Massagetae (l. 215), they adorn as themselves. their bits and bridles with gold phalerae. Most interesting for their purely Scythic style are the cheek pieces. Something of the sort was necessary if only to prevent the bit being dragged sideways out of the horse's mouth specimens which occur without trace of cheek pieces " may have had them of bone, or possibly some more They can be well seen in place in the effective arrangement of straps. specimens from Bobritsa near Kanev ^ and others from the district of Verkhne-dneprovsk^ At Bobritsa there were three bits, and the bridle of one was adorned with four big round silver plaques which came on the horse's neck, two smaller ones from above his mouth, two long-shaped ones for cheek ornaments and a frontlet 24 cm. long and more or less triangular, adorned with a gold crescent^ At Axjutintsy" the cheek pieces were still given
;
:
Fio.
JiCA.
19.
IV.
p.
33,
f.
Bronze
7.
bit
from Constantinovo (Kiev Government).
attached to the bit itself, so at Constantinovo' and Zubov's Farm I Separate cheek pieces of interesting style were found in most of the Seven Brothers and at Nymphaeum in what seemed otherwise a Greek grave"". The silver trappings from Krasnokutsk are specially remarkable". or better
35, 41,
33,
xxni. 401 ni. p. 99,
—403 =
Khanenko,
p. 185,
f.
56= Khanenko,
f.
ii.
2,
pi.
XXI.—
78 from Volkovtsy; 11.
from Chmyreva,
l^t 3,
pi.
LVI.
Sm. from
60, 61, CR. 1898, pp. 27, 28, ff. 27, 30, 31, 37; a frontlet of the same type, but native style, from Alexandropol,
Berestnjagi
p.
'
Hist.
p. 169;
45=^.S7/. XIII. 6. Chmyreva, p. 168, ff. 58,
158,
CR.
;
ff.
f.
1904, p.
125,
ff.
Mus. Moscow,
^
e.g. Stn.
3
Sm.
III.
I.
V.
1907, p. 13,
and 12. and p. 128.
10
xix. 4,
217, 218.
Bagaevskaja, Janchekrak, Rep.
59. pi.
i.
^
pi.
p.
191,
f.
83
= Khanenko,
op.
cit.
Vol. H. Ft
3,
XLi. 334. ^
Sm.
ill.
"
Svi.
11.
pp. 127, 128, ff. 64—67. 9 and 17. BCA. iv. 1902, p. 30, f. i and p. 33, f. 7. p. 231, f. 135, BCA. 1. 1901, p. 98, f. 16. " p. 214, f. 115, KTR. p. 50, ff. 57—62, p. 517, f. 476, p. 532, f. 478 CA\ 1876, pp. 124 126,132 137, and 1877, p. 14. '" v. p. 215, f. !i6, KTR. p. 52, ff. 63— 65 = C/?. 2. 1877, pp. 230 " pp. 167, 168, ff. 56, 57. xxiii.
"
•'*
=
—
—
—
I\
Horse
]
''^Standards
ti'appings.
11
In the- western district vvc find cheek pieces made of I)one and various These give us specimens of the Scylhic other patterned bone ornaments. beast style executed in a fr(;sh material'. The most common pattern which has parallels in bronze' has a horse's heatl at one end and a hoof at the other. Others have drawings of horses, deer, or beaky birds, the flat shape necessitated by the weaker material giving a good space for a repeated pattern. There are also bone plaques in the same style. The varieties of metal cheek pieces are more numerous as the material allowed more license. Besides the horse-head and hoof pattern we get model axes^ pick-axes, various monstrous creatures, and merely ornamental shapc^s'. For i)ictures of cheek pieces in use see the Issus Mosaic at Pompeii'', giving a view of the general arrangement of the bridle, and the placjue of the Hare hunter from Kul Oba (v. jx 197, f. 90). In the central tomb and in Chamber III. of Chertomlyk were found what appear to have been whip handles, and in Kul Oba there was one decorated with a gold band twisted round it spirally". Herodotus speaks of the Scyths' whips in the legend They of the slaves' trench (iv. 3). were like the nagajkas the Cossacks have adopted from the Tartars. "
Standards^
the horse trappings seem to go various ornaments whose They all exact use is not clear. agree in having sockets for mounting them upon staves, and it has been suggested that they are all ornaments for elaborate funeral cars. Oth(;rs have seen in some of them standards, in some maces or staves
With
of office.
Vox
instance,
at
Alexandropol
there were found bronze sockets like those of spear heads crowned two of Fig. 20. CR. 18. Uronze 143. them with a kind of three-pronged Standard from lielozdrka. fork with birds on the top of each prong and bells in the birds' mouths', two pair with an oblong plate of pierced work with a griffin and a row of oves^ also with pendant bells; others with simple birds", five with a kind of tree of life and little silver roundels hanging from each branch'"; others had a winged female figure very Such are winged monsters from Krasnokutsk '", birds, griffins rude in style". Sm.
HI. p. 76,
"
Khancnko, op. cit. Vol. M. Ft 3, Xl.vni. Hone knops from the Kviban (Kelermes); I.I., LXI. CR. 1904, p. 91, ff. 145—150, p. 94, ff. 155—160. KIR. p. 50, f. 57, from the Seven Brothers.
"
'
pp. 1S8, 189,
ff.
80, 81.
I.
xi.,
vii., viii.;
''
73 =
^
p. 178,
»
Sm. MI. X. 11—14; Khan. Mus. Borb. viii. pi. XLli.
*
f.
.S'w.
H.
iv.
12, xxiv. 20. II.
3, XI, li.
f.
Lappo-Daniievskij, op. p.
154, f
\\=ASH.
II.
cit.
459.
p.
1—3
KTR.
;
p.
241,
218.
KTR. p. 243, zzo^ ASH. in. ASH. II. 6-8. '" KTR. p. 243, f 22\= ASH. V.
*
f.
1—4,
•'
" ^
p.
154,
ASH.
40 = A'7"A'. p. 241, XXIV. I, 2, XXVI. f.
I
—
f.
4.
2.
217.
iv.
1-4.
:
yS
Gear
Scythia7i
[ch.
At Chertomlyk were four standards with Slonovskaja Rliznitsa'. four with very much degraded deer', and some with birds Hke those Pierced figures of a deer in a Hke style even more from AlexandropoP. characteristically Scythic were found at Belozerka near Chmyreva barrow Arrian " speaks of the dragon standards of the Scythians, but these he describes as being of stuff, and they need bear no relation to the bronze Still these socketed figures may have crowned the standard staves, griffins. as we read of the T'u-kiie, that a young wolf was upon the top of their Conceivably deer standard, because they traced their descent from a wolf or griffins held the same place in the estimation of various Scythian tribes Certainly the re-occurrence of repreas the wolf among the early Turks. sentations of these beasts, almost always in much the same attitude, seems due to something more definite than mere decorative fitness. The explanation that in the combats of griffins and deer it is a case of Panticapaeum versus Chersonese cannot of course commend itself in spite of the occurrence of these animals on the coins of the two cities (e.g. PI. v. 13). On the other hand these ornaments were found by the heap of fragments of the Alexandropol chariot, and with them were other pieces that could only have been nailed on to something, possibly the sides of the chariot. Most of them have something jingling about them, and this is a further point (In Russian of resemblance to the other class of so-called maces of office. Bunchuki or Ihildvy, from the word for a Cossack Hetman's mace.) The general disposition of these is a socket merging into a kind of hollow bulb pierced by three-cornered openings and containing a metal ball which rattles above all is the figure of an animal. These Bunchuki occur chiefly in West Russia, but some come from the Kuban, from Majkop and Kelermes^ The best account of them is given by Count Bobrinskoj*. They have been found in Bessarabia, Rumania and from
lions'-,
'.
Hungary
as well as in Russia".
Hampel, following
J. Smirnov, thinks that from their occurring in pairs or in sets of four these objects cannot be signs of rank, but that they probably pair found near Zhurovka shewed adorned the tent upon the waggon. no signs of staves but were apparently riveted together in the middle like Reinecke in a second paper" suggests a likeness to a kind of scissors'". rattle figured in Kin-shih-so (Vol. 11.), but there seems a want of intermediate links, and as no one knows what the Chinese object was for, it does The characteristic animal top is also lacking. In not help matters much. the Scythic examples this is always some sort of deer or bird of prey. Here may be mentioned two bone or ivory knobs of Ionic work, both The style is orientalising, the amber eyes being representing lions' heads'". typical, and the date about the viith century B.C.
A
'
ASH.
2
ib.
3 ' •^
XXIV.
3—5
;
XXVI.
xxvill. 3 and 4. ASH. XXVIII. I and
i, 2.
347. ^ *
2.
ib. 11.
6—8.
20=CR. 1898, p. 80, ff. 143, 144. They seem really to have been
p. 77, f. 7>rr//crt, 35. 3.
Dacian (v. Pauly-VVissovva s.v. /)r(?tY')and appear on M.Antonine's Column, Petersen, p. 71, pi. i.xi v., LXV. Sin. III. p. 66, f. 20. CR. 19CO, p. 37, ff. 96, "'
97
:
1904, pp. 88, 89,
^ Sm. III. p. 63. Khanenko, op. cit. u.
139, 140. Cf. pi. IX.
ff.
2, pi. xi.
and XVII. 5, also and 3, pi. XLiii.
224,
v. inf. p.
Cf.
J.
Ungarn
in
1895,
I,
ff.
i86,
79, also p. 183,
f.
f.
76.
Hampel, Skythische Uenkmiiler aus Mittheil.
Ethiiol. 2,
3,
5,
6,
7,
Skythischen Alterthiinier
aus
Ung.,
Bd
iv.
and P. Reinecke, Die im Mittleren Eiiropa in
8,
Zt.f. Ethti. XXVlil. (1896). i" BCA. Xiv. p. 34, f. 78.
" Ueber Einige Beziehungen Eihn. xxix. 1897. '^
p.
Sin.
193,
f.
i.
85.
and
il.
u.
s.
w.,
frontispieces, for latter
Zt. f. v.
inf
Bobrinskoj calls them staff-heads.
^^
IV•]
Standards y
Vessels
79
Cauldrons.
Of
other t^car beside what we have named the; Scythians possessed various kettles or cauldrons or pots. Of these the bronze or copper cauldrons are the most characteristic in form, being with the special daggers i// and horse trappings the particular marks of Scythic culture. They are found from Krasnojarsk to Budapest, and the type constant though the workmanship is native, sometimes quite is sometimes Greek. Their distinguishing feature is that the body of the cauldron is roughly speaking hemispherical and is supported —-iS^ upon a truncated cone which forms a foot The handles [project upwards or stand. from the upper rim. The whole stands from to 3 feet high, and is 2 ft. 6 in. Fk;. 21. CR. iyv7> 200. Raskopana across. Evidently the people who deMoyila near Mikliailovo-.Apostolovo. Kherson vised this base had not thought either of (Government. Bronze cauldron, i. suspending the cauldron from a tripod or making it stand on three legs of its own. Therefore it is hard to believe
but
'^
'^ki!^
I
1^-
Fig. 22.
in
CR.
1899, p. 50,
f.
96.
Reinecke's idea that this form
is
Khalazlmkaevskij
Aiil.
i.
Bronze cauldron.
derived from that of the Chinese
\.
.sacrificial
8o
Scythia7i
Gear
[
CH.
three-footed cauldrons figured in Po-ku-t'u-lu, Kin-shih-so, and the Hke\ True, the handles are set on in much the same way, but the difference in the These cauldrons are regularly put in tombs and supports seems decisive. bones, shewing that once there was in them food contain mutton or horse interesting specimen is that from Chertomlyk ^ An for the use of the dead. in the same tomb which has six goats round its rim instead of handles was found a kind of open work saucepan, which may have been used for fishing meat out of the water in which it had been boiled, or for grilling another curious example coming from Mikhailovo-Aposit over the fire'': ;
tolovo in Kherson government and district^ has pure Greek palmettes decorating its surfacel This type is also common in Siberia, and it is there only that the same Herodotus speaks of the Scythian cauldrons form occurs in earthenware". (iv. 6i) and compares them to the Lesbian ones. But this does not help us much. And again (iv. 8i) he speaks of the monumental one at Exampaeus as containing 600 amphorae, and being six fingers thick, but such dimensions
would make it perfectly Herodotus goes on
to
boiled the animal in his
own
useless.
when they had no cauldron the Scyths making a kind of haggis, as is done by sundry savage nations. He seems scarcely right when he speaks of the bones burning excellently and taking the place of wood. Nowadays the steppe dwellers use kirpich, bricks of dried cow dung, and that answers the purpose, but is ill spared from the enrichment of the fields. But Gmelin
F"IG.
23.
say that skin,
CR. 1891,
p.
85,
f.
Cup from Pavlovka.
63.
|.
describes ceremonies of burning a victim's bones and of cooking in skins by means of heated stones as practised by the Buriats in his day^ Ethnol.
Zt. f.
1
Beziehungen
XXIX.
^o = KTR.
2
p. 162,
3
KTK.
*
p. 79,
^
Further examjjles
f.
p. 259, f.
(1897),
Ueber einige
u.s.w.
21
13; Axjutintsy,
f.
=CR. Sm.
2T,6
p. 262,
f.
:
Sm. in. p. 84, f. 30 Hungary, O Szony, J. Hampel, Etlm. Mitthcil. aus Ungarfi, Bd iV. f. (other cauldrons called Scythic by Hampel do not seem to deserve the name) Alexandria (Kherson govt), CR. 1890, p. 115, f. 64; to the east of the sea of Azov, Jaroslavskaja Stanitsa, CR. i8g6, p. 56, f. Khatazhukaevskij Aul, CR. 1899, p. 50, f. 96 277 Vozdvizhenskaja, CR. 1899, p. 46, ff. JJ, 78 Zubov's Farm, BCA. 1., p. 96, f. 10 inf p. 230, f. 133; further north near Voronezh, at Mazurka, CR. 1899, p. loi, f. 197 even as far as Perm at ;
1 1
;
;
;
;
;
Bd
iv. p. 514 sqq. f. 287 sqq. figures out a theory of their development, which appears to apply mostly to the later specimens. Vol. HI., p. 69 lie says that they occur up to the Xth century A.D. and still survive among the Kirgiz about Turuchansk. inf p. 246, {. 159, Klements, Antiquities' of the Mittitsijisk Museum, Tomsk, 1886, pi. Xix. 14 and 19. There also we find an improved form Cf Zichy, op. cit. with a spout, op. cit. pi. xni. i.
many and works
i.
1897, p. 82, f. 200. Kul Oha., ABC. xuv. ii, u. p. 163, f. 19; Volkovtsy,
;
;
Forschiciigsrcisc,
238.
= ASH. xxvn.
Zamazaevskoe, CR. 1889, p. 93, f. 45 see also Sin. HI. p. 72. B^la Posta ap. Zichy, Dritte Asiatischc
''
IV. p. 398,
f.
230.
—
—
Reise in Sibirieti, in. pp. 22 25, 74 76, De Piano Carpini ap. K. Neumann, p. 264 sqq. says that the Mongols never break an animal's bones but burn them (§ iii. Bergeron, Hague, 1735, p. 30, Kockhill, p. 81, n.). "
\ 1
Dri7ik'mg Vessels
i\']
8
Most of the drinkin
/-
'
'^
;
'.
legend
Herodotus".
in
Very common
in Scythic tombs are the so-called rhyta or drinking are mostly not the true Greek rhyta, which had a hole in the pointed end from which a stream was let flow into the mouth, as may be seen represented on Greek vases, but horns from the broad ends of which On gold pkujues we see pictures of Scythians drinkthe liquor was drunk. ing from such horns, e.g. the man standing before the lady with a mirror', and the group of two Scythians apparently drinking blood brotherhood Actual specimens were found, two at Kul Oba", three at Seven Brothers'" and at Karagodeuashkh ". Others have been found in a less perfect condition or of a less characteristic form, e.g. one from Kerch shaped as a calf's head with scenes in relief on the neck of the vase''. It is remarkable for its extraThis ordinary resemblance to a small bronze vessel figured in Po-ku-t'u-lu. has been noticed by P. Reinecke'^, but the objects are not really comparable, as the exceedingly small size of the Chinese specimen makes it cjuite a different Moreover that from Kerch does not seem to have occurred sort of thing.
They
horns.
a Scythic grave
in
(v.
way
ch.
xi.- §
11).
—
—
the famous Chertomlyk vase (pp. 159 161, ff. 46 kumys, evidently meant for as has sieve in its neck and it a 288, 48 pp. 9) and at each of the thYee spouts, shaped two of them as lions' heads and one as Besides these we have various ladles, colanders, pails, bowls, a winged horse. But the most famous Scythian drinking and other vessels of Greek make. were not made of gold or silver, but of the skulls of their enemies. vessels this has sort been found in Siberia in the government ot Tomsk, Something of a human skull adapted to form [xirt of a cup '\
Unicjue
'
inf. p.
-
Sin.
3
p. 97,
198,
II. f.
in its
f.
is
and AHC. xxxiv. and xxxv.
91
xvi. 7.
90,
middle = /i/>C'. xxxu. i. 204, f. (y) = AHC. xxv.
jj.
Seven lirothers, p. 209, f. io7 = CV\'. 1876, p. 157, and IV. 9 and 10; Zubov's Farm, p. 231, f. \2,() = I>CA. i. ]). 99, f. 18; Karagodeuashkh, Mat. xui. p. 153 and ••
Kul Oba,
p.
'
*
*"
;
" "*
1877,
"
VI. 4.
CR. IV.
1891, p. 85, 10.
Cf.
f.
63.
Congres
d'Ar-
ch^ologie Frdhistorique et d'.-\nthropologic, XI""-" Session h Moscou, M. 1892, Vol. I. p. 108; N. IJrandenbourg, Sur la coupe des ceintiires des
M.
1
58,
p.
p. 203,
197,^90;
pp. 211, 213, ••
5i 6)
p. 219,
saucer with a loop from near
45=^i5C. xx.
f.
Kul Oba,
7
i
f.
()%
ff.
p.
318
f.
10.
5.
1876, iv. 8,
286.
i2i,JAi'/. XIII. p. 140 sqq., ff. 16—23. I and 2 A'77v'. p. 87, f 1 16. Heziehungen u. s. w. p. 161 in Zl. /.
f.
'^
Einijje
=
Et/in. XXIX. (1897). '* Her. IV. 65, v. inf p. f.
xxxii.
xxxvi. 4 and no, 114 and CR.
^TK.
ARC. XXXVI.
p. S3,
11.
= ABC.
yZ/yC.
'^ _
International
A
anciens Scythes. Mariupol.
83,
f.
26=CVv.
154.
II
1898,
^ y ^
—
Scythita7i
82 Scythic pottery has not
received
made and mostly very rough both
G,ear
much
in fabric
CH. l^
attention.
It
is
always hand-
Only
and material.
in the west,
belongs to the native inhabitants, not to the Scythic elements, we find considerable variety of form, and even decoration applied by incising The most interesting products a pattern and filling up the lines with white.
where
it
really
Fig. 24. BCA. Constantinovo.
iv.
p.
33,
4-
f.
Scythic cup. !5.
IICA. tinovo.
IV.
p.
31,
Constan-
3.
f.
Scythic pottery.
are cups with high handles' which have analogies to the south-west ^ and They also used dishes made others of the same shape as the Kul Oba vase. Besides But the best pottery they imported from the Greeks. of stone ^ the amphorae which were brought merely for the sake of their contents, we have more artistic products occurring far inland (ch. xi. § 7) that they were highly valued we can judge from their having been mended after ancient Large vases are comparatively rare, but smaller specimens are not breakages. :
They are some help in dating the tombs in which they occur, as it is hard to say how long they had been in use before much, but not They are mostly of the last period of red-figured ware. Some being buried. in Pontic colonies, manufactured the and not sent from Greece^ are evidently There is, for instance, a kind of small ugly cantharos with inferior glaze that is peculiar to the Euxine coast and its sphere of trade influence (figured in Except in beads, glass does not occur until quite late, probably ch. XI. ^ 7). Roman, times. Vessels were also made of wood to this day the Kalmucks value old wooden saucers, something like mediaeval mazers, extravagantly Herodotus mentions that milk highly, especially if they are well coloured. was kept in wooden vessels'. uncommon.
;
—
BCA. IV. 1902, p. 33, ff. 4 6 Sin. I. xiii Khanenko, op. n. vi. and vii., ni. p. 37, f. 6 Bobrinskoj, BCA. iv. cit. n. 3, hii., liv., Ixii., Ixiii. p. 32 and Sill. II. p. xvii., says that this pottery belongs to the earher Scythic period when iron was still rare same form at Ladozhskaja on the 1
XV.,
;
;
:
Kuban, CR.
1902, p. 75,
f.
^
Niederle, Slav. Ant.
3
Sin.
II.
p.
136,
f.
21,
160. i.
p.
and
498. ill. p.
141,
f.
78.
Trans. Od. Soc, Vol. XXII. 1900 E. R. von On the importance of Ceramic finds in the South of Russia, p. 10 Sm. II. viii. (Axjutintsy), and xix. (Ryzhanovka), and III. xx. (Bobritsa) cf. Ii. "
;
Stern,
;
;
p. 126.
IV. 2. The kumys would be
particular ferment which made better communicated by wooden or leather vessels than by clean metal or earthenware. •^
2
IV
]
Cust07fis^
Of
the
ways of the Scyths
in
JV(ir
war
Herodotus
.
«3 tells
us
chapters
in
A
Scyth who has slain an enemy drinks his blood, and cuts off his head, which acts as a voucher in the allotnier.t of booty then he takes the scalp, scrapes it with the rib of an ox and wears it at his bridle, or even, when he has taken many scalps, and is hence accounted a great warrior, makes a cloak of them. Others use the skins of their enemies' hands to cover th(;ir quivers, or stretch whole skins upon wooden frames and carry them about. Inirthermore, they take the skulls of their very greatest enemies or of their own people with whom they have been at feud and whom they have vanquished before the king, saw them off above the eyebrows, clean them out and mount them in ox leather, or if they are rich enough, in gold, and use them as cups. Furthermore, once a year, the headman of each pasture land (may we not say iilus ?) mixes a bowl of wine and there drink of it all who have slain a man. But those who have not are kept away and disgraced accordingly. And those who have slain very many men drink from two cups at a time-. More important information as to how Herodotus imagined the Scyths CR\^2 p,S5 IJ+i Goverr, >ncnf cf Tomsk J. waging war we can gather from the ?&.\i cj skull Cup uitfil-wks fo*- leather 1 inln^. accounts of the contest with Darius, and can supplement by the general Fig. 26. testimony of antiquity and Oriental history as to the tactics of the nomads. There is no need to enlarge
64
to
66.
'
;
upon the policy of retirement before the regular troops of the invader, of harassing his rear, cutting his communications and enticing pursuit by In defence, the strength of the nomads lies in the fact nothing for the invader to destroy and no source from which he can get supplies, and he is helpless in the face of the superior mobility of his opponent for the offensive^ the nomads are powerful because their whole population can take part in battle, no one is left on the land, as with settled peoples, for there is nothing to defend in detail, also the host carries its own provision with it, and is very mobile. Still the nomads have rarely been successful ay^ainst settled states in a sound condition. Their inroads have been irresistible only when internal division or decay laid the civilised countries open to them. They are at a great disadvantage when it is a question of walled towns, forests or mountains, and only by becoming settled have they been able to keep moderately permanent dominion over agricultural countries though they have often exacted blackmail or tribute from powerful states on the borders of their natural sphere of influence, the Euro-Asiatic plain \ Thucydides (v. sup. p. 35) exaggerates their power.
pretended
that there
flights. is
:
:
Cf. Kurdzhips, inf. p. 223, f. 1 26, also p. 173, n. 6. (Tvvdvn Kv\L<(it ()(oi>T(i irivovatv ofiDV. LooUinj( at p. 203, f. 98 inclines one to translate " drink '
'^
in twos,
sharing their cups together."
^ Arrian, Tac/. 16, 6 ascribes to the Scythians attacks in wedge-shaped ((^ifioXadHdai) columns. * H. C. Mackinder, The (Geographical I'ivot of History, Geogr. Journal, XXMI. (1904) p. 421.
II
—
Scythia7t
84
Customs
[ch.
Their raids brought the Scyths slaves, employed in herding the cattle and making kumys, but among nomads master is not far above man, and Upon the kings only so thought the mistress when the master was away. native Scyths attended'. In Chapters 73 to 75 Herodotus seems to describe three different this a ceremonial purification from the taint of a corpse customs as one may not have been separate from the second, the usual vapour bath enjoyed much as it still is in Russia, in spite of the ridicule of St Andrew'. Thirdly, He adds a custom of intoxicating themselves with the vapour of hemp. that the women whitened their skins with a paste of pounded cypress, something very like the Russians' lye. cedar and frankincense wood :
;
;
Position of
Women.
to say that the Scyths were very much averse and quotes the lamentable ends of Anacharsis foreign customs: adopting from But one might take this rather as evidence of the attraction and Scyles. Incidentally we the higher Greek civilisation exercised over some of them. polygamous, that a son succeeded to his learn that the Sc)'thian kings were women. father's wives, and that some had married Greek We have already noticed that the chief difference between the Scyths and the Sarmatians was in the position of the women. Among the former they were apparently entirely subject to the men and were kept in the waggons to such an extent that, as Hippocrates says, their health suffered from want of exercise. Whereas among the Sarmatians they took part in war, rode about freely and held a position which earned for some tribes the epithet of women-ruled, and gave rise to the legend of the Amazons. This is in some degree the natural position of women among nomads, they have to take charge of the Jurtas when the men are absent rounding up strayed cattle, and are quite capable of looking after everything at home, It entertaining a stranger and even" beating off an attack by robbers ^ does not argue primitive community of women or Tibetan polyandry, such as the Greeks attributed to the Scyths and Herodotus to the Massagetae III). The queens who are so prominent in Greek stories about (v. p. nomads, Tomyris, Zarinaea^ Tirgatao, can hardly be quoted as historical proofs of woman rule, though they might be paralleled in Tartar history. must regard the confined condition of women among the Scyths as exceptional, due to the position of all women being assimilated to that of those captured from conquered tribes, this being possible because the exceptional wealth of the leading men among the Scyths enabled them as members of a dominant aristocracy to afford the luxury of exempting their women from work, and so to establish a kind of purdah system even in the face of nomad conditions, which are naturally unfavourable to seclusion.
Herodotus goes on
We
—
Her. IV. 3, 72. Lauroitiaii Chronicle (so-called Nestor) ed. 3, St P., 1897, p. 7. "1 saw wooden baths, and they heat them exceeding hot, and gather together and are naked and pour lye {kvus iisnianyi) over themselves and beat themselves... And this they do every day, not tortured by any man, but they torture themselves." ^ E. Huntington, The Mountains of Turkestan, •
I
in
'^
p.
Geographical Journal^ Vol. xxv. 2, Feb. 1905, I54sqq. de Piano Carpini ap. Bergeron (Hague), ;
The maids and 75, n. 3. and race upon horseback as skilfully as the men.. ..They drive the carts and load them. ..and they are most active and strong. All wear trousers, and some of them shoot with the bow like men. § iv. p. 39, Rockhill, p.
women
*
ride
Ctesias,
fr.
25
Miiller, pp. 42, 44.
ap.
Diod.
Sic.
n.
xxxiv.
v.
"
Wo7ne7i^
BatJis^
I\ ']
Gods
85
Relioion.
All that we know of the Scjthian's r(;lis;ion is contained in three chapters of Herodotus (iv. 59, 60, 62). The following deities were common Hestia who was the princij)al object of their veneration, next to all, Tahiti Zeus with Apia to her Papaeus Ge, husband and wife, after them Goetosyrus Apollo, Argimpasa Aphrodite Urania, and Ares. Thamimasadas Poseidon was peculiar to the Royal Scyths. They raised no They sacrificed statues, altars or temples to their gods, save to Ares alone. all sorts of animals after the same manner, but horses were the most usual victims. The beast took his stand with his fore feet tifnl together and the sacrificer pulling the end of the rope from behind brought him down. Then he called upon the name of the god to whom the sacrifice was offered, slipped a noose over the victim's head, twisted it up with a stick and so garrotted him then he turned to flaying and cooking. Sacrifices were made to Ares after another ritual described below. The catalogue of gods hardly tells us more than that the Scyths were The forms of the names are very uncertain, being variously no monotheists. read in different mss. of Herodotus and in Origen, who quotes them from Celsus'. Also as Origen says, we cannot tell what meaning we are to attach P'or instance, the latter to the Greek translations e.g. Apollo or Poseidon. may have been either the horse-god or the sea-god. However, Zeuss and his followers find that a list including Hestia, Zeus and Earth, Apollo and the Heavenly Aphrodite, and further Poseidon, has an Aryan, even a distinctly Iranian look. So when Theo})hylactus (vii. 8) says of the Turks " they excessively reverence and honour fire, also the air and the water they sing hymns to the earth, but they adore and call god (i.e. the heaven, t'dngri) only him who created the heaven and the earth their priests are those who seem to them to have the foretelling of the future Iranians Zeuss'- has to explain that these Turks were really only Tadzhiks under Turkish rule. But this can hardly be said of the Tartars of whom de Piano Carpini says "Les Tartares adorent done le soleil, la lumiere et le feu comme ainsi I'eau etla terre, leur offrant les premices de leur manger et boire^" G. Nagy, besides pointing out the general analogy between Scythic and Uralo- Altaic religious conceptions, even makes an attempt to explain the actual god-names and succeeds better than those who have sought Iranian derivations: he suggests, for instance, as analogies for Tahiti = Hestia, the Vogul taiit, toai, fire: for Papaeus = Zeus, baba = {3X\\^r in most Uralo-Altaic languages, but of course in most other tongues there is something similar; for Thamimasadas or Thagimasadas (Origen) = Poseidon, the Turkish tcngiz, Magyar tenger = ?,e.^, and Turkish aia, Magyar «()'« = father the word for sea also occurring in Temarinda [ — viaier maris* with Turkish aua, Ostjak anka, mother) and Tamyrace (sup. p. 16). The phonetic change is similar to that in cannabis, probably a loan word from the Scythic, and Magyar kcndcr hemp. Less convincing than these but more plausible than the Iranian comparisons are Apia = Ge, cf Mongolian Abija, fruitful, and Artimpasa = Aphrodite Urania,
—
— — —
—
—
:
;
:
—
—
;
* c. Celsui/i, V. 41, 46, VI. 39, VayyiXTvpn^, ' t\pylfinaa-a, Bayi[ji(iiru8a, for MSS. OiTita-vpoi, 'Apinnafra,
Bafiifiaaudas,
Hcsych. VoiTuavpos,
\\pTipi]n(Ta.
'
'
op.
cit.
p.
285
sqc|. (v. inf. p.
98, n.
III. p. 31. Bergeron (Hague), I'liny, N//. vi. 20, native name
8).
jj
*
for Maeotis.
:
Scythian Customs
86
[ch.
Cuman erdeng = maiden, and Mordva pas = god. (G)oetosyrus = Apollo is so Certain it is uncertain in form that it is useless to propose etymologies for it. that the Scythic pantheon offers nothing like the complete series of analogies which may be established between the other Aryan pantheons. The method of sacrifice by hobbling the victim, throwing him down and throttling him may be compared with the Buriat ritual with its precautions The favourite sacrifice was a horse, against the blood falling upon the earth'. For similar so also it was a horse that the Massagetae offered to the sunl ritual at sacrifices of reindeer, horses and cattle among the Voguls, Ostjaks, Votjaks and Altai Turks, compare Nagyl Herodotus goes on to say that Ares was worshipped in the form of an acinaces set up on a platform of bundles of brushwood, three furlongs Besides horses and sheep they square, heaped up one in each district. sacrificed to him one man out of every hundred prisoners, pouring his blood upon the sword on the top of the mound, and below cutting off the victim's right arm and throwing it into the air. This worship of Ares seems to stand apart from the other cults. The it was most likely commonest most probable derivation for it is Thrace among the western Scythians who had close relations with Thrace, e.g. Ariapithes ^ had to wife a daughter of the Thracian Teres, father of Sitalces. In the treeless steppes of Eastern Scythia it would have been impossible to make mounds of brushwood of anything like the size described by Herodotus (iv. 62), whence were the 150 loads of brushwood to come every year when the people had not even the wood for cooking-fires ? Each mention of Ares and his worship has the appearance of a later insertion added by Herodotus from some fresh source. He does not give the Scythian word for Ares. Heracles also, for whom likewise no Scythian name is given, is not so well attested as the other gods. He may well have been put in because of the "Greek" legend which made him the ancestor of the race. Nagy, however (p. 45), finds a similar figure in Finno-Ugrian mythology, e.g. in the Magyar Menrot or Nimrod. cf.
:
Witchcraft.
Herodotus
— 69)
gives a fuller account of the witchcraft of the Scyths than of their religion, and the account seems to apply to the Royal Scyths. He says that their wizards prophesied with bundles of rods which they took apart, divined upon separately, and bound up again. It is remarkable that the man represented on the plaque from the Oxus Treasure (p. 255, f. 174) carries a bundle of rods: and hence Cunningham" calls him a mage, for he says the mages had sacred bundles of rods {barsoni). This would suggest that the wizards came from the Iranian population, that the invaders left this department in the hands of the people of the country, as so often happened. The Enarees also claimed power of divination by plaiting strips of bast. But something similar was practised by Nestorian priests among the Mongols". Characteristic of the low state of culture is the belief that if the king fall sick it must be by the fault of some man of the. tribe who has sworn '
Neumann,
2
Her.
I.
216.
op.
(iv.
cit. p.
67
262.
"•
' ''
Her.
iv.
JRAS. Yule'',
76 sqq. Bengal, Vol.
I.
L.
pp. 241, 242, n. 2,
Rubruck,
p. 19';.
—
Religion^
iv]
Burials
IVitchcraft^
87
hearth, and forsworn himself, hringinsj^ clown on the king the vens^eance of the offended deity. A man whom the wizards defmitely accused of this according to the residts of their divinations conld only ho[)e to escape if other and yet other wizards declared their colleagues' accusation false. I)y
the;
kin^-'s
We can hardly doubt that the decision was gcMierally upheld, and the accused beheaded, and his jjroperty distributed among his destroyers. The horror of the punishment meted out to wizards whom their colleagues did not Hound sui)port, makes us think that it could not have been inflicted often. hand and foot and gagged they were set in a pyre of brushwood upon a cart, and oxen dragged them until themselves set free by their traces burning. It looks like a kind of scapegoat ceremony by which the guilt of dishonest wizardry was purified by fire and scattered over the face of tlie earth. With their witchcraft goes their rite for taking oaths, and swearing blood brotherhood. They pour wine into great earthenware cups and mi.x with then they dip therein a sword, it blood drawn from the parties to the oath arrows, an axe and a dart, and after praying long over it the contracting parties drink it off together with the chief of their followers'. Parallels for the divination ceremonies and the mode of discoverin
We
Funeral Customs.
The account of Scythic funerals given by Herodotus (iw 71 "ji) agrees so well with the archaeological data, as summarised below in the survey of the principal Scythic tombs of South Russia (ch. viii. p. 149 sqq.), that the two sources of information may be used to supplement one another. As to the burials of the kings, Herodotus says that they take place in the land of the Gerrhi (v. p. Here when their king dies they 29). When this dig a great square pit. is ready they take up the corpse, stuff it full of chopped cypress, frankincense, parsley-seed and anise, and put it on a waggon. Their own ears they crop, shear their hair, cut round their arms, slit their foreheads and noses, and run arrows through their Thus they bring iheir king to the next tribe on the way to -left^Jiands. the Gerrhi and make them mutilate themselves in the same way and follow with them, and so with the next tribe until at last they come to the Gerrhi. There in the place prepared they lay the body upon a mattress, and drive in spears on each side of it in line, and rafters across and make a roof of mats (or wicker work). They strangle and lay in_the • For a remarkably exact parallel Hiung-nu, see infra, p. 93. '^
Nagy, op.
cit. p. 51.
among
the
•*
^
Tacitus, Annuls, xn. 47. Nagy, op. cit. pp. 53, 54
p. xxxiii,
;
Rockhill, Rubruck,
quotingfroni Joinville,
///j/w>t'rt't'5".ZLo*yj.
88
Scythiaii
Ctisto^ns
[ch.
vacant room within the tomb one of the dead maji^s concubines, and his cupbearer, his cook, his groom, and his messenger and horses, and cups of gold (they use none of silver or copper), and firsdings of all his other possessions. When they have done this they make a great mound, vying with each other to make it as great as possible. After the lapse of a year they take fifty of the king's best attendants no (and these are Scyths born, whomsoever he commands to serve him bought slaves serve the king), and fifty of the finest horses, slay them, and Next they fix the felloes of wheels on posts, with the stuff them with chaff. concave side uppermost in pairs, run a stake through each horse lengthwise, and set him on each pair of felloes, so that one supports the shoulders of the horse, the other the hind-quarters, and the legs hang down freely. Bits are put in the horses' mouths and the reins taken forward, and fastened One of the fifty strangled youths is then put astride of each to a peg. horse, a stake being run up his spine and fixed in a socket in that which So these horses are set in a circle runs horizontally through the horse. tomb. the about Thus are the kings buried. Ordinary Scyths are carried about on a waggon for forty days by their nearest kin and brought to their friends These feast the bringers and set his share before the dead man in turn. (who presumably has been embalmed), and so at last they bury him. It is by the general correspondence of funeral customs that we are enabled to say that certain of the barrows opened in South Russia belonged most probably to the people whom Herodotus and Hippocrates describe. Much has been made of small differences of detail and of the decidedly later date of the works of Greek art found in the tombs of which we have good accounts, but that substantially the very people, of whose funeral ceremonies Herodotus gives so full an account, raised the mounds of Kul Oba, Chertomlyk and Karagodeuashkh, is not open to reasonable doubt. When Herodotus uses the present and speaks as if each of the details he describes were repeated at every king's funeral there is no need to believe anything but that he has generalised from the current account of If we have not yet found remains of a circle the last great royal burial. of fifty impaled young men upon impaled horses standing on ghastly guard about a Prince's tomb, it does not mean that the tombs opened so far belong to a different nation, but that we have not come on that in which was laid Octamasades, or whoever it may have been, whose funeral was narrated to Herodotus. Even did we find it we might well discover that rumour had exaggerated the number of sacrifices. :
Burial Cttstoms of Mongols
a7id Turks.
Yet even such wholesale slaughter can be paralleled from Marco Polo'. "All the great Kaans and all the descendants of Chingis their first lord are carried to the mountain that is called Altay to be interred. Wheresoever the Sovereign may die he is carried to his burial in that mountain with his predecessors no matter an the place of his death were an hundred days' journey distant, thither must he be carried to his burial. Let me tell you a strange thing too. When they are carrying the body '
I.
li.
Yule^
I.
p.
246.
Burials of Scyths^ Mo7igols anil Turks
iv]
89
of any Emperor to be buried with the others, the convoy that goes with the body doth [nit to the sword ;U1 whom th(;y fall in with on the road saying 'Go and wait upon your Lord in the other w(jrld.'... They do the same too with the horses for when the emperor dies they kill all his best horses in order that he may have the use of them in the other world as they believe. And I tell you as a certain truth that when Mangou Kaan died more than 20,000 persons who chanced to meet the body were slain in the manner I have told." Mangu died in the heart So Rashid-ud-din (ap. Yule, I.e.) says forty beautiful girls were of China. slain for Chingiz. William de Rubruck' says of the Comanians or Polovtses, "They build great toomb ouer their dead and erect the image of the dead party a thereupon with his face towards the East, holding a drinking cup in his hand before his nauel. They erect also vpon the monuments of rich men Pyramides, that is to say, litle sharpe houses or pinacles I saw one newly buried on whose behalfe they hanged up 16 horse hides; vnto each quarter of the world 4, betweene certain high posts; and they set besides his grave Cosmos for him to drink and flesh to eat; and yet they said that he was baptized." So Ibn Batuta", who travelled in China in the middle of the fourteenth " The Khan century, thus describes the funeral of a Khan slain in battle. who had been killed, with about a hundred of his relations was then brought and a large sepulcre was dug for him under the earth, in which a most beautiful couch was spread, and the Khan was with his weapons laid upon it. With him they placed all the gold and silver vessels he had in his house, together with four female slaves and six of his favourite Mamluks with a They were then all closed up, and the earth heaped few vessels of drink. upon them to the height of a large hill. Then they brought four horses which they pierced through at the hill until all motion ceased; they then forced a piece of wood into the hinder part of the animal until it came out at his neck and this they fixed in the earth leaving the horse thus impaled upon the hill. The relatives of the Khan they buried in the same manner putting all their vessels of gold and silver in the grave with them. At the doors of the sepulcres of ten of these they impaled three horses in the manner thus mentioned. At the graves of each of the rest only one horse was impaled." This was all at El Khansa Shen-si. :
—
And
de Piano Carpini^, of the Mongols, says in Bergeron's words: le capitaine est mort on I'enterre secretement en la camd'icelle auec vne table deuant pagne auec sa loge. II est assis au milieu On enterre luy et un bassin plein de chair et vne tasse de lait de jument. aussi auec lui vne jument auec son poulain & vn cheual selle & bride et mangent vn autre cheual dont ils remplissent la peau de paille puis I'esleuent en Ils enterrent de mesme auec luy son or & son haut sur quatre bastons argent. Ils rompent le chariot qui le portait et sa maison est abattue et personne n'ose proferer son nom iuscjua la troisieme generation. "
'
ed.,
Ouand
Cap. 10, London,
p.
100 in Hakluyt's translation, 2ncl
598, Rockhill,p.8i, V. inf. p. 239, f. 149. Trans. S. Lee, London, 1829, p. 220, quoted 1
-
by Blakesley and M.
Macan on
Her.
IV. 72.
^
Paris, 1634,
c.
iii.
The
reader
will lose
nothing
ha\e learnt by the French translation, thoujjh since this was in type that it was made from HakI
luyt's English.
Cf. Rockhill, p. 81.
12
^
go
Cus to 7ns
Scythian
[ch.
"lis ont vne autre fa9on d'enterrer les Grands. C'est qu'ils vont secrettela campagne et la ostent toutes les herbes iusqu'aux racines puis font vne grande fosse: a coste ils en font vne autre comme vne caue sous terre: puis le seruiteur qui aura este le plus chery du mort est mis sous le corps. ... Pour le mort ils le mettent dans cette fosse qui est a coste auec toutes les autres choses que nous auons dites cy dessus, puy remplissent ceste autre fosse qui est deuant celle la et mettent de I'herbe par dessus. " Et en leur pays ils ont deux lieux de sepulture, I'un auquel ils enterrent les Empereurs, Princes, Capitaines et autres de leur noblesse seulement & en quelque lieu qu'ils viennent a mourir on les apporte la tant qu'il est L'autre lieu est pour I'enpossible et on enterre auec eux force or et argent. Personne n'ose s'approcher terrement de ceux qui sont morts en Hongrie. Si non ceux qui en ont la charge et qui sont establis de ces cemetieres la. pour les garden Et si quelqu'autre en approche il est aussitost pris battu
ment en
.
fouette et fort mal traitte."
Nearly every detail of these passages can be paralleled from Herodotus or the excavations. Only the Mongols could do things on a more magnificent scale than the Scyths, who could not rival the horrors of Mangu Khan's funeral. The mutilation of those who met the funeral car of a Scythian king is mild compared to the wholesale slaughter we find in Asia fifteen hundred years later*. Such customs we can trace 800 years earlier among the T'u-kiie or Turks as reported by the Chinese". In the second of the inscriptions of the Orkhon, the earliest monuments of Turkish speech, erected by Jolygh Tigin in memory of Bilga or
My
of the Turks, brother of Kill Tigin, the Khan says " Father the died in the year of the dog in the loth month the 36th day. In the year of the pig in the fifth month the 37th day I made the funeral. Lisun (or Li-hiong) tai sangiin (a Chinese ambassador) came to me at the head of 500 men. They brought an infinity of perfumes, gold and silver. They brought musk for the funeral and placed it and sandalwood. All these peoples cut their hair and cropped their ears (and cheeks.-^): they brought their own good horses, their black Sables and blue squirrels without number and put them down I" Pitkia, the
Khan Khan
This inscription is dated a.d. 732, Aug. ist. It recalls Herodotus also in which the Khan warns the Turks against the charm of the Chinese and their insinuation, and blames the Turkish nobles who had abandoned their Turkish titles and bore the Chinese titles of dignitaries of China. That is, that the Turks had their Anacharsis and Scyles attracted by the civilisation of the South. And the warning of the Khan was too late, for ten years afterwards the Turkish empire was conquered by the Uigurs, their western neighbours and former subjects Nagy' supplies further parallels from among Uralo-Altaic tribes. For a passage
in
the stuffing and impalement of horses of the Altai, cf Witsen, Noord en Oost Tarfaryc, and W. Radloff, Aits Sibirien, II. p. 26 and pi. v. inf p. 251, bottom. - Cf. Vilh. Thomsen, Inscriptions d'Orkhon ddchiffrees. No. v. of Mcinoires de la Socicti FinnoOugriemie^ Helsingfors, 1896 Stanislas-Julien, '
F'or
among men I
;
;
Documents Historiques sur
les Tou-kiue extraits Pien-i-tien, Journal Asia/ique, Vi." s^rie, T. ill. et iv., Paris, 1864.
du
Thomsen, op. cit., p. 130. Cf E. Blochet, Les inscriptions Turques de I'Orkhon, Revue Arc/u'ologique, 1898, p. 357, 382. ^ ^
*
op.
cit.
pp. 54
— 57.
2
Turkish Btcrials.
iv^]
Historical Parallels
91
Huns at the death of Attila', and says that practised among the Turks of Central Asia, who also set up sjjcars in the grave, a custom of which traces survive in Hungary. The horseburial as practised among I ndo- Europeans he ascribes entirely to nomads' self-mutilation he instances the is still
it
influence, and quotes examples among the Avars, Magyars, Old Holgars and Cumans in Europe. The funeral of a Cuman as described by Joinville, A.D. 24 1, very closely recalls the Scythic custom, as with the dead man were buried eight pages and twenty-si.x horses upon them were i)ut j^laned boards and a great mound quickly heaped up by the assembly. The horses are still stuffed and set over the grave among the Jakuts, Voguls, Ostjaks, and Chuvashes: while among the Kirgiz a horse is devoted to the dead at the funeral and sacrificed on the first anniversary. The interval of forty days before the funeral recalls the identical interval which comes between the death and the wake among the Chuvashes, and the fact that the Voguls believe that the soul does not go to its home in the other world until forty days have elapsed. 1
;
Nomads of Eastern
Asia.
Since it is a question of the Scyths coming out of Asia it is worth while to see what the Chinese have to say as to their north-western neighbours. The accounts they give resemble wonderfully the accounts of the Scyths given by the Greeks, but inasmuch as integral parts of China, not mere outlying colonies, were always exposed to serious inroads of the nomads, the latter's doings were observed and chronicled with far more attention, so that we can watch the process by which the name of one empire succeeds the name of another, while the characters of all are precisely similar. If it be allowed to say so " Plus 9a change, plus c'est la meme chose." The most convenient account of the series is that given by Professor E. H. Parker in Thousand Years of the Tartars, 1895. The same writer has given literal translations of the original texts in the China Rei'iew". In the earliest times we have mention of raids which plagued the Chinese as far back as their traditions went. They say, for instance, that in the time of Yao and Shun, and later under the dynasties T'ang and Yii, B.C. 2356 2208, there were nomads to the north with the same customs as the later Hiung-nu Hien-yiin and Hun-kiih (or Hun-yok) to the west, and Shan Zhung to the east. The Emperor Mu of the Chou dynasty, looi 946 B.C., received as tribute or present from the Si Zhung or western nomads, a sword of K'un-wu or steel, which is said to have cut jade like mud The Hiung-nu, who are perfectly historic, were supposed to trace their descent At this from Great Yii the founder of the Hia dynasty, B.C. 2205 1766. time one Duke Liu took to the nomads' life and drove them back with their
A
—
—
—
'.
—
own
tactics.
They made Suan, 827 '
-
Ziir
— 781.
fresh
encroachments, but were once more driven out by B.C. c. 255
Just before the ascent of the Ts'in dynasty
Jordanes, Get. XI, IX. Vols. XXI. sqq. The latest account is O. Franke, Kenntnis der Tiirkvolker und Skythen Zentral-
asiens in Abhaitdl. d. k.pr. Akad. d. IV. Berlin, 1904. ^ F.W\nh, C/iifia and t/ie Roiinvi Orient,^. 2^0, according to Lieh Tsc, ap. Yiian-chien-lci-Iian.
12
—
;
Scythian Customs
92
[ch.
the nomads were decoyed into an ambush and defeated. Several times the Chinese have treated them just as the Medes treated the Scyths. During the troubles arising on the fall of the short-lived dynasty of Ts'in, T'ouman, the head or Zenghi (Shan-yli) of the Hiung-nu, raised their power very high and was succeeded by his son Mao-tun', who extended their empire to Kaigan and the borders of Corea. East of the Hiung-nu were the Tung-hu (Tunguz) or eastern nomads, who have produced the ruling tribes of the Wu-huan or Sien-pi, the Kitans These' were reduced to subjection, and or Cathayans and the Manchus. Mao-tun also extended his dominions over the tribes represented by the Kao-ch'e or High Carts, later called Uigurs and the Kirgiz. He also conquered the Yue-chih between K'i-lien and Tun-huang (Western Kan-su) and the Wu-sun by Lop-nor and drove them westward. So he could boast that he was lord of all that use the bow from the horse. By the next Zenghi Kayuk (or Ki-yiik), now allied with the Wu-sun, the Yiie-chih were driven part into Tibet, part yet further, out of the Tarim basin to the west of Sogdiana, whence they extended southwards to the Oxus. From Oxiana they moved on and established a lasting kingdom just north of the Hindu Kush. From the chief of their five tribes they took the name of Kushanas. In their advance to the south they drove before them the Sai (Sek, i.e. Saka). Between them they crushed the Graeco-Bactrian state and finally advanced their dominion to India, wherefore they were known to the west as the Indo-Scyths ". In all this the settled Iranians were not displaced. The movement is singularly like that to which Herodotus ascribes the coming of the Scyths into Europe, only the line of least resistance led south and not north from the Oxus. Kayuk made a cup of the skull of the Yiiechih king, and it became an heirloom in his dynasty. He died in B.C. i6o. The Chinese sent an ambassador Chang K'ien to the west, 136 126 B.C., to try and make an alliance with the Yiie-chih against the Hiung-nu and the Tibetans. They did not succeed but they established intercourse with the west, and at this time various Greek products- first found their way to China''. About B.C. the Hiung-nu were defeated, and in B.C. 90 the eastern nomads, who had recovered their independence, invaded the Hiung-nu territory and desecrated the tombs of former Zenghis that being the worst injury that could be done, as in the case of the Scyths*. Forty years later it looked as if the Hiung-nu dominion was just about to fall, as there was a quarrel between Chih-chih and Hu-han-ya, two heirs to the throne, but Hu-han-ya established his position by a treaty with China in 49 b.c. The Emperor Yiian-Ti's ambassadors were Ch'ang and Meng. They went up a hill east of the Onon and killed a white
—
no
:
Written
variously
Mort'e, Bagator, Franke, op. c. p. lo, n. 3. cannot answer for correct
lin's
or even consistent transliteration. Thanks to Professor Ciiles I have been saved many mistakes, but he is not responsible for such as may be left. ^ Journal Asiatique, wu." s^rie, T. 11., 1883, p.
no,
'
Meghdcr and Moduk Not knowing Chinese
317
;
!
I
Me-t'e,
E.Specht, "Etudes sur I'Asie Centrale d'apres His sources are Ma Tuan-
les historiens chinois."
Encyclopaedia and that called
Pien-i-tien.
Skrine and Ross, The Heart of Asia, E.
J.
Rapson
op.
cit. (v. p.
47), p. 7
;
See
p. 14 sqq.
v. inf.
pp. 100,
121.
Cf. H. A. Giles, China and the Chinese, New York, 1902, p. 130; and F. Hirth, Ueber fremde Einfliisse in der chinesischen Kunst, Miinchen and -*
Leipsig, 1896, p. 2 sqq. *
^&x.
iv. 127.
Nomads Customs
IV']
in
C/ii?icsc
Sources
93
horse The Zenghi took a king-lu knife, some gold and a rice spoon, made with them a mixture of wine and blood, and drank of it with the envoys, himself using the skull of the Yiie-chih king who was killed by Kayuk Zenghi. Soon after this the Hiung-nu divided into a northern and a southern state; in 87 a.d. the Sien-pi of the eastern nomads attacketl the northern horde and took the Zenghi, and skinned him to make a trophy. About 196 A.I), the last remnants of Hiung-nu power were swept away and the people are said to have been driven west, to reappear as the Huns we know in eastern Europe two generations later (inf p. 122). In the east they were ousted by the Sien-pi it is said that when these conquered the northern Hiung-nu 100,000 of the latter submitted and called themselves Sien-pi, though these being eastern nomads differed from them more than any of the western tribes'-. The eastern tribes were more democratic than the westerners, also dirtier, and they disposed of their dead on platforms instead of burying them. They held their power till about 400 A.n. when they gave way in exactly the same manner to the Zhu-zhu or Zhuan-zhuan, a mixed multitude of western nomads, known to Europe as Avars, but not the false Avars who once ruled Hungary: they held under them an obscure tribe called T'u-ktie or Turks, who did metal work for them. They were a clan of Hiung-nu called A-she-na and took the title Turk from a mountain near. T'u-men, their Khagan or Khan, having defeated a neighbouring tribe, asked He replied, the daughter of the Khan of the Zhuan-zhuan in marriage. "You are common slaves whom we employ to work us metal, how dare you ask to wed a princess ?" But T'u-men married a Chinese princess and Se-kin rose against the Zhuan-zhuan power and destroyed it in a.d. 546. his successor is described as having a very broad dark red face, and eyes like green glass or lapis lazuli. He defeated the Yi-ta and extended Turkish sway from the Liao Sea to within measurable distance of the Caspian. These Yi-ta, more fully Yen-tai-i-li-to, were formerly called Hua; in the west they are known as the Ephthalite Huns a very mixed race, they probably They had supplanted the had something in common with the true Huns. hear of their Yiie-chih, and destroyed the kingdom of the Kushanas. polyandry, a primitive Malthusianism which seems to have been endemic in their country, as it is ascribed to the Massagetae, to the Yiie-chih and T'u-huo-lo or Tochari, and to the Yi-ta". So to the Turks succeeded the Uigurs, whose ancestors are called Kao-ch'e, High Carts, 'A/xa^o^tot after them came Kitans from the east. They in turn gave way to the Mongols, and the Manchus have been the last of the nomad tribes to establish an empire. The process is always the same, the great bulk of the conquered horde amalgamates quite readily with the victors, the ruling class and their dependants, if not caught and skinned by their enemies, retire towards China '.
;
:
;
We
:
•
Cf.
Her.
IV. 70.
the description of nomad life and the history of the Huns given by (iibbon at the beginning of Chap. XXVI. of the Decline and Fall. His authority for the identification of the Hiung-nu is de (iuigncs, and it is upheld by modern writers, •^
Cf.
spite of the attacks n\aclc upon it by certain The modern Peking pronunciation later critics. Hsiung-nu has no bearing on the c|ucstion. in
Franke, op. c. p. 45, n. 2, thinks the Ephwere true Huns, much mixed. In Sanskrit they were called Huna. '
thalites
Scythian Customs
94
[ch.
Hence the or to the West, where they often retrieve their fortunes. invasions of Huns and Avars and Turks it was only the Mongols that To the north also this influence themselves extended their empire so far. reached so that most of the Jenisei tribes and most of the Finno-Ugrians have been so much Tartarised that it is hard to reconstitute their original mutual relations. have only to take the series back one more term and the movement which brought the Scyths into Europe and all the effects of their coming fall perfectly into line. The foregoing sketch of Central Asia from the Chinese standpoint recalls many details in Herodotus, and the complete picture as drawn by the Chinese agrees precisely with his. Take for instance the accounts of the T'u-kiie (c. 550 a.d.). They begin by saying that these are descended from the Hiung-nu and have exactly the same mode of life that is that details which do not happen to be given as to one tribe may be inferred from their applying to the other. The various Tung-hu or eastern nomads differ considerably. The T'u-kiie were then a tribe of the Hiung-nu and traced their descent from a she-wolf, hence they had a she-wolf on their standards. (We can imagine them to have been like the animals on sockets found at Alexandropol.) Their habits are thus described. They wear their hair long, and throw on their clothes to the left they live in felt tents and move about according to the abundance of water and grass. They make little of old men and only consider such as are in the prime of life. They have little honesty or proper shame; no rites or justice, like the Hiung-nu. Perhaps this is only one point of view another passage says that they are just in their dealings, suggesting the Greek view of nomads, StKiatoTarot avOpoiTTOiv (v. p. 109). Their arms are bow, arrows, sounding arrows (used for signals), cuirass, lance, dagger and sword. On their standards is a golden she-wolf. Their belts have ornaments engraved and in relief. This reminds us of the universal Scythic gold plates. So Zemarchus at the Turkish court remarked on the profusion of gold'. They use notches in wood for counting: elsewhere it says they have an alphabet like other Hu or barbarians. When a man dies he is put dead in his tent. His sons, nephews and relations kill each a sheep or horse and stretch them before the tent as an offering. They cut their faces with a knife". On a favourable day they burn his horse and all his gear'. They collect the ashes and bury the dead at particular periods. If a man die in spring or summer they wait for the leaves to fall, if in autumn or winter they wait for leaves and flowers to come out. Then they dig a ditch and bury him. On the day of the funeral they cut their cheeks, and so forth as on the first day. On the tomb they put a tablet and as many stones as the dead man has killed enemies. They sacrifice a horse and a sheep and hang their heads over the tablet. That day the men and women meet at the tomb clothed in their best and feast. These feasts seem to be the occasions when the young men see girls to fall in love with them and ask their hands of their fathers. This whole account seems rather to describe a funeral in two parts or funeral :
We
:
:
;
Menander, f. 20 FHG. iv. p. 227. Menander, f. 43 FHG. iv. p. 247. ^ Radloff says this must be a mistake, as he has found no traces of cremation. Some tombs both in '
;
^
Cf.
;
Siberia and in Russia have the wooden erection partly burnt, cf. A. Heikel, Antiquitds de la Siberia occidentale in Mem. Soc. Finno- Ougficfine VI. (1B94), and Radloff, Ans Sibiricn, li. chap. vii.
1
IV
Turkish Pcwallels
]
95
really to imply that the dead were kept accordinj^ It corresponds grenerally with what is found in of the year. Ilieh-li, the last Khan, Scythic tombs and with the account in Herodotus. was buried under a mound, and an attendant willingly sacrificed himself to When a man dies his son, younger brother serve him in the next world'. his wives their sisters to wife. takes and This was the case nephew or Scyles married wife his Scyths, e.g. Opoea, of father Ariapilhes'. the with Although the T'u-kiie change places, yet they have special land for Agriculture is not unknown to them. The Khan lives at each family. demons and spirits and believe in magicians. Their Tu-kin Shan. They revere
and after-funeral than to the time
food of milk and cheese and kumys is just what Herodotus describes. A curious point of likeness already referred to is the attraction civilisation exercised upon them, so that individuals were continually trying to imitate Chinese ways, they married Chinese wives, and some could even talk Chinese, and occasionally it required the good sense of Chinese deserters to prevent the nomads giving up their ways and so rendering themselves open to attack. On the other hand, when the Chinese tried to make them adopt small details, Sha-poh-lioh the Khan, 581 have 587, replied, had our habits for a long time and cannot change them'." Just the same opposition is characteristic of the Scyths, some of whom were always hankering after Greek ways, in spite of the disapproval of their fellows. So Marco Polo^ speaks of the degeneracy of the Tartars, who by his time had adopted the customs of the idolaters in Cathay and of the Saracens in the Levant. Geza Nagy " remarks on another point of resemblance between the Scyths and the Turks, their very concrete metaphors. Just as the Scyths replied to the Persians' defiance by sending the Great King a bird, a mouse, a frog and five arrows, which is rightly interpreted by Gobryas to mean that they will fall by the arrows, unless like birds they can fly into the air, or like mice burrow underground, or like frogs jump into the waters", so the Turks threatened the Avars that, flee as they might, they would find them upon the face of the ground, for they were not birds to fly up into the air nor fishes to hide themselves in the sea. In just the same way, in a.d. 1303, Toktai sends to Nogai as a which being declaration of war a hoe, an arrow and a handful of earth " interpreted is, I dig you out, I shoot you, better choose the battlefield'." So the familiar story of Scilurus and his counsel to his sons, illustrated by a bundle of faggots, is told by Hayton the Armenian of Chingiz Khan".
—
"We
;
Pictures of Hiung-nu. In the Not only the verbal accounts agree but also the pictures. and I-yii-kuo-chih we have pictures of Hiung-nu. They have more
Pien-i-tien
China Review, xxv. p. .242. Her. IV. 79. Cf. de Piano Carpini of die Mongols, c. 6, ap. Hakluyt, Rockhill, p. 78, Yule'', I.
'
*
op.
'^
"
Her.
''
58.
cit. p.
Yule,
I
v.
130—132.
Marco
Po/o'\ Vol.
n.
]).
498, quotiny
Hammer
p. 253. ^
Cyie»(i A't'7'ie'W,
*
Yule-', Vol.
I.
c.
XXV.
p. 11.
liv. p.
263.
von Purj^stall. * Haitkoni Aniicni dc Tartaris Liber Nmms Orbis of Grynaeus, Basel, 1537, c. xvii.
in
96
[CH.
Scythian Customs
Pt
1
of Noma(is from
y
u.
AC. 1568
kuo
cKih
-^598
KCtan.
Fig. 27.
IV
Ch 171656
]
Pictur6s of N07/Ul(is
C^'J
beard than we might expect. Their tunics lined with fur are not unlike the Scythic tunics on the Kul Oba vase, their soft hoots tied about the ankle with a string are very similar, and the bow and bow-case are V(try much like the western representations. Scyths are always bare-headed or wear a hood, but the Hiung-nu have conical fur-lined caps. The Kara Kitan in the latter book, sitting between the hoofs of his horse who is lying down, reminds us of some of the Siberian gold plates. The bowcase is well shewn on the Pa-li-feng, a kind of Tartar. The horns on the head of the women of the T'u-huo-lo and their neighbours, adorned as they were with gold and silver, resemble the headdress of the Queen at But these resemblances do not go deep and many of the Karagodeuashkh. coincidences in customs may be merely due to like circumstances, still the likenesses are so great and the barriers between South Russia and Central Asia so often traversed, that it is harder to believe that entirely separate races developed such a similarity of culture than that a horde driven west by some disturbance early in the last millennium li.c. finally found its way to the Euxine steppes. And the character of the objects they had buried with them on their way from the Altai to the Carpathians sets the matter almost beyond doubt.
we have used no more evidence than was
before K. Neumann, the champion of the Mongolian theory, the strength of whose case rests upon coincidences of custom, very close indeed but not sufficient to prove that the Scythians had any real connection with upper Asia, for his philological comparisons have been rejected by serious students of Mongolian, or, was before Mullenhoff, chief defender of the dominant Iranian theory, who supported it on philological grounds, stronger indeed than Neumann's, but Neither of these affording too narrow a basis for the weight it has to bear. writers has given due weight to the analogies between the remains found in the tombs of Scythia and those that occur in southern Siberia, in the Until basin of the Jenisei, far beyond the limits of Aryan population. the affinities of that civilisation and of the tribes that were influenced by it have been cleared up, the final word cannot be said on the position of the Scythians'.
So
far
SCYTHIAN PROBLEM. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL SUMMARY. So many different views as to the affinities of the Scythians have been propounded that their enumeration seemed too much of a burden for the text of Chapter IV. At the same time their succession has a certain historical interest and space had to be found The older writers are more fully for a short account of tiie more important theories. dealt with by Dr L. Nicderle'-, but one or two useful books have escaped even his marvellously wide reading. The traditional view" regarded the Sarmatians, and the Scythians naturally went 1 However Neumann, op. cit. p. 236, quotes Gmelin's account of the graves on the Abakan.
M.
^
Slovanskc S/aroiit/iosli (?>\7i\on\cA.n\\(\\j.\i\es),
Prag, 1902
—
,
Vol.
i.,
Appendix
p. 512.
13
Scythians.
98
Bibliography
[ch.
For one thing the Byzantine writers applied with them, as the ancestors of the Slavs. to the latter these classical names which had already served for the Goths for another there was no more obvious ancestry for the Slavs to be discerned among nations mentioned by ancient writers, and the Scythians and Sarmatians, though great nations, This theory naturally appealed to did not seem to have left any other descendants. the tendency of chroniclers to push the ancestry of their own nation as far back as possible, and accordingly it is accepted by most of the Slavonic historiographers. Since the appearance of later hypotheses it has been almost dropped in Germany, Cuno, with his fanciful Slavonic etymologies, being a solitary exception in later times'. It gained support from In Russia, however, national feeling has kept it still alive. the undoubted superficial resemblance of the Russian muzhik and the figures on The chief exponent of it has been Zabelin-. the Kul Oba and Chertomlyk vases. During the eighteenth century there appeared one or two dissentients, but the He made a first to gain general approval with a new theory was B. G. Niebuhr'. careful examination of Herodotean geography and referred the Scyths to a stock His main arguments were based upon similarity akin to the Tartars and Mongols. Boeckh, in the introduction of customs. Grote-* gives a good statement of this view. to Iiiscriptiones Saj'inatine, eicJ', regards the Scyths as Mongolian and the Sarmatae as Slavs with Mongolian mixture, but admits the Iranian element. Niebuhr's line of proof was carried further by K. Neumann*, who also adduced etymologies from the Mongolian which were promptly demolished by the great Turcologue Schiefner''. Meanwhile Kaspar Zeuss" had advanced the view that all the steppe peoples as His main argument was the similarity of Scythian far as the Argippaei were Iranian. and Iranian religion, but he also proposed Iranian etymologies for a certain number of Scythian words. This view gained general favour when supported by K. Miillenhofif, who supplied a large number of Iranian etymologies^ Duncker'" states Miillenhofif's view without reservation as fact. W. Tomaschek" accepted this theory and developed the geography of the subject. Much the same general position was taken by A. von Gutschmid", and Th. G. Braun" follows Tomaschek closely. So, too, Dr Niederle (op. cit.) seems to have not a doubt of the broad truth of Mullenhoff's view on this matter, though generally inclined to disagree with him". L. Wilser'^ takes the Iranian character of the Scythian language as proven and tries to prove in his turn that it has also special affinities with German. In fact he regards Germans, Scyths, Parthians, Persians and Medes as a series without very considerable gaps between the neighbouring terms, :
G. Cuno, ForscJmngen
im
Gebiete der alien Berlin, 1871, described by Gutschmid in his review of it as the worst book he had met for fifteen years (A7. Schr. '
J.
Volkerkiciide.
I.
Theil,
—
III., He had never met Scyihia 452). p. 446 Biformis das Urreich der Ascn by Wajtes Prusisk,
Breslau, n. d. I. E. Zabelin, Hisiory of Russian Life, I. 243 sqq. also D. J. Samokvcisov, History of Russian Laiu, Ft II. I 69, Warsaw, 1884. ^ Kl. Schrificn, 1828, i. p. 352 sqq., in English, Dissertation on the Geography of Herodotus and Researches into the History of the Scythians, Getae and Sarmatians, Oxford, 1830. * History of Greece, ed. 3, 1851, Vol. ill. p. 216 '^
;
—
A
—243.
C/G. Vol. II., Pt XI. p. 81. Die Hellenen ini Skythenlande, Berlin, 1855. " Sprachliche Bedenken gegen das Mongolenthum der Skythen," MiHanges Asiatiqtics, T. 11. ^ ^ ''
St Petersburg, 1856. die Nachbarstdninie, Miinchen, 1837. " " Ueber die Herkunft und Sprache der Pontischen Scythen und Sarmaten." Mofiatsber. d. k. Preuss. Akad. d. IV. 1866, p. 549, reprinted in Deutsche Altertumskunde, Berlin, 1870 1900, iii. p. 531, **
p.
loi sqq.
Die Skyi/ien,
Die Deutschen tind
—
'•*
ill.
Hisiory of Ajiiiquity, Eng. Trans. 1879, Vol.
pp. 228
— 246.
"Kritik der altesten Nachrichten iiber den Skythischen Norden. I. Ueber das Arimaspische Gedicht des Aristeas," Sitziingsber. d. kic. Akad. zic WieJi, 1888, cxvi. pp. 715—780. II. "Die Nachrichten Herodot's iiber den Skythischen Karawanenenweg nach Innerasien." lb. cxvii., ''
pp.
i
'^
—
1
70.
"Die Skythen,"
in
Kl. Schriftoi
iii.,
p. 421,
Leipzig, 1892, from this the article in the ninth edition of Encyclopaedia Britajmica is shortened. '* Lwestigations in the province of GothoSlavonic Relations, St Petersbin'g, 1899. '^ See also Sir H. WQ-^oxXh, fourn. of Anthrop. Inst. VI. (1877), pp. 41 sqq.; H. d'Arbois de Jubainville, Les premiers habitants de VEiirope, Paris, 1889, il. pp. 223—264; F. W. Thomas, "Sakastana,"y7i'^.S'. 1906, p. 204 regards "Scythic" as an E. Iranian dialect, but he mostly means
Indo-Scythic. 1'' Cf. Internationales Centralblatt fiir Anthropologie u. s. w. vii. (1902), Heft 6, p. 353, review of " Skythen und Perser," in Asien L. Wilser Organ der Deutschen Asiatischen Gesellschaft, \
—
iv]
Niebtchr^ Mulleiiiioff^
Nagy^ Hoininel
gc)
whereas he entirely denies the close connection between the speakers of Sanskrit and the speakers of Zend. Unfortunately, not havinjj; seen his paper, I cannot give his arguments for this novel position. Something similar is J. Fressl's view', and E. lionnell seems to waver between assigning Germans, Lithuanians, Slavs, and Kelts as descendants of the Scythians, whom yet he calls Iranian-'. Likewise Fr. Spiegel" thinks the bulk of Scythians Indo-European, but will not decide between Iranians and Slavs still he admits a possibility of Uralo-Altaic Royal Scyths. So, too. Professor Lappo-Danilevskij, in his convenient collection of material concerning Scyths, gives rather an uncertain sound as to their ethnological affinities^ Meanwhile Niebuhr's theory lived on in spite of the Iranian hypothesis of the philologists', especially in Hungary, where A. Csengery referred the Scyths to the Uralo-Altaic folk", perhaps to the Sumer-Akkadians, and Count Geza Kuun' to the Turco-Tartars on the ground of the god-names, and A. Vambery on the ground of customs^ This view finds its most complete expression in a monograph by Geza Nagy". A Magyar has a hereditary right to speak on any question concerning FinnoUgrians, but he is apt to have his racial prejudices, which act as a corrective to those of the German or the Slav. Accordingly Mr Nagy maintains that the Scyths were Uralo-Altaic, and thinks that an Uralo-Altaic language has always been dominant in the Steppes, save for the comparatively short interval during which the Aryan branch of the Indo-P2uropeans was making its way from its European home towards Iran and the Panjab. This view he supports by destructive criticism of the etymologies proposed by Mlillenhoff and other advocates of the pure Iranian view, criticism that in truth shews up their mutual disagreement and the arbitrary character of their comparisons. But he in turn advances Uralo-Altaic etymologies equally arbitrary, and in them has recourse to Sumer-Akkadian, a language whose existence is hardly so strongly established as to allow it to lend support to further fabrics of theory'". There follow further arguments drawn from physical type, manner of life, custom and religion, much the same as those advanced above, with the general result that although the author does not deny the existence among the steppe-dwellers of a strong Iranian influence and of a certain Iranian element supplied by the leavings of the great Aryan migration, he takes their main mass to have been Uralo-Altaic in speech, and even distinguishes among them different layers, Finno-Ugrian and Turco-Tartar, and different stages of social development, matriarchal and patriarchal. ;
'
Die Skyf/io-Sakefi
die Urviiter der
Gennanen,
Miinchen, 1886. ^ Beitriige zitr Alteiihuiiiskitnde Russlands, St Petersburg,!. 1882,11. 1897 abookofusefulmaterial used uncritically. Rawlinson //t7w/()/«j, III. p. 158 makes Sc. a special branch of Indo-European. :
3
Eranische Alterthumsktmde, II. p. 333 sqq. Trans. Imp. Russ. Arch. Soc, Slavonic Section, Vol IV. (1887) p 35'' sqq. " e.g. E. ikm'bury, His/, of "Ancient Geography, I. 215 H. Stein, Herodotus, Vol. II. p. 13 Fligier, Arc/iivf. Anthropologic ^yn.u. 302. ' A SzkithdkNemzetisCgeiTht Scyths' Nationality) Budapest iSw 7 Codex Cumanicns, Budapest, 1880. ^ A Ma.ryarok Eredcte (The Origin of the Magyars) (Chap, i.), Budapest, 1882: for these references to Magyar books I am indebted to G. Nagy. Cf also Vdmbdry's Die primitive Kultur der Turko-Tataren Leipsi"^ 1879 <
;
;
'
»
ArchaeoloiTiai ErtesPtS for 1895, reprinted as
No. 3 of N^prcijzi Fiizetek, Budapest, 1895. "A Szkithak Nemzctis^ge" (The Scyths' Nationality). Without the aid of Mr S. Schiller-Szinessy, of Camljridge, I could not have learnt to read this valuable essay With regard to affinities with the early popu"*'
lation of SW. Asia various writers have already pointed out resemblances between the Hittite and Some have brought in the the Scythian dress. Etruscans too, hoping to solve the three chief problems of the ancient world under one. But there is no physical impossibility about North Asiatics in Asia Minor .is is shewn by the incursions spoken of by the Hebrew prophets and supposed to have changed Beth-shean to Scythopolis. ^r- Hommel (" Hethiter und Skythen und das erste cier Geschichte,' in SttzAuftreten der Iranier nngshcr. d. k. Bohm. Ges. d. lltss. Phil.-Hist. CAwjv, Prag, 1898, vi.) proposes Iranian denva-
m
tions for the Hittite names on Egyptian and Assyrian monuments, and on this basis goes on to identify Hutites and Scythians, taking the Iranian character of the latter for granted, arguing from the late Greek inscriptions with barbarian names. 'n support of this surprising hypothesis he quotes ^'^^ mythical accounts of combats between Sesostris Justin, '^'^d the Scythians, Herodotus, 11. 103, no ' i an^l '• 3 Diodorus, 1. 55 II. 43, 46, and says that these Scythians were really Hittites (v. p. 36) Karolides, Die .sogcnannten Assyrochaldaer und Hittiten, Athen, 1898 suggests something of the ^7\.mfi sort, to judge by Jensens review in Bert. ;
;
'''''I-
^'ochenschr. 1899,
p.
1034.
lOO
Bibliography
Scythia7is.
[ch. iv
Even in etymology he makes out a very good case for the Uralo-Altaic origin Other words with a likely Uraloof some of the Scythic god-names (v. supra, p. 85). Altaic origin are the Greek Tvp6^ri''." In view of the numerous languages represented in the Le Coq, Griinwedel and Stein MSS. from E. Turkestan, there is not evidence enough for putting a name to the new language (the more that the Uigur for Yiie-chih is Kitsi, v. p. in, n. 2), but its existence and perhaps also the pictures of a blonde race formerly in these parts make us ready to believe that migrations from Europe, subsequent to those of the Indo-Iranians, penetrated the heart of Asia. Any of the peoples of whom we know neither the physical characteristics nor the languages, but only the names upon the map of Scythia in the widest sense, may have been Indo-Europeans of this or some other new branch. One thinks at once of the Wu-sun with red hair and blue eyes set deep in the face, who made the same impression on the Chinese as do Europeans, and of the fair Budini among whom were the Geloni talking something like Greek. We may hope any day for specimens of Saka speech as Dr Le Coq tells me, but I still hold the above view of the Scyths in Europe. :
4—
7Vrt«j-. C<-fo«z 5flr. VIII., 1872, pp. 38. Joiirn. Mill. Publ. Itistr., St P., Oct. 1886, p. 232, "Epigraphic traces of Iranian population on the North Coast of the Euxine"; and again in his Ossetian Studies, Vol. ill., Moscow, 1887. 3 Bulletin of Kiev University, 1882, No. 11 1883, No. 9, "On the question of the Ethnography and Geography of Herodotean Scythia"; Jom-n. Min. Publ. Inst., St P., Classical Section, 1888, '
^
January, pp. 39—47, "Legends of the Royal Scyths in Herodotus"; 1896, May, pp. 69—89, " Ethnography of Russia according to Herodotus," November, pp. 103 124, "The Information of Herodotus as to the lands in Russia outside Scythia."
—
•
;
<'
"
SB. d. k. pr. A/cad. d. IV. Berlin, 1908, p. 915. Zt.f. Ethnologie, 1907, p. 509. F. K. W. Miiiler in SB. d. k. pr. Akad. d. W.
Berlin, 1907, p. 958.
lOI
CHAPTER
V.
TRIBES ADJOINING SCYTHIA ACCORDING TO HERODOTUS AND ARISTEAS.
On Before
ike South,
Tanri and Getae.
treating in detail of the archaeological evidence as to the popula-
Euxine steppes, it seems suitable to consider the statements of Herodotus and other ancient authors as to the different peoples that surrounded those whom he called Scythian. In spite of the confusion in the tion of the
account of the rivers, they are our best guide in locating the various tribes both within and without the ill-defined outlines of Scythia proper. (Maps IV.,
I.,
V.)
On
the mountainous south coast of the Crimea lived the Tauri, some have Kelts, comparing the name of the Taurisci but some theorists find Kelts everywhere. have no data whatsoever for giving relations to the Tauri. They probably represent the earliest inhabitants of S. Russia, possibly they would be l)erhaps akin to the aborigines of the Caucasus Iranians if 'ApSaySSa was their name for Theodosia, which lay on their borders Then we could understand their later mixing with the Scythians, when in the latter the Iranian element had again come to the top. Otherwise we must take the Scytho-Tauri to be like the Celto-Scythae and the Celtiberians, products of the Greek belief that a race of which not much was known was best named by combining the names of its neighbours. The Tauri were chiefly famous for their maiden goddess', to whom they sacrificed shipwrecked sailors. They seem always to have been pirates and wreckers. In the second century B.C. they were the dependent allies of Scilurus, and though their name survives on the maps their nationality seems to have merged in the surrounding tribes. Along the lower Danube the western Scythians marched with the Getae', Our authorities a tribe of whom Herodotus and Strabo have much to say. generally agree in making them a branch of the Thracians, though it is doubtful how far Thracian is more than a geographical expression. There seem to have been two races there with different customs and different beliefs as to a future life\ The Getae would be akin to those whom Professor Ridgeway regards as invaders from Central Europe, with light complexions, and a religion shewing decided resemblances to Druidism. But they do not come into our subject except in connection with the history of Olbia, which they destroyed about 50 B.C. The Kelts on the distribution of races. lower Danube and also the Bastarnae belong to a later called
them
:
We
;
'.
'
Anon.
Pcripl., § 77 (51),
it
is
more probably
1893,
Eiith'itung in die P. Kretschmer, der grit'c/iisc/n/i Spracht\ Gottingen, 212; Niedcrle, Slav. Ant. i. p. 318, li.
and
Alan.
Geschichte
Her. IV. 103, V. inf. Chapter XVII. For Getae V. Miillenhoff", />yi. in. pp. 125— 163; W. Tomaschek, " Die Alten Thraker," i. p. 92 sqq., in Siicungsbir. d. kk. Akad. zu Wicn, cxxviii.,
1896, p. p. 62, v. inf. p. 122, for their
'^
^
^
W. Ridgeway, Early
invasions of Scythia.
Aj:i%
i.
p.
351
scjq.
102
Ti'ibes
adjoini7ig the Scythia of
On
the
West, Agathyrsi
Herodotus
[ch.
and Sigymtae.
The Agathyrsi \ the westerly neighbours of the Scythians, are said by Herodotus (iv. 104) to resemble the Thracians in most of their customs, and are taken by all writers to be closely connected with them in race, as later the Getae and the Dacians, whose names we afterwards find in the same region, the modern Transylvania, out of which flows the Maros (Mapts)' It is just conceivable that they were Iranian, at least to join the Danube. name Spargapithes has such a lookl The effeminacy of the nation does not agree with the general character of the Thracians, but the weight F. Hartwig^ seeks to identify the of opinion assigns them to that stock'*. Agathyrsi with people in curious fringed gowns on a cylix from Orvieto. The Sigynnae whom Herodotus (v. 9) mentions quite in another connection the
beyond the Danube and stretching westward to the land of the Enetae, would be more likely to be Iranian, for he says that they called themHe says selves colonists of the Medes and that they wore Median dress. colonists should come how Median there, tell but that anything he cannot may happen, given sufficient time. This expression certainly suggests that Herodotus had no idea that from the Carpathians to the confines of Media there stretched a whole row of nations, more or less akin to the Medes, for, as I take it, the Iranian character was disguised by the Scythic element which gave the tone to the whole. Strabo (xi. x. 8) puts the Sigynni {sic) on the Caspian, and Niederle" seems inclined to think him right, supposing a confusion to have arisen through the use of the word Sigynna in Ligurian but Herodotus, by mentioning this fact, makes it in the sense of pedlar a national name may unlikely that he should have been led astray by it A point about the Sigynnae which is mentioned well gain such a meaning^ by both Herodotus and Strabo is their use of small shaggy ponies for driving. The Median dress may mean no more than that they wore trousers. It seems as if trousers were introduced to Europeans by immigrants from the The form of the word '\braccae''' suggests that they steppes to the east. were adopted first by the Germans and then by some of the Keltsl as living
:
;
Northern Border.
The Neuri" marched
with the Agathyrsi. Their position would be of the Dnestr and Bugh and the central basin of the about the head waters The Neuri are perhaps the most interesting of the Scythians' Dnepr. neighbours, for we can hardly fail to see in them the forefathers of the modern Slavs. This is just the district that satisfies the conditions for the The one place from which the Slavonic race spread in various directions. wolf distinguishing trait that Herodotus gives us, that each man became"
^
1 In treating the neighbours of the Scyths I have mostly followed Tomaschek, Kritik''^ W. v. supra, ^''
p. 98, n.
1
1.
Her. IV. 48. Her. IV. 78, cf. the Scythian S. IV. 76, and but it Spargapises, king of the Massagetae, I. 211 may have been supplied to give individual circumstance to the story of Scyles. Their community of wives also recalls the Massagetae. 2 3
:
•
Niederle, Slav. A?it.
I.
p. 263.
Die Griechischen Meisterschalen, xxxvni., xxxix., v. supra, pp. 54, 55. •'
"
op.
cit.,
i.
p.
421, PI.
p. 238.
Lithuanian Ssaias, i.e. Scot = pedlar. v. d'Arbois de Jubainville, op. cit. II. p. 264 Sophus Miiiier, Urgcschichte Europas, Strassburg, ^
e.g.
**
;
1905, p. 161 sqq. ^ Her. iv. 105.
Agathyrsi^ Sigyjinae^ Neuri^ A7id?'ophagi
v]
few days every year
103
werewolf story that has always even now the word for werewolf is one of Everything points to the very few Slavonic loan-words in Modern Greek. Braun (op. cit. p. 79 sqq.) puts the case very well. this identification. raptor aviorum Neurus" which Valerius Flaccus [Argon. \ i. 122) speaks of calls to mind the account of the Urevlians and other Slavonic tribes of this region who carried off their wives at water', but we do not know if he; had any foundation for the expression. When Herodotus says that the Neuri had Scythiaii customs, it might well describe the frontiersmen on whom The geographical the Scythic culture had evident influence (v. p. 175). names of the district are purely Slavonic, whereas immediately further east the occurrence of Finnish words for rivers shews that we are no longer in for a
i5Seir~cufrent
among
(iv.
105), recalls the
the Slavs
;
''
Tomaschek suggests that the invasion of originally Slavonic". snakes which drove the Neuri eastward to the Budini, said by Herodotus to have happened one generation before the campaign of Darius, an invasion usually taken to mean an attack from a hostile tribe", was really a movement of the East Germans, and Braun ^ goes so far as to say that it was a movement of the Bastarnae, forced down between them and the Carpathians by the expansion of the Kelts at their time of greatest power for aggression. He sees in the occupation of the Desna the first movement of Slavonic For here we have a river bearing a Slavonic name, the Rightconquest. hand river, clearly approached by the Slavs from the south and fiowing That the through a country of which the other river-names are Finnish. Slavs came to know the Kelts through the Germans -is clear from loan-words, especially Russian volokh, O. Slav, vlakli, from Gothic * walhoz, our "Welsh," the German name for Kelts and later for Romance speakers^ Eastward of the Neuri in the general description of Scythia" and in But the other passages where they are referred to, come the Androphagi. of the Neuri, c. in the account 105, it is said that the latter, when invaded by snakes, migrated to the Budini, that is past Androphagi and Melanchlaeni. Either then the Budini changed their abode, perhaps in consequence of this This invasion, or there were two tribes of Budini, eastward and westward. might help to account for the genesis of the story about the march of Darius If the tale went that Darius marched to the land of the across Scythia. Budini, it would be readily thought to speak of the eastern Budini, well known We because of the town Gelonus and its connection with Greek trade. must then allow a probability of a second tribe of Budini near the Neuri'.
territory
1 Laurentian MS., ed.^, p. 12, Fs. -Nestor, yjiHKiiBaxy y Bo;tiJ xiiBima. ^ N. F. Harsov, Outlines 0/ Russian Historical Geography, Warsaw, 1885, p. 75. ^ Niederle, Slav. Ant. I. p. 295, vehemently
protests against this interpretation,
account
and takes the
literally.
*
op.
*
The
247. identification of Neuri and Slavs^seems first to have been well established by F. J. Safari'k (Slovanske Starozitnosti), Slavonic Antiquities, He regards their Prag, 1862—63, I. p. 224 sqq. cit. p.
land as the very kernel or heart of the region by the Wends. He takes the Budini (ibid. p. 215) to be Slavs also, and their
originally settled
Gelonus to mean Waterfolk, from vodA. reminds him of the typical spread-out Slav settlement. His tradition is carried on by Niederlc, Slav. Ant. I. p. 266.
name
"^
Her.
iv. c. 102, 106.
This expedient of supposing doubled tribes is excused by many instances of tribes with similar names, especially in Eastern Europe, under conditions which make it easy for part of a nation to split off, e.g. Royal .Scyths and colonist Scyths in Herodotus, three or four tribes called Huns, so too with Alans, Turks, Bolgars, Tartars, Kalmucks, Nogai, all of which have had subdivisions living This list at one time far apart from each other. might be almost indefinitely extended. "
I04
Tribes adjoi7ti7ig the Scythia of Herodotus
[ch.
The Androphagi were probably Finns, and the most barbarous of them, Theirs would be central no trade route passed through their land. Muscovy and southwards towards Chernigov. Hence, too, the most exagBut we need not believe that they gerated stories would be told of them. were cannibals any more than the Samoyeds, Finns also, whose name means Tomaschek ingeniously suggests that the Amadoci of Pseudothe same. Hellanicus' and of Ptolemy are the same as the Androphagi, dmddaka, cf. He would propose to identify them with Skr. dmdd, eater of raw meat. the Mordva of the present day, which is very possible, for there is no doubt that all the Finnish tribes now found on the middle Volga and on But when Tomaschek the Kama once lived far to the west or south. nickname Iranian meaning cannibal, he (ii. p. lo) sees in Mordva another The necessary sound changes are as unlikely as hardly carries conviction. Still Mordva is a loanthat a nation would take such a nickname to itself. word from the Iranian [=Meitsch), and many other words shew that these Finnish tribes, now so far separated from any Iranian nationality, once had That the Mordva once marched with speakers close dealings with some such. of the Baltic group far to the west of their present place is shewn by loans from an early stage of Slavonic and from Lithuanian. If the Androphagi are Finns, Mordva, the Melanchlaeni are Finns also, Merja and Cheremis. The former were early absorbed by the advance of the Slavs, and the latter have been so strongly subjected to Turkish influence But archaeological evidence that all earlier traces have been wiped out. proves that some such tribe occupied the regiofi corresponding to that assigned by Herodotus to the Melanchlaeni about Riazan and Tambovl It may be a coincidence that the Cheremis wore black till a hundred years ago. Dark felt is the natural product of the coarse dark-woolled sheep of the country. So we need not see any connection with the SauSa/jctrat of the Protogenes inscription (Ossete sate black, daras garment) who were almost certainly a Sarmatian tribe. For the kind of name compare the Caucasian Melanchlaeni, who have tended to the confusion of later writers, and in modern times the Kara Kalpaks, White Russians, and such like. Next to the Melanchlaeni and now above the Sarmatians, well to the east of Scythia, lived the Budini, fifteen days' journey from the corner of the Maeotis. The Oarus seems to have flowed through their country, coming from that of the Thyssagetae. If then we measure fifteen days' journey up the Don to the portage by Tsaritsyn and then up the Volga, we come to the lower part of the governments of Saratov and Samara, and not far to the north begins the forest region. The territory of the Budini probably included the lower courses of the Belaja, Vjatka and Kama. The inhabitants are most likely represented by the Permiaks, driven north and east by the spread of the Slavs and the irruptions of the Tartars. Near the junction of the Kama and Volga there has always been an important trading post, Kazan since the coming of the Mongols, in early mediaeval times Bolgary. Gelonus seems to have been the first of the as
'
^
Stepli. Byz. ad voc. Count Uvarov, Zf5 Mc'riens, St
ever A. A. Spitsyn,
BCA.
barrows that Uvarov assigns to the Merja belong rather to early Russians, but he does not deny a still earlier Finnish population. particular
P.,
1875
;
how-
XV. 164, urges that the
v]
A?i({7'0phagi^
Bttdini^
Mclcnichlac7ii^
Gelo7ius
105
We have the name of another town amon*^ the Hudini, KapLcrKo<;\ Tomaschek compares Permian karysok, Httle fortress. The wide commercial relations of this district are shewn by the wonderful silver plates found in the government of Perm, splendid specimens of Graeco- Roman, Syrian, Byzantine, Sassanian and even Indian work being dug up in these remote forests, as series.
well as coins of Indo-Scythian kings', evidence of connection with Central Asia. All these precious wares must have been paid for with furs. There; may well have been a sufficiently lively trade to tempt the Greeks to establish a factory in the interior of the country, even as far from the coast as the
land of the Budini^ Herodotus probably exaggerated the number of the Greek population, as he has most clearly exaggerated the extent of the town of Gelonus. Three miles and a half square is an impossible size, three miles and a half about would be plenty for warehouses and temples and gardens and space for folding the local sheep of which Aristotle speaks. The establishment must have been like one of the forts in Canada, inhabited by a mixed population of traders and trappers, or the Ostrogi in Siberia, round which towns like Tomsk and Tobolsk have grown\ The description of the Budini themselves tallies with that of the Permiaks, grey-eyed and reddish-haired ^OeipoTpayiovcri compare what Ibn Fadhlan says of the Bashkirs, '' Pcdiai/os co)nednnL" The otters and beavers of Herodotus have become rarer with assiduous hunting, but they were common when the Russians first came, and found a home by the many rivers of the country'. His lake may be the marshes on the course of these, for instance about the lower Kama. It is barely conceivable that the Neuri should have come so far for refuge as to the middle Volga, hence the probability of there having been other Budini near the Dnepr. These Darius may perhaps have reached Ptolemy's Bodini seem the mere survival of an empty name. Niederle^ while admitting that the Androphagi and Melanchlaeni are Finns, is inclined to think the Budini Slavonic. He regards them as stretching from the Dnepr to the Don behind the Androphagi, although Herodotus says distinctly that beyond these is a real desert and no men at all. Budini looks certainly very like a Slavonic tribe-name with the common suffix -in-, and there are plenty of Slavonic names from the root bud-. But they certainly stretched further east than Niederle allows, for they lived By bringing them west fifteen days up the Don above the Sauromatae. he puts Gelonus on the site of Kiev.
—
:
;
' '^
Aristotle, ap. Aelian dc A'at. Aintn. xvi. 33. e.g. Kadphises 1., CR. 1896, p. 132 p. 436; Arch. Anz. 1908, p. 150 sqq. ;
411
KTK.
—
Abercromby, The Pre- and Proto-historic Vol. I. p. 124, describes the trade routes followed by the mediaeval Arabs, both directly up the Volga to Bolgary, and, when the Khazars hindered, across the Kirgiz steppe from the .A.muDaria, and so to the west of the Urals: he suggests that the Persian plate found the same way, and in yet earlier times the foreign imports found at Ananjino, v. inf. p. 257. Geloni spoke If the something like "Tocharian," a Greek hearing the *
J.
Finns.,
numerals might think them bastard Greek. • For a view of such a wooden-walled town
M.
in
mediaeval times, v. Nuremberg Chronicle CCI.UI., " Sabatz in Hunyjaria." The gorodishche or camp at Belsk (v. p. 147) excavated by Gorodtsov is 20 miles round, much larger than Gelonus. Her. speaks of a marsh in which are taken
Europe (1493),
in
fol.
'''
evvhpiti
Kaorropes
xal
npoa-ooira.
The
last
koI I
'iWa
Tarandus or reindeer, v. sup. p. the marsh and Theophrastus
The
drjpla
Ttrpaycovo-
wrongly identified with the 5
and nn.
6, 7,
but
rule this out. tvC^pus usually translated otters are waterI.e.
snakes, v. Pliny, N//. XXX. S 21, xxxn. § 82, and the square faced beasts are the otters; a gloss to this effect has been misapplied. "
op.
cit.
I.
p. 275.
14
^
Tribes adjoining the Scythia of Herodotus
io6
[ch.
The late Professor I. N. Smirnov' of Kazan, the chief authority on the Volga Finns, directly denies that the ancestors of the Cheremis and Mordva But he does not advance any were the Melanchlaeni and Androphagi. very valid objections, and admits a contact with Iranians which argues a He denies any contact with Greeks such as we seat further to the south. must suppose in the case of the Budini. Incidentally he describes many customs among the Finns that recall Scythian usages among the Cheremis the sacrifice of a horse forty days after death and the stretching of its skin over the tomb the soul does not really leave the body for forty days and even On this fortieth day is later comes back to it by a hole left for the purpose. assists, and is taken back the dead man to the grave on a which the wake, at :
:
the Mordva again, after forty days there is a wake and In both cases many a washing of the funeral car. and a horse sacrifice things are put in the grave, or the dead will come and fetch away both things and people. This is all in favour of the existence of an Uralo-Altaic element among the Scyths, although there was a clear line of distinction drawn between them and these Finns for the Finns lived in the forest and the mixed multitude of Scythians in the steppe. South of the eastern Budini were the Sauromatae, stretching east and north from a point three days' journey to the east of the Tanais (which Herodotus takes to run southwards), and the same distance north of the cart with bells
:
among
:
corner of the Maeotis. Hippocrates says they are a special tribe of Scythian, and Herodotus, deriving them from a marriage of Amazons and Scyths, shews that they spoke a language akin to that spoken by the Scyths but
gave
their
womenfolk more freedom North-Easterly Trade Route.
•Herodotus derived his account of these nations, Agathyrsi, Neuri, Androphagi, Melanchlaeni, Budini and Sauromatae, from two sources and In the one (cc. loo gives particulars of them in two pla:ces. 109, Map iv. p. 27) he is keeping in view the story of Darius and his expedition, but these tribes, although set out according to the scheme of the square, are not wrested far from their places as given by the less detailed account which goes with the less schematic description of the lie of the land (cc. 16 This he supplements with much information, partly 26, Map v. p, 34). due to Aristeas, as to tribes living in a north-easterly direction far into Due north of the European tribes Herodotus Central Asia (Map i.). imagines a continuous desert, occasionally diversified with the lakes necessary for .the southward-flowing rivers this desert is a real desert as opposed to the patches of thinly peopled land separating hostile tribes. Probably this real desert was actually uninhabited, as the forests of the far north were only peopled comparatively lately, when these very tribes were driven up by new comers from Asia, or the Lapps and Samoyeds crossed from the far ne.
—
—
:
" Les Populations Finnoises du Bassin de la 1 Volga etde la Kama, i^" Partie, Les Tch^remisses, Les Mordves," Paris, 1898, tr. by P. Boyer in Publicatioiis de I'Ecole des Langucs Orictitales Viviuites, lv"Sdrie, T. VIII. I should like to express my gratitude to the author of this book for his kindness to
me at whom
Kazan, and especially to the translator, to am indebted for my knowledge of Russian and for many favours, including the loan of this very book. Abercromby, op. cit., mostly follows Smirnov. ^ Her. IV. 21, no 117, also infra, p. 119, for their migration west of the Tanais. I
—
2
v]
Budini^ Sanrotnatae^
TJiyssagetae^
lyrcae
107
The land of the next tribe, Thyssagetae, is beyond a desert seven days' journey across, lying to the n. or rather e. of the Budini'. From their country run the four rivers Lycus, Oarus, Tanais and Syrgis into the Maeotis. This last detail is not to be reconciled with geography (cf p. 30). We can only think that it was a country with several rivers running sw., down which people got to the Maeotis across the Tsaritsyn portage. This would give us the western slope of the Ural from Ufa to Orenburg. Herodotus says nothing of the Urals. Their incline is so gentle that they do not strike a traveller as mountains. Here is a river, Chussovaja, which may have the same root as Thyssagetae. The termination of this latter form is Scythian or Sarmatian, cf. Tyragetae, Massagetae. In Ossetian, -gdis an adjectival affix and -td the plural termination. Tomaschek identifies the Thyssagetae with the Voguls. The trade route described by Herodotus passed far to the north and crossed the Urals, avoiding the barren Caspian steppe. Herodotus knew that hereabouts was no channel leading to the Northern Ocean, and in this he was in advance of the more scientific geographers down to Marinus of Tyre. To the south lived tribes of more or less Iranian affinities, Sauromatae, later Aorsi and Alans, marching with the Finnish and Ugrian tribes above them and with the Caucasians to the south. They carried on a profitable trade between the mines of the Ural and Iran, and also between the Mediterranean world and the Far East. In the Chinese annals the Yen-ts'ai or Aorsi, afterwards called A-lan-na, held the country from the Aral sea to the borders of Ta-Ts'in (Roman empire), and their traders even reached China. With the next tribe, the lyrcae (iv. 22), we get beyond the stage for the wanderings of Darius. They are interesting for their name, which can hardly be other than the Sarmatian form of jugra', the word whence we have Hungarian. The ancestors of the Magyars were a tribe between the ^Voguls and the Ostjaks, swept from their place by the Turkish invasions and now a racial erratic block in the middle ot the Slav^ Here we have the first notice of them I Their peculiar method of hunting, represented on a gold plaque in the Hermitage\ required a country full of trees but not a thick forest such would be the basins of the Tobol, the Ishim, and the Irtysh, just to the e. of the southern Ural and the land of the Thyssagetae^ As neighbours of the lyrcae, Herodotus speaks of a tribe of Scyths that had separated from the Royal Scyths of the Euxine Steppes. Considering the ease with which a nomadic nation divides and sends off one part to a :
surprising distance (e.g. the Kalmucks, the majority of whom in the reign of Catherine II. of Russia left the lower Volga for the frontiers of China"), it is impossible to say that a part of the Royal Scyths could not have migrated '
The name Turk had
^
though
Her. IV. 22, 123; Tomaschek, II. p. 32. Such a transposition of mute and liquid is regular in Ossete, cf. Tirgatao = Tighratava, and Vs. Miller, Os. Studies, III. p. 83. 3 Cf. also Dr Bernhard Munkacsy, "Die alteste historische Erwrihnung der Ugrier," in Ethnol. Mitth. aus Ungarn, Bd IV., Heft 4 6, p. 152, and
—
Bd
v.,
Heft 1—3,
p. 7.
f. 201 =KTR. p. 395, f. 358. conjecture TvpKai is an anachronism.
•
p. 278,
"
The
not yet
come
into existence,
would be no proved anachronism to say that races kindred to the Turks had passed this way. "Turcae" in the MSS. of .VIela, I. 116, and Pliny, AT/. VI. 19, may well be due to intelligent it
copyists. " Ue Quincey's account is mostly fancy, but vividly presents the possible circumstances of the
Corrections are great migration. of Masson's Edinburgh edition.
made
in vol. vii.
14
—
Tribes adjoi7iing the Scythia of Herodotus
io8
[ch.
That there is a connection between inhabitants of these north-eastwards. rendered probable by the similarity of many regions is mutually remote waters of the Jenisei and in the Scythian upper objects found here on the supposing the conditions is to imagine of Perhaps an easier way graves. population ruled over by a tribe subject that here again travellers found a with customs and language similar to those of the original royal caste of It is hard to imagine Iranians so far to the north beyond the the Scyths. If th^ Scyths were Ugrian rather than utmost bounds of the Aryan world. Turko-Tartar, this would be just the place from which they should come. The Scythian traders finding these Scyths far in upper Asia recalls how the mediaeval Magyar missionaries found again their kin the Voguls and Ostjaks.
Argippaei.
As
says Herodotus, all the land is flat and That is, we are coming deep-soiled henceforward it is stony and rugged. upper Irtysh the steppe On the to the outliers of the Altai mountains. The trade route from the Ural came down ceases about Bukhtarminsk. from almost a north-westerly direction, and continuing the line we should be brought to Dzungaria and the country about Kuldzha well described as lying beneath lofty mountains, the Altai on one side and the T'ien Shan on the Here we meet with the Argippaei (c. 23), (the exact form of the other. name is uncertain Argimpaei, Arimphaei, Orgiempaei, etc.). To the e. of them again, or rather to the se. following the same general line, come the Issedones\ The position of the Issedones can be approximately fixed from Ptolemy's account which has been well interpreted by Tomaschek as placing them in the Tarim basin. That is that the northern route followed by the informants of Herodotus, and a more direct way by which went Maes Titianus, the Syrian merchant, bring us to the same region. In the Argippaei we have undoubtedly pure Mongols. Herodotus says of them that they are bald from their birth both men and women, have flat noses and large yeVeta, translated by Tomaschek cheek-bones, and speak a language of their own, but wear the dress of the Scythians. The baldness may well be a misunderstanding of the custom of shaving the head, or an exaggeration of the scantiness of hair which distinguishes the Mongolian the other details point clearly to Mongols and are borne out by race is told us of their food and manner of life'. what They live off a tree called Ponticum about the size of a fig tree, bearing a fruit like -a bean but with a stone. When this is ripe they rub it through a cloth and a thick black juice runs off from it. This juice is called Aschy. This they use as it is or mix it with milk, and of the pulp of the fruit they make cakes and eat them. For they have not much cattle as their pastures are not excellent. This ponticum seems to far
as
these
Scyths,
;
:
-
:
1
2
3
Tomaschek, r.
p. 734,
n. p. 54. see infra, pp.
VivtM might be taken
the letter of
of Bordeaux,
no to
Yvo of Narbonne
and 114
mean
chins,
to Giraldus,
Matthew
Paris, 1243,
"menta promi-
nenlia et acuta'' of the Tartars (Keane, Ethnology,
n. 3. cf.
in
Abp
p.
350,
Note
chinnes."
2);
Hakluyt, p. 21, "long and sharpe as defined sup. p. 48 n. i.
Mongol
Raster 71 Scyths.
v]
Argippaei
109
be an Iranian word meaning the way-tree, "travellers' joy" as it were: but " aschy " is Turkish and seems closest to dci, sour'. It appears to be the Hird Cherry, Prunus Padus, which is treated in exactly this way by the Bashkirs. But many other steppe berries arc similarly used by various tribes.
The
tree covered with felt in the winter
is
a picturesque account of the
and portable framework now universal among It has entirely superseded the waggons in which the the nomads of Asia. Scyths lived, being more roomy, more adaptable and in every way sui)erior, except that it has to be taken up and down, and affords no shelter during the actual journey (v. supra p. 32 and f. 7). The most remarkable jjoint about the Argippaei is the respect in which they were held by their neighbours. Says Herodotus, " No man at all wrongs For they are said to be sacred. Nor have they any weapon of these men. felt
war.
tent supported
And
by a
light
they both act as adjusters of differences
among
their neighbours,
and if any man take refuge from pursuit with them he can be touched Tomaschek supposes that these were the frontier officials by no one." of a well-organised Turkish kingdom, set to prevent the interruption of commerce by the quarrels of the various tribes upon its borders. In general, however, the Greeks had a tendency to idealize the life One might almost say they found in them the noble savage. of nomads. Hence Homer speaks of the Mare-milkers as the most just of men'-, and Strabo (xi. viii. 7), speaking in particular of the Massagetae, but in general of all who live in Scythic wise, says, " Such have a manner of life common to them all, which I have often spoken of, and their burials are much the same, and their customs and all their life together, independent but rude, wild and warlike, however as to contracts they are straightforward and So the Chinese speak alternately of the treachery and honesty honest." of their
nomad
neighbours. (iv. 24) says that
all is perfectly clear and definite as far as the bald people, that Scyths and Greeks from the Pontic trading towns further that these Scyths use seven interpreters to can tell about them make their way through seven tongues. It is not quite clear how the
Herodotus
;
is made up. The tribes that may come in are Scyths, Budini, Sarmatae, Geloni, Thyssagetae, lyrcae, other Scyths, Argippaei In such a tale there is a great temptation to bring and perhaps Issedones. in as many tongues as possible, and the informants may well have reckoned in the Scyths themselves, or made Sarmatian into a separate language, or likewise Eastern Scythian, or counted in the Geloni, whatever their jargon may have been in any case seven is a fair total, though five would probably have done. Beyond the Argippaei (c. 25) to the north as it seems are indeed the goat-footed great and high mountains, the main ranges of the Altai men need not be snow-shoe men, as Tomaschek suggests, but any active mountaineers, and the folk who sleep six months in the year always mark the bounds of knowledge or rather inference towards the north. *t>"
number seven
:
:
'
Or
aksi,
Vdmbdry,
op.
cit. p.
98.
^
//.
XHI.
6.
Tribes ac(joinmg the Scythia of Herodotus
iio
[ch.
Issedones.
To
of the Argippaei, are the Issedones (c. 26)', apparently Tibetan tribes in the Tarim and Bulunggir basin. The customs of these people as related by Aristeas exactly recall those As Zenobius ascribed by mediaeval and modern travellers to the Tibetans. except their heads: their sums it up (v. 25) the Issedones eat their parents Compare Rubruck translated by Hakluyt heads they cover with gold. the East, or rather
se.
116):
(p.
"Next vnto them" (i.e. the men of Tangut) "are the people of Tebet men which were wont to eat the carkases of their deceased parents that for pities sake they might make no other sepulchre for them but their owne :
bowels. Howbeit of late they have left off this custome, because that thereby Notwithstanding they became abominable and odious vnto all other nations. vnto this day they make fine cups of the skuls of their- parents, to the ende that when they drink out of them they may amidst all their iollities and This was told mee by delights call their dead parents to remembrance. one that saw it. The sayd people of Tebet haue great plentie of golde In the British Museum may be seen skull cups richly in their land." mounted such as are used in Tibet in the Lamaist ceremonies. Not so much Further tcro/cparees 8e 6ixolo}<; at yvvoLKe^ toIctlv dvSpdcnv. as it seems from their taking part in war and chase like the Sarmatian women, as from the importance naturally gained by the one woman of a polyandrous household. The Chinese even speak of states in this region in which the women held all the political authority. If the testimony of Ptolemy according to all interpreters could not be adduced for putting the Issedones on the Tarim the positions of all the tribes along the trade route would lose a very important confirmation. The chief difficulty is that the Chinese describe wholesale changes of population as occurring between the times of Aristeas and of Ptolemy the encroachments of the Hiung-nu (v. pp. 92 and 121) had in the second century B.C. driven the Yue-chih from the Bulunggir basin into that of the Tarim. The Yiie-chih are said to have customs similar to those of the Hiung-nu, but polyandry is ascribed to them and they appear rather to have been nomad Tibetans, perhaps with Hunnish chiefs, at least they use the Turkish title jabgti. To the west of Lop- nor they found a town-dwelling population called T'u-huo-lo (Tochari)". Later we meet with both peoples in Trans-Oxiana and Bactria (hence the name Tokharistan) and they apparently leave the Tarim basin to the Hiung-nul Had not the Yiie-chih been driven out of the country long before Ptolemy's time their identification with his Issedones would be :
'
St.
'lo-o-T/Soi
Byz. ^
ap. Tz.,
V.
112,
p.
n.
4;
Alcman
ap.
Of them
have one wife
the Wei- and Sui-shu say, "Brothers
common
she wears on her cap so many horns. ..as there are brothers when one brother enters her chamber he puts his shoes before the door as a token. The children belong to the eldest brother." This likewise sounds Tibetan and we can never clearly distinguish between the Yiiechih and the T'u-huo-lo, but it is written of them in Bactria when they had long ago coalesced in
•*
They cannot have been cleared out comWe know that some, the Little Yiie-chih,
pletely.
'Eo-o-iyfiovfj.
:
;
remained behind among the I'ibetan K'iang. The inaccessible oases of the Tarim basin have harboured the relics of many races. From his last journey Dr M. A. Stein brought back MSS. in twelve languages {Times, Mar. 8, 1909), but the Tibetan element seems the oldest at least along the South, having been present in Khotan before the historic invasion (Stein, Ancient Khotan, i. p.
147).
1^
v]
Issedones^
Tochari^ ^assagetae
1 1
obvious perhaps the name had clung to two settlements Issedon Scythica (Ak-su ?) and Issedon Serica (l^ou-lan near Lop-nor ?), reason enouj^h for him This is not on a par with to put the well known tribe on to his maj). his hai)hazard insertion of anticjuated names towards the edj^cs of Sarmatia he had, as I shew below, a very good knowledge of the Tarim basin'. So Ptolemy's Issedones represent the Yiie-chih in their second position on the Tarim, but Aristeas knew them on the lUilunggir and ])roI)ably So his Issedones might extend to the included the Tochari under them. Pamir, where they would be opposite to the Massagetae just over the pass into the Jaxartes basin". :
:
Massagetae.
Like
Massagetae n. of the Oxus, of their way of eating even having left them to die a natural death, and of their
tales are told of the
their parents, not
marriage customs'.
They
are described as living opposite the Issedones
mountains to the west of them, and are often coupled In iv. 13 Herodotus says, when speaking or even confounded with them. of the movement that drove the Scyths out of Asia, that according to Aristeas the Arimaspi attacked their neighbours the Issedones, and these drove out the Scyths whereas inc. 11 he says that the Scyths were pressed The Massagetae are evidently a mixed collection of by the Massagetae. tribes without an ethnic unity, the variety of their customs and states of culture shews this, and Herodotus does not seem to suggest that they They are generally reckoned to be Iranian. But it are all one people. rate part of them were practically identical with the that at any probable is Yiie-chih were driven by pressure from the Huns just as the that Issedones into Ilactria, so before them another Tibetan tribe had mountains over the same pressure and gained the country of under the path trodden the same was the very movement of which Herodotus perhaps this the two rivers Massagetae may well have been Iranian, or as and Aristeas speak. Other some thought \ much the same as the Scythians whereas the inhabitants of the islands of the Araxes (Oxus or Jaxartes, v. sup. p. 30) were aboriginals The picture drawn of connected perhaps with the tribes of the Caucasus. the nomad Massagetae seems very like that of Scythians in a rather ruder The tale of Tomyris may bring to mind either stage of development. Certainly it appears the Tibetan gynaecocracy or that of the Sarmatians. more closely linked with the latter. The name Massagetae seems to mean belonging to the great (horde), and probably just as all the tribes north of that
is,
just across the
:
:
:
;
the same way the name Ptolemy's Tliaguri, Thagurus Mons and the town Thagura (v. 1. 0oy«^a, cf. Justin's Thogari and Tib. Thogar), and still later attached to the ruined towns ascribed by Hiian Tsang to the vanished T'u-huo-lo. Even phonetically the identification, hinted at by Tomaschck, is not impossible. Ir.mians and '
p.
114,
n.
In
3.
Tochari survived
in
'^
Greeks might make Issedi out of Ngiit-shi, the oldest form of Yiie-chih, cf. Canton, yiit, Jaj). getsu, F"ranke, op. cit. p. 23; Uigur, Kitsi, Mong. Ciaci, F. K. W. Miiller, "Uigunca," p. 15, n. i, in AM. (/. Lpr. Ak. d. W., Berlin, 1908.
^
Compare Her.
fKamos,
TavTrjai
1.215, 216, yvvcuKa
St
f'rriKoiua
/xtV
;^p«'(ai'Tat.
-ya/ie'ei <>
(paai "EWrjvis
yap
nnifdv, ov 2KV0ai (icr\u ol Troifovres nXXa MuacrayfTaitjjs yap iTnOvprjo-T) ywaiKos Maaaayirrji (tprjp, tov (f)ap(Tpfa>va dnoKptpuaai npu r^s apa^rji playtTdi dSfwr, p. lo, n. 2, and Marco Polo, Yule', \'ol. H. 15k M. c. xlvii. p. 54. G. Nagy, op. cit. p. 7 sqq., takes the Massagetae to be essentially the same as the .Scyths, but the latter having attained to the idea of exclusive property in women who had been sciz.cd in war, had passed out of the stage of community of women. 2kvO
I
^
Her.
1.
201.
Tribes adjoinmg the Scythia of Herodotus
112
[ch.
the Pontus were for the Greeks more or less Scythians, all the tribes that were under the "great horde" were regarded by the Persians, from whom the Greeks mostly got their ideas of the peoples on the northern border of Iran, as all more or less Massagetae again it may have been the Scyths' ;
name
for
them. Sacae.
For we must confess that no word like Massagetae occurs in the Old Persian inscriptions in which as we should expect from Herodotus (vii. 64) we find Saka. In the epitaph of Darius at Naksh-i-Rustam (a) we have Saka Tigrakhauda, Saka Humavarka, and Saka \f\yai\^y ta^radaraya {transmariniy Oppert explains Tigrakhauda as "cunning with arrows." It is usually taken to mean "with pointed caps," and Humavarka has been the transmarine Sacae may be beyond compared with S/cu^at K\jjvpyioi either the Aral or the Caspian or even, as F. W. Thomas^ suggests. Lake .
^
;
as well as the Euxine, so that we are not much helped. the rock of Bisutun^ Darius says himself (v. 22) "I went against the land of the Saka...Tigris...to the sea: I crossed it on a bridge, I slew the enemy, I seized... by name Sakunka...I seized also other rulers"; but the lacunae make it impossible to know to what expedition this refers. Saka are also mentioned as having revolted. At Persepolis (i. 18) Saka But which of these may be among the are named as bringing tribute. varied nations sculptured we cannot say. Those whose clothes have any resemblance to Scythic dress have been reproduced (p. 59, f. 12). Most interesting is the figure at Bisutun inscribed lyam Sakiinka hya Saka; "this Sakunka the Saka." But of his national costume only the cyrbasia is is left him.
Hamun,
On
Arimaspians and Hyperboreans.
As
Issedones reached there was a quite practicable trade route, and as it seems nearly allied Iranian tongues served as a medium As far as the Issedones of intercommunication beside the native idioms. it is quite possible that Aristeas of Proconnesus penetrated. From them he heard of other men living yet further east, but what he tells of these shews that we are coming to the lands where travellers' tales flourish with most luxuriance. In the quotation from the Arimaspea preserved by Tzetzes, the Issedones say, "Above us^ to the north dwell men whose borders march with ours, many are they and mighty warriors indeed, rich in horses, wealthy in sheep, wealthy in cattle, shaggy of hair, sturdiest of all men and each has but one eye in his fair forehead the Arimaspi." Whatever the word far
as the
;
—
Spiegel, Erdnische Altertiims.kjinde, Leipzig, 1, p. 223 and Die altpersischen Keiliiischriften, Leipzig, 1881, p. 54 and Glossary, s.vv. He takes Sk udra = SkoXotoi. ^ JRAS. He thinks that from 1906, p. 181. early times the Sacae reached down into Sistan. The third column at Spiegel, op. cit. p. 41. Bisutun IS only called Scythic on the general " principle O/zute ignotuui pro Seythico." ^ So Tomaschek, i. p. 758, combines the lines *
1
87 1,
•*
and translates, putting all do not seem to me to scan. I.
into nominatives
Latyshev
{Sc. et
which Cane.
= Tzetz.
Chil. Vil. 686) gives them thus: Io"(rj;Soi )(aiT7jaiv dyaXXo/jifvoi Tavafjcn km a<()(as dvdpdiTrnvs uvai Kadvnepdev ofxovpovs p.
322
Trpos Bope'co,
noWovs
d(}>veLovs Ittttokti,
'0(j)daXix6v d' ev
t( koi (adXovs Kapra paxrjrds,
noXvpprjvas, TroXu/Soi'ray....
(Kaaroi
i'xei
x^P'-^^'^'-
pfTdyn-w.
x^irrjaiv Xdawi. jrdj'Tiov aTi^aparaToi dvbpiov.
Sacae^ Arhnaspi^ Hyperborea7is
v]
113
means, whether or no it be u folk-etymology, we cannot go behind the statement of Herodotus that the Scythians took it to mean one-eyed. The Chinese still say of the Khalkas, these people have but one eye, one hand', thus describing their awkwartliiess, and some such metaphor jjrobably lies
Beyond the Tarim basin to the north, we come at the bottom of this tale. precisely to the cradle of the Mongolian race. In this region the Chinese annalists of the Chou (h.c. 1155 255) and Han dynasties put the Hien-yiin or Hiung-nu stretching from Shan-si across the Sha-mo far to the north of the
—
These are they whom we know in Europe as the Huns. T'ien Shan range. Shorn of the poetic epithets, the description of Aristeas applies to them. They often joined into a well-organised state as often destroyed by the dissensions of the tribes. When united they controlled the commerce between China and the west and regulated it. The Bald-heads of Herodotus (iv. 23) would be their outpost to the west. True, Aristeas calls the Arimas|)i yaxTrja-Lv Xctcrtot, but the warriors may well have been unkempt, while the custom officials would be shaved and smooth. Also in that western part in the gate of Dzungaria there would not be the abundance of flocks and herds that marked them on their native plains. Whether the Issedones received of them gold from the eastern Altai, or whether it did not rather come from the south from the mountains above India, and whether the griffins are not the ants or baibaks. that according to the story threw the gold out of their is more than can be said. Certainly the representations of Arimaspians and griffins in art belong to Western Asia. The griffins come from eastern stuffs ( =cJieruh), and their name is Semitic the Arimaspians are dressed in barbarian costume, as conceived by the Greeks, on the model of the barbarians most familiar to them, Phrygians and Persians. Still the subject was felt to belong to Scythia, and was used to adorn goods destined for the
burrows,
;
Scythian market. Beyond the griffins, says Aristeas '^ live the Hyperboreans, reaching down to the other sea. Herodotus doubts this, for he says he heard nothing about them from the Scyths'. The Hyperboreans are always the people beyond knowledge towards the north. They must always figure as the last term of any series that stretches in that direction. Still, as Tomaschek suggests, Hou-yen-kuo, lit. Back-eye-people. Her. IV. 13, 32 Damastes ap. St. Byz. s.v. * By ignoring Ptolemy (v. p. 114, n. 3) F. W. Thomas (op. cit. p. 197) puts the Issedones in '
Cf. the
^
;
Farghana and the Arimaspi ( = Ariaspi) in Sistan, which hardly suits Her. and his KarvirfpOf. F. Westberg, K/io (Bd iv., 1904, pp. 182 192, "Zur Topographie des Herodots"), by giving up the same poi/U (Vappui and restricting the area under consideration, has to use excessive ingenuity
—
m fitting in the various tribes. He puts the Budini about Saratov on the steep or right bank of the Volga, and identifies them with the Burdas of Ibn Rusta; further he believes that Darius reached the region. The desert above them is the high ground of the Zhigulov Hills, and the Thyssagetae are on the Samara bend of the \'olga and about the lower Kama with the lyrcae on the Belaja and in the southern Urals. The Bashkirs are the .^rgippaei, although they would appear to have reached their present position only in some
Volga
in
M.
this
of Turko-Tartaric peoples. The he regards as mere alternativcs of other tribal names known to Herodotus, so he identifies the Massagetae, whom he puts N. of the Jaxartes, with the Arimaspi, and opposite them the Issedones, whose women were so independent, with the .Sarmatians. The .Praxes of Herodotus I. 201 is for him the Jaxartes, but in c. 202, the Volga with its delta among the islands of which the fisheaters live, and the Rhoxolani, whom we meet in later times, are *Araxalani, called after the river, Such a scheme seems to me to wrest the data given by Aristeas and Herodotus from their natural later migration
names
clue to Aristeas
meaning, whereas something like Tomaschek's view is far less arbitrary. Most original is d'.^rbois de Jubainville (op. cit. i. p. 241 note) he supposes that the Arimaspi migrated from upper Asia to the Alps or Rhipaean mountains above Friuli. His ;
object is boreans.
to
identify the
Kelts with
the Hyper-
15
114
Tribes adjoining the Scythia of Herodotus
[ch. v
some
faint account of the civilised empire of China may have penetrated to Aristeas or his Issedon informants. Aristeas also mentions the Rhipaean mountains, but again Herodotus He is right in rejecting them to the north of the does not believe in these. Euxine, but in upper Asia the difficulty is rather that among so many ranges we cannot tell which was intended by the name. Always it has been at the apogee of the dominion of some TurkoTartaric tribe that it has been possible for westerners to traverse central Asia. The voyage of Aristeas (c. 650 B.C.) comes at the time of the early nomad power which troubled the Chinese under the Chou dynasty. Those of Zemarchus and the Nestorian Alopen coincide with the greatest extent of the early empire of the western Turks which likewise gave Htian Tsang his opportunity to journey westwards'. De Piano Carpini, Rubruck and Marco Polo were enabled to travel by the organization of the great Mongol Empire', and since its fall, till the other day, no European had followed in all their footsteps, just as for seven hundred years no Greek followed Aristeasl ^ Chavannes, E., " Documents sur les Tou-kiue (Turcs) occidentaiix recueillis et commentds," in Results oj the Orkhon Expedition, St P., 1903. ^ V. Heyd, Hist, du Commerce du Levant an
Moyen Age,
Paris-Leipzig, 1886, Vol. 11. p. 215 sqq. As it is physically possible for Aristeas to have penetrated as far as the Tarim, the question whether Ptolemy's Issedones can guide us in locating his, is a question of how much real knowledge of Central Asia Ptolemy shews, and recjuires a brief examination of his map of Serica &c. in the light of recent travel (Ptol. Geogr. I. xi. xii., VI. xiii. xvi., cf Maps I. and vi. see Yule, Cathay and the Way Thititer, pp. xxxix.
Ptolemy's Serica.
^
—
and
cxlvii.
Map
;
;
Richthofen, China,
I.
p.
477
— 500
and
Bunbury, Hist. Anc. Geogr., \\. p. 529 sqq. Tomaschek, op. cit. I. p. 736; Marquart, "Eran§ahr" {Abh. d. k. Ges. d. Wiss. zu Gottitigen, Bd ill. No. 3, Berlin, 1901), p. 154, and lastly for one or two new points M. A. Stein, Ancient Khotan, I. Richthofen seems most nearly right, p. 54). 8
;
;
Tomaschek
everything too far to the E., for a mechanical formula for reducing Pt.'s degrees to modern measurements. This is a fundamental mistake. In these regions all his knowledge is derived through Marinus of Tyre from Maes Titianus (60 80 .\.D.) a Syrian merchant, who himself appears to have reached the "Stone Tower" and to have sent agents on to Sera Metropolis seven months' journey this distance Marinus naively reckons at 36,200 stades, which Pt. is about right in halving, but this he does on general grounds, not on definite information. Hence we cannot take figures beyond the "Stone Tower" seriously. The more important is it that his map gives the general shape of the Tarim basin very fairly. The Imaus is clearly the Pamir, the only cross range in Central Asia, though of course it does not stretch indefinitely northwards. gets
Marquart hopes too much
—
:
On
it
is
set
6pfj.7]Tr]pi()v
rStv is Tr)v
'S.Tjjjav
efjLTTopfvo-
and Irkeshtam the Russian Custom-station commanding the passes both towards Farghana and towards the Alai plateau (Stein, p. 55) suits very well; the "Stone Tower" 5°W. must be on the Alai road. The hv^aKia tipr] are the T'ien Shan and the 'Aafiipala to the S.E. of them the Kurruk
fj.4vu>v,
Tagh the Kdaia oprj are not about Kashgar but the W. K'un-lun from which comes jade (Turk, kash) Thagurus Mons to the E. is Altyn Tagh or perhaps Nan Shan. Between the two mountain lines flows the Oechardes or Tarim with its important source (Ak-su ?) in the T'ien Shan, its sudden turn S. towards Lop-nor (t) ws eV( ra Kiiaia oprj (KTponrj, v. S. Hedin's Map in Through Asia 11.), and its tributary from the K'un-lun, the Charchan Darya the eastern part of it with its source in long. 174°, lat. 47° 30', would perhaps be the Bulunggir which Stein says once joined the Tarim in Lop-nor (Geogr. Journ. xxx. Dr 1907, p. 503 Hedin tells me he doubts this). Outside the Tarim basin the physical features are not so clear, but we may recognise the "Ai/i'i/3o opr) as the Altai, Emodus and Ottorocorrhas* as the Himalaya and North Tibetan ranges, the Bautisus being the Upper Brahmaputra, but information as to this Southern side came from India, and Pt. not realising Tibet has made this river one with the Huang-ho crossed by the agents of Maes towards their journey's end. The limit between Scythia extra Imaum and Serica represents if anything the extent of Chinese power in the 1st cent. a.d. Av^dx/a TroXtr may be Kashgar and Issedon Scythica, Ak-su Issedon Serica, LouIan by Lop-nor (Tomaschek brings it within the old western extension of the Chinese wall. Stein, I.e.); the Issedones between, the memory of the Yije-chih it is tempting to see in Xniipavn, Khotan and in 'Axdcra x'^P" the Khasas, confusion being produced by the combination of Indian and Seric information the Thaguri though far to the E. may represent the Tochari (v. supr. p. 1 1, n. i) Aspacarae would be an Iranian term for nomads probably Tibetan; Bautae, the Indian for Tibetans, cf. Bhotan, Sera Metropolis is more likely Ch'ang'an the capital of the Elder Han near Si-'an-fu, than Lo-yang in Ho-nan Pt.'s Sinae Metropolis (long. 180"). The Annibi, Garinaei (? Mountaineers) :
;
;
:
:
;
:
:
1
:
and Rhabbanae would be Huns and perhaps
.Sien-
Kao-ch'e. It is noticeable that fancy names like Abii and Anthropophagi are confined to the N. border of the map, so Issedon is not of that class. pi
;
the 2i(vy(s,
*
Please correct Otto(ro)corrhas, etc. on
Map
VI.
115
CHAPTER
VI.
HISTORY OK SCYTHIA, LATER MIGRATIONS. In the preceding pages has been given a sketch of the position, and possible ethnology, of the inhabitants of the great steppes and their neighbours, according to Herodotus and his informants, especially Aristeas, who enables us to extend our knowledge as far as the borders of Aristeas gives us the first recorded example of one of those China. movements which have altered the names on the map of Asia from that day The fate of the Greek settlements on the north to the day of Tamerlane. coast of the Euxine is so intimately bound up with these changes of population that a brief survey of them is indispensable. The Chinese chronicles of the Chou dynasty speak of the restlessness of the Hiung-nu interfering with communications with the west in the VIII. century k.c. and Aristeas says that the incursions of the same people whom he calls Arimaspi drove the Issedones to fall upon the Scyths and make them enter Europe. have supposed this in conjunction with (iv. 1 mean that Issedones forced themselves into the country Herodotus 1) to to the west of the Tarim basin and joined with the Massagetae or impelled them against the Scyths. These latter, crossing the Volga and Don, pressed the inhabitants of the land, probably Iranians, towards the west, where they joined Thracian tribes, Treres, and invaded Asia Minor, and towards the se. where they passed the Caucasus and attacked vassals of the Assyrians. These The eastern horde was followed called them Gimirrai, in Greek Cimmerians. by Scyths, Asguzai, who appeared as allies of the Assyrians, effected a diversion of the siege of Nineveh and made a raid over a great part of western Asia. It seems impossible to get a more detailed view of the movements of these various northern invaders from the accounts in Herodotus (i. 103-6), the Assyrian monuments, and the Hebrew Prophets (v. pp. 41, 42). In sw. Asia the Scyths, broken by the Median Vespers still commemorated in Strabo's Sacaea (xi. viii. 4, 5), disappeared without leaving any traces, the Cimmerians finally vanished after having held their ground for many years at various points such as Sinope and Antandrus, but to the north of the Eu.xine the Scyths established themselves as the ruling caste of nomads in the eastern part of the plain, exacting tribute from various tribes in the western half. Above the steppe belt, the row of forest tribes, Slavonic Neuri, Finnish Androphagi, Melanchlaeni and Budini, Ugrian Thyssagetae and In the lyrcae, take no part in the changes which swept the open steppe. time of Herodotus and Hippocrates the Scyths seem on the down grade, on their eastern frontier appear the Sarmatae, nomads from the Caspian steppes, pressing the Maeotae and allied, probably Caucasian, tribes towards the mountains, and threatening their neighbours across the Tanais. as far as
:
We
15—2
ii6
History of Scythia
[
CH.
Though we have so full an account of the customs of the Pontic Scyths we know few events in their history still from Herodotus we can construct ;
a kind of genealogy of their reigning house.
any way related exploits were in Asia.
was
to
in
Madyes and But we have
We
cannot
tell
whether this whose
his father Protothyes (Bartatua),
the succession Spargapithes, Lycus, Gnurus, Saulius (with his brother Anacharsis), Idanthyrsus, who was probably father to Ariapithes. This latter had three wives, the Istrian woman by whom he had Scyles his immediate successor, the Scythian Opoea, who bore him Oricus, and the daughter of the Thracian Teres, mother to Octomasades, who eventually slew Scyles and reigned in his stead. We have no means of placing Ariantas, who made the cauldron out of arrow-heads, or Scopasis and Taxacis, who were kings under Idanthyrsus at the time of Darius'.
Invasion of Darius.
Except for one incident we know nothing of the reigns of these kings, save the stories of Anacharsis and Scyles, shewing the attraction exercised by Greek life on the more advanced Scyths and the tragic result. But to that incident, the famous invasion of Scythia by Darius about 512 b.c.^ we are indebted for the introduction of the Scythian episode into the history of Herodotus. After what has been said of the geography of Scythia there is no need to insist on the impossibility of the story as related to us. Its whole basis is inconceivable and the tale is adorned with improbabilities of every kind. may take it as true that Darius crossed the Danube and disappeared for a time into the steppes. It may well be that he was severely harassed by his mobile enemy but it cannot be believed that he went further than the Dnestr, the crossing of which would have involved a bridge and dangerous operations in face of an active foe. Strabo' indeed says (vii. iii. 14) that the desert of the Getae was the scene of the expedition, but this may be only the outcome of his own reasoning, not independent historical evidence. However, he must be substantially right Darius can hardly have done more than make a demonstration against the northern barbarians, with a view to securing his frontier on the Danube. It may well be that the ruling race gathered the western tribes to oppose him, so he may have come in contact with the western Budini (if as is suggested above there were two
We
;
:
1
Her.
IV.
76—81. Spargapithes
That Scyles took I
Lycus
is in
his father's wife
Opoea
(c.
78)
accordance with the almost universal custom
countries. Still we may remark custom shocked de Piano Carpini, Rubruck (c. 6) and Hayton (op. cit. c. xlviii.) among the Tartars, and is noticed by the Chinese. ^ V. Macan, Heiodotiis, Books IV. Vi. Vol. il. App. 3.
of polygamous
I
Gnurus
Saulius
that
Anacharsis
—
^
Idanthyrsus Istriana = Ariapithes
Scyles
Teres
= Opoea = filia
Oricus
Octomasades
this
Ctesias,
Frag.
Darius advanced
29, §§ 16, 17 (Muller) says 15 days' march, and returned on
finding the Scyth's bow stronger than the Persian, cf. the tale of the Khazar and Russian swords in Ps.-Nestor.
Invasmi of Dai^nis
vi]
117
and this may have brought into the narrative a confusion which Herodotus turned to account to enforce several of his favourite notions, the condign punishment of the Great King's overweening pride, the serviHty of the lonians, and the sohtary merit of Miltiades. In this latter Mr Macan, as Thirlwall before him, sees the chief motive of the whole tale. He thinks it an echo of the defence made when he was on his trial for tyranny in 493 u.c. Darius can never have meant to reduce all European Scythia. The device of keeping his communications open sixty days and no more, if it meant anything, would mean that Darius intended to return by the Caucasus, if he found the path open. But with his experience of nomads on his north Asiatic frontiers, to say nothing of the fate of Cyrus (the common story may well be unhistorical), he would never have trusted himself unsupported in an unknown country, even supposing that he was absolutely ignorant as to He reduced the extent and character of the countries he must traverse. Ihrace, received the submission of Macedonia, and made a demonstration, perhaps not entirely successful, against the northern neighbours of his new that is sufficient justification for his European expedition, and we territories need not regard this as part of a scheme to gain profit from the gold of the griffins, and round off his empire by making the Euxine a Persian lake. A most original view is that advanced by Professor Bury'. According divisions of these),
;
objective was the gold of Transylvania, afterwards worked by the Romans. Had Darius meant to go east he would never have left his fleet at the Danube, but it could support him no further in His idea then would seem to have been to build a north-westerly direction. a line of forts along the Oarus = Ararus = Buzeo to keep his communications open, but upon realising the difficulty of permanently defending such a line, he abandoned his plan and returned. Confusion of the Ararus and the Oarus would then be the foundation of the story bringing Darius all across Scythia also a more definite object for his expedition would be furnished, and an explanation of his attempted fort-building. One only wonders if the Great King in Susa -had heard of the gold mines in the land of the Agathyrsi. Duncker'' rationalises the story and suggests that the sixty days was merely an arbitrary. limit given out by the lonians to prevent daily discussion of the question whether Darius should not be abandoned. He does not think Darius went far. It is surprising what a good defence of the traditional account is made by Rawlinson (ad loc.) who strongly urges the independence of commissariat shewn by an Asiatic army, and its power of crossing rivers But in this case it is too much to believe. without difficulty. Herodotus (vi. 40, 84) tells us that in revenge the Scyths made a raid which reached the Thracian Chersonese and drove out Miltiades, and even proposed to Cleomenes a joint invasion of Asia.
him the
to
real
so profitably
:
Decline of Scyths.
Advance of Sarmatae.
After the time of Octomasades, who may be reckoned a contemporary of Herodotus, we can trace the Royal Scyths no farther with any certainty. The name Scyth seems to move westward giving place to those of eastern '
Classical Rcvirw^
XI.
"The European Expedition
(1897),
July,
of Darius."
p.
277, p.
- His/ory of Anliquity, ¥.ng. 272 sqq.
td., i?,-j(),'Vo\. \\.
History of Scythia^ Migratmis
ii8 tribes,
but then
it
spreads again over
all
[ch.
the steppe countries, and embraces
nomad peoples. These changes of connotation make it hazardous to make any statement as to the fate of the true owners of the name, save that they moved west and were absorbed between the Getae and Sarmatians. When exactly these latter crossed the Don is not quite clear. As Niederle^ the
all
In § 68 of the Periplus ascribed to Scylax, it was probably a gradual process. dated by K. tiller'^ about 338 B.c.,a tribe of Syrmatae is given in Europe close to the Tanais, but in § 70 Sauromatae are in Asia, just over the river. Stephanus Byzantius cites this rare form Syrmatae from Eudoxus of Cnidus, and gives it as the same as Sauromatae, Sarmatae. Braun^ wishes to make these Syrmatae But Finns, and to distinguish them from the Iranian-speaking Sauromatae. it seems more probable to suppose the mention of "Syrmatae" west of the river In the to be put in by a later hand than that of the compiler of the periplus. fourth century the Sarmatae are still east Don or just second half of the of the crossing, for the next century and a half we have very scanty knowledge Probably an era of mutual strife had of what was happening in the steppes. broken out which made impossible, not merely journeys into upper Asia such as Aristeas had accomplished, but even regular communication with the The Scyths had shewn readiness to trade and hinterland of the Euxine. an appreciation of Hellenic culture, in spite of the statement of Herodotus (iv. 76) that they were hostile to foreign influences, for no nation ever thinks another sufficiently ready to adopt its customs. But now they were fighting a losing conflict with the ruder Sarmatae^ and the latter were not to be such good neighbours to the Pontic Greeks. The first definite mention of Sarmatae in Europe is in Polybius (xxv. ii. (xxvi. vi.) 12). Gatalus o XapiJidTr)<; is one of the rulers in Europe who joined a great league of states in Asia Minor and on the coast of the This is the first occurrence of the form Sap/xctT');? in place Euxine, B.C. 1 79. of the earlier Sau/oo/xarr;? which continues to be used as a proper name I The centre of gravity of the Scyths' power, and it may well be the representatives of the Royal Scyths, shifted westward for a while under the pressure from the east. They even extended their borders in this direction, and crossed the Danube, so that the Dobrudzha gained the name of Little Scythia", which was also applied to all West Scythia as far as the Borysthenes. Demetrius of Callatis early in the second century B.C. speaks of Scythians near Tomi^ They may have appeared here when their king Atheas", after successful struggles with the Triballi and with Istrus, concentrated his power on this side, only to be defeated by Philip of Macedon, find Scythians also mentioned in the decree in 339 B.C. (v. p. 123). honour of Protogenes at Olbia'', in such a fashion as to shew that their There it is a case of their seeking power was no longer what it was. The names of tribes mentioned with them, protection from other invaders. says,
M
We
1
S/av. Ant.
2
GGM.
^
op.
I.
cit. p.
i.
p. 322.
p. xxxviii sq., 15 sq.
He
87.
gives a good sketch of these
changes of population. *
Diod.
^
Sarmata
«
Strabo, VII.
Sic.
II.
is
xHii. 7.
the Latin save in poetry. iv. 5.
"^
Quoted
in
DA.
ni. p. 36.
Frontinus, Strateg. II. 4, cf. Polyaenus, v. 44; Ateas, Str. VII. iii. 18. They may have crossed earlier, Scythic tombs occur in Bulgaria, v. inf. p. 150, n. i. *
Justin
"
App.
']
IX.
2,
= losPE.
i.
16.
Sar7natae on Don^
vi]
Scyt/is
o?i
Dantihe^ Sci/urus
119
Thisamatae and Saudaratae, recall the forms of Sarmatian names. From this time forward the word Scythian becomes a purely geographical designation for any northern nation, Sarmatae, Goths, Huns, Russians all have api)lied to them the name sanctioned by classical usage. For instance, it is hard to define the Scythians ruled over by Scilurus and his son Palacus. Strabo (vii. iv. 3) and the Uiophantus inscription' call them Scythians, and they are in close alliance with the Sarmatians and with they may perhaps be the people loosely termed Tauroscythae the Tauri or Scythotauri they were scarcely a homogeneous tribe, but more likely a casual aggregation of the dwellers along the coast between the Dobrudzha and the Crimean mountains. Scilurus struck coins in Olbia, and the other barbarian kings, whose names we find on coins struck in that city, were probably lords of the same power, but whether before or after Scilurus we cannot say, the style is all we have to go by, and this is so barbarous that it can be no sure guide as to date. A reasonable view is that of A. V. Oreshnikov according to which there were kings of the Scythians about the Danubemouth Canites^ Cau-, Sarias and Aelis^ who had not full control over Olbia. Later, about 1 10 B.C., Scilurus, who must have organised a considerable power sufficient to give much trouble to Chersonese and Mithridates, and appears to have had something of a capital at Kermenchik by Sympheropol ^ became suzerain of Olbia, and put his name upon its coins. Pharzoeus and Inismeus (Ininsimeus) also struck coins with the name Olbia, but style and lettering appear considerably later, and these kings seem to belong to the time when the city arose from the Getic devastation, and (existed under the tutelage of the natives who had missed its commercial services. After a period of hostility towards the natives, as described by I)io Chrysostom, who calls them vaguely Scythians, this tutelage was exchanged for Roman protection. Latyshev is inclined to put Pharzoeus and Inismeus before Scilurus. If the coins are genuine which are figured by P. Vacquier", Scilurus and his dynasty ruled at Cercinitis also, as is in itself very prol)able. This disappearance of the true Herodotean Scyths does not denote any Saii,
;
;
-,
great destruction of population, merely that the ruling caste lost its vitality and merged in the mass of the people, and another tribe having defeated place and spread its power over much the same group of it assumed its tribes as had owned the sway of the Scyths. The difference cannot have been great. Objects found in tombs which must be referred to the Sarmatian period are often preeminently Scytho-Siberian. The leaders of the Sarmatae were again probably Uralo-Altaic, though it is just possible that they represent an Iranian reaction. are unable to make any distinction between
We
1 -
App. 18 = /osPE. 1. 185. Tra/ts. Jiuss. Arch. Soc,
pp. 14 ^
Series, Vol. IV
^aaiKfl ^Kvdcov TKANFrA on Varna C/G. 2056; Latyshev, Olbia, pp. 129 135,
Cf
Inscr. V.
— 24.
New
inf ch. XV.
—
unfortunately
of the king his father,
—
—
The two
.
15ao-]tX(i/f
• V. ch. XV. end, Coin PI. in. 20 25. Oreshnikov, Materials touchiiti^ the ancient Numismatics of the Black Sea Coast, Moscow, 1892, p. 29. " Neapolis? cf. losFE. I. 241 244, I v. 191,
192.
E....A.2| BA2I.\EY2 2KIAOYF02 BA2 AEAY / BA2IAI2 A N P looks as if Scilurus were dedicating a statue of his queen, evidently \vc have only just missed the name
inscriptions with kings' names are very imperfect. losPE. i. 241,
iv.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
191,
Xa)fi[(i/;)^oy.''
'0/i]i//-«X(i/cou
not sufficiently certain to warrant our adding these names to history. " Numismatiquc ties Scythes et ties Sarmates, Kerkinitis et Tannais {%\c), Paris, i88l. is
I20
History of Scythia
[ch.
the various tribes of Sarmatae, two or three names occur frequently and probably denote conglomerations of tribes upon which the name of a sucthe names of the lesser tribes, of which cessful tribe has been imposed Pliny and Ptolemy have preserved many, can never mean anything to us. ;
Scythia according
to
Strabo.
The superficial accounts of these countries that we find from the time of Herodotus to that of Strabo offer compromises between the state of things learnt from the former and the actual state of things in the author's own day. Strabo found this so changed that he dismissed all the information given by Herodotus as pure invention, and has given us a fresh description of the population to the north of the Euxine. But his information only embraces the belt of open steppe, and he knows nothing of He says (vii. iii. 17): the northern peoples beyond. " Of all the country lying above the said interval between the Ister and the Borysthenes the first part is the desert of the Getae, next come the Tyregetae, after them the lazyges-Sarmatae, and those called Royal and Urgi, the greater part nomads, but some engaged in agriculture. They say live along Ister, the often on one side and on the other. In the these also back country are the Bastarnae marching with the Tyregetae and with the Germans, and indeed themselves having something of German race about them they are divided into several tribes, some are called Atmoni and Sidones, and those that hold the Island Peuce in the Ister, Peucini. But the Rhoxolani are furthest to the north and hold the plains between the Tanais and the Borysthenes But we do not know if any one lives above the Rhoxolani." He goes on to give the stock description of nomad arms and mode of life, adding that the Rhoxolani winter in the marshes by the Maeotis and spend the summer on the plains. Still further e. beyond the Tanais, between it, the Caspian and the Caucasus, Strabo places the Aorsi and Siraci\ the Sirachi of an inscription at Tanais (193 a.d.) in which Sauromates II. claims to have conquered them". These people are also rich in horses and mostly nomadic though not quite without agriculture. They were just then specially prosperous owing to the overland trade with India. The Aorsi seem to be mentioned as Yen-ts'ai by the Chinese historians and to have later been known as A-lan-na^ Whereby we may identify them with the Alans Pliny^ is the first writer in the west to speak of or Alanorsi in Ptolemy. Alans, and the Rhoxolani themselves are interpreted as Blond Alans. The personal names of Aorsi and Siraci preserved by Strabo bear an Iranian stamp. Strabo does not mention the name of the lazamatae, the first tribe Sarmatae, which we meet as their extreme western out-post towards of the the Tanais; the name occurs in various forms, Hecataeus calls them Ixibatae; Ephorus who distinctly refers them to the Sarmatae, lazabatae'^; Polyaenus ;
'
XI.
ii.
I
;
BCA.
Siraceni, Ptol. v.
x. no. 69, Siraces Str. XI. ii. 8, v. Introd. to losPE. 11. 17
viii.
;
p. xiv. 2
App. ^i = IosPE.
II.
423.
Tomaschek
11.
»
NH.
IV. 80,
Braun,
^
Both
ap. Steph. Byz.
^
37
and Hirth,
n. 6. p. 95. s.
vv.
op.
cit. inf. p.
122,
—
VI
\
Scythia accordi?tg
]
(viii.
to
Straho
121
makes them Ixomatae and by mistake Maeotian, he; speaks of when they were living to the e. of the Maeotis. But Miillenhoff
55)
a time
probably right
in regarding lazyges as a later form of the same word'. So the chain of Sarmatian tribes according to Strabo is Iazyg(;s, Royal Sarmatians, Urg of which we know nothing_more, and chief of all Rhoxolaniwith the Aorsi and Siraci beyond the Tanais. These nations gradually pass Ovid still knows the lazyges in W. Sarmatia', but in Tacitus' westwards. is
i
they appear as allies of the Suevic king Vannius, that is they are already on the middle Danube in a.d. 50. Ptolemy has them in two places, along by the coast of the Maeotis and lazyges Metanastae, between the Theiss and the Danube, the result of combining information of different dates In Western Sarmatia the lazyges are succeeded by the Rhoxolani. Tacitus" tells how they made an unsuccessful raid into Moesia, a.d. 70, and clearly shews the inferiority of their long swords or spears and heavy coats of mail to the handy equipment of the legionaries'. Later they fought Hadrian on the Danube and their land extended to the borders of Dacia. Hast of the Rhoxolani came the Alans who crossed the Tanais and finally found themselves neighbours of the Goths and Vandals, with whom the name of their western division becomes so closely linked.
Westtvard Movement of the Huns.
movements from
the East, like that which brought in the Scyths, s eem to have had their origin in Mongolia. Towards the end of the Chou dynasty (c. 1155 255 B.C.) the Hiung-nu were pressing both upon China and south-westwards upon the Yiie-chih (Issedones? v. p. 110) and Wu-sun. The Ts'in dynasty (255 209) resisted the Nomads and secured China against them by building the Great Wall. Hence the Hiung-nu turned westwards and c. 1 76 n.c. drove the Wu-sun into the mountains Here the latter about Hi and the Great Yiie-chih into the Tarim basin. seem to have amalgamated with the earlier population, the T'u-huo-lo After their defeat by Kayuk c. 160 B.C. we find the Yiie-chih (Tochari). probably including' the T'u-huo-lo 2 3000 It w. of Ta-Yuan (Farghana), N. of the Kuei (Oxus); w. of them is 'An-si(k) (Arsaces, i.e. Parthia), n. the nomadic K'ang-kii and again n. of these the Yen-ts'ai (Aorsi). To the s. of the Kuei, 2000 li sw. of Ta-Yiian, is Ta-Hia, and se. of this again Yen-tu The appearance (Panjab)^ so Ta-Hia must be Bactria (v. inf. p. 129, n. 4). of the Yiie-chih in Trans-Oxiana displaced the Sai (Sek = Sacae) southwards, but may also have exercised pressure northwards, as in the following century we find the Aorsi on the borders of Europe. Next we hear in the Han Annals that the Yiie-chih ha\e moved south of the Kuei and conquered
these
All
—
—
1
DA.
-
Cf.
n'CKiiQi
inscr. 3
HI. 39,
Appian,
cf.
Ukert, Skythitn,
Kin 'Idfi/yty
kcli
Kd/jaXXoi,
(App. 18) 'Vfv^ivu\a,v. Tr. II. 191, ubi codd. Zaziges
Ba-
and Diophantus :
Owen
pessime
Sidones. ^
Ann.
°
For the
the Theiss
M.
XII. 29, 30. later history of these v.
Niederlc, Slav. Ant.
il.
Sarmatae on 127.
Hist. 1. 79. For pictures of Sarmatians on the walls of the vaults of Anthesterius and others near Kerch, CR. 1872; KTR. p. 203 sqq., v. inf. ch. XI. S 4. * cliang K'ien, c. 126 n.c, ap. Sliih-ki c. 123. The first character of Yen-tu ( = India) is commonly read Slicn, body, hence the identification Sindhu, but here we are specially directed to pronounce it Yen or Yiian (H. A. Giles). "
p. 546.
.Mitlir. 69, 2i' o7 cf
'<
16
—
"
122
Migratmts
History of Scythia.
[ch.
Ta-Hia. This would be soon after the unsuccessful attack of Artabanus on the Tochari (c. 124 li.c, Justin XLi, 2), as it seems to be the movement Strabo (xi. viii. 2) records, whereby the Asii, Pasiani (in these names lie hid Yiiechih and Wu-sun), Tochari and Sacarauli (v.l. Saracauli) from over the Of the five Yiie-chih tribes the Jaxartes drove the Greeks out of Bactria\ Kushanas eventually came to the front and their power also gravitated towards Hence in western India, replacing the Greek dominion in Afghanistan. usao-e they shared the name of Indo-Scyth with the Saka states on each side. Meanwhile we catch glimpses of the westward movement of the Hiung-nu^ due to pressure from the Sien-pi, their eastern neighbours, who finally absorbed part, penned part in the Altai to reappear as the Turks, and drove the main body to the far west. About 200 B.C. the Phauni are coupled with the Seres as the limits of Graeco-Bactrian ambition, that is the Huns were in their Amometus^ puts them to the n. of the Indians by the original position^ Tochari: Ptolemy or rather Marinus of Tyre places them as Chuni on the borders of Europe, and gives the Ural river its Turkish name Aat^', now So from the other side the Hou-han-shu tells of the Huns spreading Jajyk. westward, c. 100 a.d., and subduing the A-lan-na, c. 250 a.d., and the Wei-shu of their taking the land of the Yen-ts'ai'. Finally, in 375 a.d., the storm of the Huns' invasion fell upon the Alans and afterwards on the Goths, and all the peoples of Eastern Europe were It is beyond my purpose to follow their fate. involved in confusion. Invasions of Scythia from the
West.
Getae.
But not only from the east did peoples enter the steppe land. The advance of Huns was not sufficient from moving down towards their
force of the backwash of the Iranians and entirely to prevent the western peoples
end of the great plain. The Getae may almost count as original inhabitants. Certainly we have very early traces of their presence to the n. .of the Danube. Whenever their nation was strong and united they seem to have extended their sway to the Dnestr, in times of decadence their borders would fall back to the Danube, and as we have seen, sometimes the Scythians crossed even To the Getae belonged very likely the Tyragetae, not from the simithis. larity of name which seems to be but Sarmatian for men of the Tyras, but Tr. Pomp. Prol. XLI. " Saraucae et Asiani XLII. "reges Thogaattack Uiodotus of Bactria rorum Asiani interitusque Saraucarum."
says)
All the Chinese forms, v. sup. p. 91, including Hua the older name for the Yi-ta or Ephthalites, the Yiie-chih's successors, called in Sanskrit Huna but generally regarded as no true Huns, go back In western authors we have to an original Hti7u Chuni, Phuni, XoOi-oi, ^oCi-ot and Oi5woi the interchange oi p/i, kh, and h is found in Turkish dialects and Tomaschek(l. p. 759) may be right in identifying all these forms. ^ Strabo XI. xi. i, on authority of Apollodorus. H. Brunnhofer, Codd. ^avvuiv, Miiller ^pvvwv. Iru/i und Turan, p. 204, sees in Uribhika, Cumuri and Dhuni, beggar folk of the Veda, nomad tribes
the Panjkb by the Aryas, Eust. really rejects the O. * ap. Pliny, A^v*/. vi. 55 Detlefsen reads "Thuni et Focari," adding "al. Chuni, Phuni vel Phruri, et Tochari"; similar var. 11. in Dion. Perieg. v. 752; so much for arguments founded on the supposed etymology of tribal names, T^rix in Constant. Porph. de adm. imp. yj. " See F. Hirth, " Ueber Wolga-Hunnen und W\ung-r\u," Sitzitngsber.d. phil.-htst. Classe der k. bayer. Akad. d. Wiss. 1899, Bd u., Heft il., pp. 245 278, Munich, 1900, and review of same by Prof K. Inostrantsev in TRAS. Oriental Section, Vol. XIII. p. 068, St Pb., 1900.
'
;
^
;
and Qovwoi^ the form preferred (he by Eust. ad v. 730 of Dior.. Perieg., but this
Derbiccae is
but to strengthen his view of the late invasion of
;
•'
m
2
VI
Getae
Hu?is.
]
123
from there being no other stock to whom the; Tyragetac can be referred. They seem clearly distinguished from any variety of Scythian In the time of Philip of Macedon we reatl that Atheas had spread th(; power of the Scythians to the south of the Danul:)e, but this power was, it seems, destroyed by the defeat indicted by Philijy-, n.c. 339. For in 336 Alexander'', having driven the Triballi to take refuge in the island of Feuce, crossed the Ister, defeated the Getae on the north bank to the number of 10,000 foot and 4000 horse, and took their town. It seems hardly possible that in three years' space the Scythians should have thus disappeared and left in their place another nation with a town and large forces, and that this nation should continue the war with Macedon. The question arises, was not Atheas a Getan, called a Scythian just because he lived n. of the Danube Alexander's attack was merely a demonstration, and later the Getae gave much trouble While Alexander was conquering the east his to the rulers of Macedon. lieutenant in Thrace, Zopyrion, made an expedition against the Scythians^ and was annihilated. This again suggests that the authorities did not clearly distinguish Scythians and Getans in this region. About 291 B.C. Lysimachus undertook an expedition against Dromichaetes, king of the Getae, was defeated and taken prisoner with his whole force in the space between the Ister and the Tyras in which, according to Strabo, Darius had suffered Tacchella' refers to successors of Dromichaetes defeat (vii. iii. 8 and 14). coins bearing the names of Acrosandrus, Canites, Adraspus and Sarias, also perhaps Scostoces. We hear little of the Getae for the next two hundred years, for the Galatian invasions weakened all the Thracian and neighbouring tribes. Then about the time of Sulla" there arose a vigorous king among The the Getae, as Latyshev thinks, or according to others among the Daci. fact is that these were two closely connected peoples, and the Romans were apt to apply the name Daci to both because they approached the pair of them from the west, whereas the Greeks called both Getae, having come It is with this king Byrebista" that Strabo in closest contact with these'. account He found his people oppressed (vii. iii. 11) begins his of the Getae. wars united them and trained them till and weakened by continuous but he had subdued the greater part of their neighbours. He harried the Roman provinces and Thrace, destroyed the Keltic Boii and Taurisci, and took Olbia and the other Greek towns along the coast as far as Apollonia', At least the time given by Dio for this destruction, 50 years before the delivery of his .speech, between 67 B.C. and 50 B.C., agrees with the time Caesar of Byrebista's power which ended with his death about 44 B.C. intended an expedition against him, but when Augustus sent one, the king '.
.'*
1
'
hoff,
For a good account of the Getae see Mullen-
DA.
—
also 125 163 Geschichte d. Gr. Spr.,
III.
Einl. in d.
pp.
;
Tomaschek, Thraker, i. p. 93 p. 72, note 12, and p. 149 sqq.
iii.
II.
^
Justin, IX.
^
Arrian, Anab.
*
Justin,
2.
II.
Getae
in
;
p.
213,
Latyshev,
I.
iii.
i,
4; Xll.
i.
2
;
4;
Str., VII. ii.
iii.
''
Olbia.,
3—8.
16; cp. xxxvii.
Q. Curtius, X. i. 43. Thucydides, both togetlier as 6/i6o-»:fi;oi,
''
Canites
is
;
6.
This form Hupf^io-rri indecl. is used in a contemporary inscr. from Dionysopolis, N. of Varna, Latyshev, /w^r//. Min. Publ. Inst. 1896; Ditt."'' I. Trogus Strabo has Hoi/x^it'ornr, Vli. iii. 11 342. Pomp. Prol. XXXii. 10 Burobustes, or something ;
like
it
;
Jordanes, Get.
XI., IJurvista.
Dio Chrysostom, Or. xxxvi. p. 49. He seems have had a peaceful suzerainty over Dionyso''
to
1900, p. 397 1903, p. 30, but king of the Scythians in CIG. 2056, v. sup.
Jordanes, Get. c. XI. L'f. Uio Cassius, A'//. I.XVII.
"
96, already classes
KavTd irrnoTii^oTiii. " Revue Numismat.
19, n. 3.
1
and
ii.
iii.
p.
Kretschmer,
polls, Uitt.^
i.
342.
16
—
Migrations
History of Scythia,
124
[ch.
had been murdered and the country was divided into four or five warring states, so that the power of the Getae sank as quickly as it had risen. To the Getae belong the Carpi, Carpiani (Ptol. iii. v. lo), Harpii {ib. in. x. 7) between the Tyras and Ister, with the town Harpis on the coast. Niederle' puts them further inland and connects their name with Carpathian, and suggests They that they were Slavs, tJ2e_same as the enigmatical Khoryate or Croats. are not iriehtioned b3^trabo, whereas they were knownto Marinus of Tyre. They could hardly have come in after the annexation of Bessarabia to the Roman Empire under Nero (v. chap, xiv.), so that their appearance coincides time with the migration of the
in
lazyges into the basin of the
Theiss,
and there may well have been causal connection between the two events^ Geographus Ravennas (i. 12) speaks of Sarinatuni Patria which may be either the Theiss valley or Sarmatia e. of the Carpathians, and adds, gens Carporum qiiae f^iit ex praedicta in bello egressa est. That the Carpi were Dacians is shewn not so much by the form KapTroSaKat^ as by the characterThe forms istic place-names in -daria given by Ptolemy in their country. with came through the mouths of Germans, Bastarnae^
H
Bastar7iac
and
Sciri.
These Bastarnae'' are the next invaders from the w. who came to join They were the easternmost the mixed population of this part of Scythia. outpost of the Germanic world, the first Germans to come in contact with These latter at first regarded them as a variety of Kelt and the Greeks. authors speak of them as FaXarai, but the clear statements of the earlier Strabo and others'^ who had learnt the difference between Kelt and German have given Mlillenhoff and Braun good grounds for confidently affirming They are also interesting as having stood between the their German blood. Keltic and Slavonic worlds in the place afterwards occupied by the Goths. Whether or no they were the serpents who drove the Neuri from their country (p. 103), the first position in which we can clearly trace them is on the e. slopes of the Carpathians, which they must have reached before the first great sound-shift, for from them must have come the form Harfa'Sa in which the word Carpathians occurs in Norse epics'. At the beginning of the second century B.C. they moved down to the Danube and were employed by Philip of Macedon against the Thracians. Being defeated the greater part returned home, but a part settled in the island Peuce, near the mouth of the Danube (p. 12), and never rejoined their fellow tribesmen, though consciousness of their affinity continued for centuries, and geographers, mistakenly identifying Peucini and Bastarnae, placed the former in the interior in the places occupied by the latter. Strabo is the first to say where the main body of the Bastarnae lived after leaving the Carpathians. He locates them in the interior bordering on the Tyragetae and the Germans, I. p. 424 sqq., II. 107, 122. Braun, p. 174 sq. ^ Zosimus, IV. xxxiv. 6. * Carpidae, given by Ephorus ap. Scymnum 841 in Pcripl. Anoiyini i^ 75 (49), is probably a mistaken correction of Caliippidae, for E. follows Herodotus, and the change might be made by Anon. or one of his authorities who knew the late Carpi. *
2
Slaii. Atit.
* Braun, p. Cf. Niederle, op. cit. I. 99 sqq. 289 sqq.; Miillenhoff, DA. II. 104 sq. Str. Vii. iii. 17 Pliny IV. 100; Tac. Genu. 46. ^ Niederle takes the snakes literally, and will not allow the Bastarnae on the Carpathiiins before Trogus Pomp. XXVIII. mentions them 250 B.C. about 240. N. will not grant any defined date to
p.
"^
;
the sound-shifting.
VI
Carpi
]
^
Basta?'?iae^
Sciri^
Kelts
125
In this position, though they that is in Galicia and upper Bessarabia. retained their German s[)eech, manner of Wiii and houses, Hvinjj^ a settled Hfe and going afoot as opposed to the Sarmatians who spent their time in
waggons or on horseback, still by mixed marriages they took on something In spite of the words mixed marriages, of the dirty ways of the Sarmatians'. we must beware of thinking of the Bastarnae as bastard (Germans, as Braun has shewn that this use of the root hast is only mediaeval. Also they are not to be identified with the Galatae of the Protogeiies inscription''. If TaXarai there meant Germans, we should not have FaXaTat /cat ^/ctpot, as these latter would be included in the greater denomination^ These Sciri offer no great difficulty, although they are not mentioned again until the time of Fliny\ who puts them on the Vistula to the s. of the Goths, between them and the Bastarnae we may suppose that they, with their companion Kelts, were partakers in the movement which brought the Bastarnae into Thrace, but instead of continuing as far as that more distant Being foiled in their attempt objective they turned aside to plunder Olbia. the Sciri probably returned to the Vistula with the chief mass of the Bastarnae, whereas the Kelts who came from Northern Hungary remained It seemed as if the Sciri remained on the Danube together with the Peucini. anions^ the most remote Germanic tribes, until these at last moved south But some Sciri are found in the wake of their more advanced countrymen. among the tribes subject to the Huns about 381 a.d., and again in 409, when The Huns they were caught in a flight and destroyed or sold as slaves^ could scarcely have reached the Sciri on the Vistula perhaps some of them Ptolemy does not mention any Sciri". had settled further soutli. :
;
Kelts and Goths. Finally, beside the Germanic Bastarnae and Sciri there were Kelts on Ptolemy puts them above the Peucini, between them and the lower Danube. Their towns were the Harpii, calling them Britolagae, v.l. BptroyaXXot. Noviodunum and Aliobrix, names whose Keltic character is evident. Various views have been taken as to how Kelts came there, and whence and when, and with these questions is bound up that of the date of the Protogenes The eastern movements of the Kelts had brought them to inscription". positions from which a detachment might have moved down to the three From the Eastern Alps, occupied about 400 B.C., they lower Danube. spread further, and in 281 attacked Thrace along the western border, and On their way back the in 279 made their great descent upon Delphi. remnants occupied se. Thrace, and founded a kingdom under Comontorius This kingdom continued with a capital TuXr; or TuXt?, near Mount Haemus. till 213 B.C. when a rising of the Thracians utterly destroyed them^ These are the Kelts who are supposed by W. A. S. Schmidt", and after him Latyshev", Connubiis mixtis nonnihil in Sarmatarum habitum foedantur, Tac. Germ. 46. App. j = /osPE. I. 16, cf. ch. XV. •
'*
A. -Spitsyn refers to the Bastarnae the stray objects of La Tene style found in Russia, BCA. xn. p. 78, but it is as Hkely that they are due to Kelts. '
•
A'//. IV. 97.
*
Zosimus,
IV. xxxiv.
6
:
Sozonien, IX.
5.
" Braun, p. 117 sqq. 302 sqq. ^ Polybius IV. xlv. 10;
*
"
Das
;
Niederle, op. xlvi.
cit.
I.
p.
i.
olbische Fsephisma zu
Ehren des Pro-
togenes," R/ietnischcs Museum fiir I'hilologic Bonn, 1835-6, p. 357 sqq., 571 sqq. " Olbia, p. 66 sqq.
iv.,
126
Migrations
HistOfy of Scythia,
[ch.
Boeckh thought that the have extended their devastations as far as Olbia. were Scordisci from Pannonia. In each of these cases the incursion must have been pushed very far from the base of the people making it, Moreover it is and they must have returned to their own place again. hard to see how they should have come into combination with the Germanic Sciri. Whereas if we suppose that there was a general southward movement of Keltic tribes settled in northern Hungary, and Germanic tribes from over the mountains in Galicia, Britolagae, Bastarnae and Sciri, this combination could be well understood and the assailants would be found again in the Britolagae on the Danube. That would put the Protogenes inscription in the second century b.c, not in the third, and this agrees best with the general character of the lettering which still does not preclude its belonging
to
assailants
to the third century according to Latyshev's view'.
To
influence we may attribute the presence in S. Russia of fibulae derived from the La Tene type'\ but Spitsyn (I.e.) puts them down to the Bastarnae. Keltic too, if we may trust the engraving, is a coin from the Crimea figured by WaxeP. Yet one more nation entered Sarmatia from the west, the nation which brought about the fall if not the absolute annihilation of the Greek colonies on the mainland. The Goths appear in the steppes early in the third
Keltic
century a.d., and by 238 already receive a stipend from the empire\ This aroused the envy of the Carpi, who claimed to be as good as they, and on being treated by the Romans with contempt they crossed the Danube and destroyed Istropolis, a.d. 241. Under Philip the Arabian the stipend to the Goths was unpaid and they in their turn invaded the empire and laid siege to Marcianopolis. After defeating the Gepidae who had tried to follow them into the rich plain, but were forced to return to their seat in Galicia, the Goths under Cniva again invaded the empire in 249, took Philippopolis in 250, and the following year defeated and killed the emperor Decius. In the war which followed the Goths, whom the historians with characteristic pedantry call Scythians, used boats to harry the coasts not jnerely of the Euxine from Pityus to Byzantium, as the Russians were to do after them, but also those of the Aegean, sacking even such towns as Ephesus and Athens, as well as "Trojam Iliumque vix a bello illo Agamemnoniaco quantulum se reparantes"'*! But a great combined invasion, rather a migration by land and sea with women and children, was destroyed by Claudius, who well earned the title Gothicus. Aurelian ceded Dacia to the Goths and peace was made in 270, a peace which lasted with slight interruptions till the eve of the Hunnish invasion. But before crossing the Danube the Goths had worked their will upon Olbia and Tyras. Coining comes to an end with the first half of the reign of Alexander Severus, and the latest inscription (App. 14) is of the time of Philip the Arabian Olbia was not quite deserted, for later coins, even Byzantine ones, have been found on the site, but it ceased to be a Hellenic :
1
V.
Braun,
p.
126 sqq.
;
Niederle,
I.
p.
303 sqq.
Die Altgermanische Thicr-Ornaj/ientik, p. 5 sqq. R. Hausmann, "Einige Bemerkungen iiber neuere Fibelforschung und liber die Fibeln im Odessaer Museum," Trans. Od. Soc. ^
B.
Salin,
XXI. '^
*
S)ii. III. i. i —7. 255 Suite dii Rccucil (VAntiquites^i.
p.
Cf.
;
^"j.
Hodgkin, Italy and her Invaders'^, Vol.
p. 46. ^
Jord. Get. xx.,
cf.
Zosimus,
i.
xxxv. sqq.
I.
4
Goths
vi]
^
Tauroscythae^ Maeotae
127
The
Cioths probably obtained from it. as from Panticapaeum, some of the ships they used in their distant sea expeditions Hut from the time of the coming of the Goths the history of the Pontic (}reek states is at an end, save only for Chersonese on its well-defended peninsula. For her these new city'.
'.
tribes mostly
meant new markets
commerce.
for her
Crimea and Caucasus.
At the other end of the region whose history we are considering, about the west end of the Caucasus, we find another group of tribes whose position Here the causes are just the opposite it is again very hard to determine. The mountainous to those which jiroduce difficulty in the great plain. country has cut up the inhabitants into tribes so small that the number of Pliny, names furnished by the ancient authors conveys no idea to our minds. for instance {NH. iv. 85), speaks of thirty tribes in the Crimea, and hardly any of his names occur in any other author, they seem to be the designations This region appears of the inhabitants of particular valleys and villages. to have preserved some relics of the Scyths, possibly joined with the Tauri. Scythotauri may mean but the Scyths living in or near the Tauric Chersonese, or it may be just the Tauric natives, loosely called Scythians. It is hard to see how the Scyths could have really amalgamated with the However, Scilurus as ruler of the western steppes in mountain people. the time of Mithridates made his power felt against Chersonese, and had occupied Balaklava, so that he had penetrated to some extent into the The Scythae Satarchae in the Crimean steppe may be Tauric territory. either relics of Scyths or a Sarmatian tribe. Our written authorities draw no clear line of distinction between Sarmatae and Maeotae on the one hand, and on the other between the Sindi, who were almost certainly Maeotae, and their se. neighbours. But the barbarian names found in the inscriptions at Phanagoria and Gorgippia shew a much smaller proportion of Iranian derivatives than those of Tanais, and these few are either widely distributed Persian names or names of particularly common occurrence at Tanais that seem to have spread about the Bosporan kingdom. This would seem to point to the indigenes of the Euxine coast being of a different stock from the Sarmatian natives surrounding Tanais, This is Miillenhoff's view. On the and so presumably Caucasian. other hand, Professor Lappo-Danilevskij-' })oints out the substantial identity of customs and civilisation of the people who heaped up barrows along the Kuban and along the Dnepr and, assigning his Karagodeuashkh barrow to Possibly a ruling the Sindi, refers these to the same stock as the Sarmatians. tribe, nearly related to the Scyths, played the same part to the east of the Maeotis that their cousins played to the west, and dominated many tribes of This would account for the various origin, some Iranian and some Caucasian. similar customs used at the burial of kings in two regions so widely separated\ '
^
Latyshev, C/*/rt, Zosimus, I. xxxi.
Goths p.
I
V.
— 80,
p. 2
1
N. Repnikov^s excavations near (kirzuf
Mat. 206 sqq. •'
o.
For remains of the Crimean MacPherson's A'^r/f//, pi. v., and /yC//.xix.
p.
*
xiii.
Straijo,
XI.
Dioscurias that
St
F.
ii.
16,
the
1894, pp.
96
— in,
v.
inf.
says of the people above greater part are Sarmatae
Migrations
History of Scythia.
128
[ch.
East of the Sea of Azov the tribes along the coast where the Caucasus comes close to the Black Sea were certainly the ancestors of the people The best account of these, that inhabited the district till the other day.
and of the Maeotae
chapter of Latyshev's introduction to But he only takes notice of the tribes
too, is in the first
the Inscriptions of the Bosporus^
mentioned
in
his inscriptions.
Sarmatae really included the lazamatae, whom Maeotae Iranian too were the Aorsi and Siraci, of whom Strabo says that they came down from the north (xi. v. 8). They seem to have encroached upon the Maeotae, who appear once to have
As we have
some
seen, the
authorities give as
:
far as the Tanais along the Palus that bore their name. Earlier (xi. ii. ii) Strabo gives a list of tribes among the Maeotae, Sindi, Dandarii, Toreatae, Agri, Arrhechi, Tarpetes, Obidiaceni, Sittaceni, Of these the Sindi are much the Dosci, and the people called Aspurgiani. most interesting. They first fell under Greek influence, their territory, the Taman peninsula and a little to the e. of it by the southern mouth of the Kuban, being full of Greek towns, hence they alone have left us coins (PI. IX. 25 27) and they are first mentioned in the inscriptions of the Bosporan kings apart from the other " Maitae'," that is they became so Hellenized that they hardly counted as Maitae {losPE. 11. 6 8, 10, 11, 15,
reached as
—
—
—
After the Sindi the Maeotae are taken together, 36, 347, Next are mentioned Toretae°, Dandarii", e.g. ^Lvhoiv KoX MaiT(x)v navTMuK Tarpetes^ Doschi^ Sirachi'^. Strabo omits to mention the Thateis^", and the name is found in the text of no author, but Boeckh restored it for ®paKa>v Diodorus xx. 22 and in Ptolemy for mss. ©e/o/xatoirat, ©er/xoifTat put @aT(ets) Maiwrai. The inscriptions give also the name Pses[s]i". Of these tribes Toretae seem to have lived on the coast just e. of the Sindi, the the Dandarii n. of them near the upper branch of the Kuban, the others cannot be well located except the Aspurgiani between Gorgippia and Phanagoria, and these appear to have been not a tribe but rather a political party or a military colony founded by Aspurgus'". Along the coast next to the Toretae (at Bata) came the Cercetae, says Artemidorus, then the Achaei, Zygi and Heniochi; but the authors who treated of the wars of Mithridates put the Cercetae to the east of these latter, between them and the Moschi. Last of the coast series come the Colchi". The Cercetae may well be the Circassians. There may have been a change of population here in spite of the natural difficulties, or Artemidorus may have confused the Cercetae and Toretae, whom Anon. Periplus (63 (22)) makes the same. Further up in the mountains Strabo (xi. ii. i, 19; v. 7, 8) tells of Macropogones, Phthiro-
344
IV.
4I8)^
all Caucasian. So even in his time some Sarmatian tribes had taken to the mountains like
and
their last representatives
the Oss^tes. Tirgatao, queen of the Maeotae, had an Iranian name, v.
supra
p. 39.
.
losPE. Vol. II. p. ix, as usual amplifying the work of Boeckh, CIG. 11. p. 100. ^
Her.
App. 27, 29, 29", 30, 31, 35, 42. App. 2(f = IosPE. II. II. App. 27 = IosPE. II. 6 App. 2g = IosPE. App. \7. = IosPE. II. 36, ib. IV. 419.
*
*
344
IV. 123, Mat^rai.
Tdp-n-eires.
27, 29.
App.
Last in losPE.
42.
347, 11. 4, 5, [xjal ^aaiKivovroy "Iwhuiv, MatTcoi',/[0]aTe'a)i', Aoo-;^a)i'. " Not Maeotae, v. sup. p. 121. 11.
App. y:) = IosPE.\\. 346; App. 3 = /i^j/'.f". II. App. 35, losPE. 11. 15 ib. 347. i' ApP- 27 and 42 cf. St. Byz. s.v. Latyshev, losPE. Ii. introd. p. xxxix, and
'"
8
;
1
;
;
''^
Cf.
;
;
App.
'
*
^
3
"
Rostovtsev in 11.
BCA.
X. p.
15.
cani are very likely the same, Strabo, XI. ii. 14. '•''
v.
Ptolemy's Asturich. xix.
VI
Maeotae^ Caucasus
]
I
29
Melanchlaeni, Soanes above Dioscurias, in what is now Svanetia, Troglodytes (in the Caucasus there are great cave citi(^s of barbarous and date'), Chaniae-coetae, Polyphagi, Isadici, and to the north of the unknown Panxani other authors add many names in their Hsts, Nabiani and chain identified. cannot be The Melanchlaeni and Phthirophagi occurring but they identified with the Melanchlaeni and Budini' in the interior here have been beyond Scythia, and have accordingly added to the confusion. The descendants of thes(; tribes have not moved or have only b(;(Mi moved of lat(^ years by the Russian administration, which found the Circassians too little amenable The survival of the names Cherkess, Svan, Abkhaz (the to its rule. Abasgi)' shews that there has been no great change of population, although most of the modern tribal names are not to be identified with those mentioned pha<^i,
;
by the ancients. This completes a general view of the peoples of the north coast of the Euxine and their chief movements down to the period of great migrations. '
Vol.
London,
Dubois de Montpdreux, and Haxthausen, Transcauca'iia,
Uplostsikhe,
e.g. IV. pi.
I.
S(.|q.,
1854, p. 424. IV. 109, sup. p. 105.
-
Her.
^
Anon. 51 (lo). Ta- H I.V, v. p. 121.
Marquart {Erd/isa/ir, p. 1 99 sqq. Exc. HI. Toxaristan) tries to shew that Ta-hia is an attempt of the Chinese to write Tukhara, the form T'u-huo-lo(in HiianTsang, A.D. 629 645, and Wei- and Sui-shu) belonging to a later date when they were rather more successful in expressing The old equation Ta-hia = Dahae foreign sounds. (A. Kemusat and others) had Ijcen disproved by Gutschmid {Gesch. Irans, p. 62, n. 2), for the Dahae were far to the N\v. near the Caspian (.Str. XI. vii. I et al.) whereas the data (supra, p. 121) make it clear that geographically Ta-Hia=Bactria. Marquart explains his own identification by supposing that the Tochari left the Tarim basin in a migration earlier than that of the Viie-chih, and *
—
that these caught
them up and conquered them
in
Bactria but we ha\e no Chinese account of such a separate movement of the Tochari, nor docs Strabo have supposed I or Justin support it (v. p. 122). (mainly following Franke, op. cit. p. 30) that the Yiie-chih when driven \v. by the Huns conquered the Tochari in the Tarim basin, and the two tribes, ;
M.
whatever the former
differences between them, one, then together they were forced through Farghana (rather than Dzungaria, x. Shih-ki I.e.) to Trans-Oxiana and later moved S. to Hactria. The Chinese went
became
politically
Yiian= Farghana.
This
latter
like \'avana, but F. Hirth,
might seem more
Ueber freinde
EiiiJIiisse
in dcr chincsischcn Kunst, Munchen, 1896, p. 24, gives good reasons against this interpretation.
17
.
I30
CHAPTER
VII.
PRR-SCYTHIC REMAINS IN SOUTH RUSSIA. I OUGHT perhaps to ask forgiveness for mentioning remains that have no direct connection with Greeks or even with Scythians, but these paragraphs make accessible to EngHsh readers what it is difficult for them to read for themselves, and give a certain completeness to this hasty survey of Russian archaeology. Also the interest of the Tripolje culture soon to be described is so general that exception can hardly be taken to some account of it being given. No satisfactory attempt can yet be made to sum up the prehistoric antiquities of Russia. The time has not come. As compared with Western Europe the series still has many gaps that will be filled up in due course: we cannot yet tell whether the absence of certain stages be due to their never having existed in Eastern Europe, or to the fact that it is only within the last thirty years that this vast area has been seriously investigated. Even now for the Stone Age we are chiefly dependent on chance finds, and very little has been done towards examining the remains of these
early periods in situ^
Palaeolithic Remains.
The
finds of palaeolithic weapons were made in 1873 near Gontsy Lubny, government of Poltava). They were followed by others in the same part of the country. The remains were associated with the bones of mammoths'. Next Count Uvarov' found others near Murom (government of Vladimir) by the village of Karacharovo and along the course of the Oka. Further, a station has been discovered on the Don, near Kostenki (government of Voronezh), and another not far off at Borshev'. Bone implements of the same periods have occurred in caves near Kalisz first
(district of
Poland.
in
See Archaeological Clnv/ncle of S. R7issia, no. N.Th. Belashevskij," Current Problems of S. Russian Archaeology"; also Ur Niederle, Lidstyo 7/ dobe predhistorickc, Prag, 1893 ("Man in Prehistoric Time"), or better its Russian translation by Th. K. Volkov, ed. by Prof. D. N. Anuchin,
published
Moscow,
Stone Age,
1
I.
1903, p. 6,
1898, pp. 53 sqq. (quoted as Niederle, Preh. Man) and CR. du Congrcs Intern. d'Archcol. preh. et d'Anthrop. XI"" Session a Moscou, Vols. I., II. Professor Anuchin's resum^ made (1892-3). for Brockhaus & Ephron's Encyclopaedia has been
in
German
in the hiternationales Central-
blatt fih' AiUhropologie ii.s.w. For Western Russia 129 sqq.
1903, pp.
and
its
65 sqq.,
connection
with Western Europe see Niederle, Slavo7iic Antiquitics. Part I. Prag, 1904, pp. 435 sqq. 2 Count A. S. Uvarov, Archaeology of Russia,
Moscow,
1881,
Kursk
v.
Vol.
1.
"p.
104.
For
made by Kan'shin at Umrikhino near BCA. XXI. suppl. p. 10.
similar finds ^
op.
*
CR. 1905,
cit.
Vol.
i.
p.
p. 84.
1
12.
CH. vii]
Palaeolithic
Remains
131
But by far the most trustworthy information as to the Early Stone Age Russia is due to the careful investigation by Mr V. V. Chvojka of a station on the very site of Kiev, known as the Cyril Street Settlement'. At a depth of 19 metres from the top of a steep slope forming the S. side of the Dnepr valley, underneath layers of black mould, loss, clay, streaky sand and sand with boulders and above a tertiary stiff blue clay, were found very many mammoth tusks, bones of mammoths, and in a less quantity of other animals contemporary with them, mostly broken and shewing traces of fire, places where fires had been made, that is patches of mixed earth and charcoal often several yards each way and two or three feet thick, and finally mammoth tusks with traces of definite handiwork, even a rude attempt at a drawing'-, together with flint implements of the earliest type. in
The conditions under which the finds were made are best satisfied by the supposition that here was a settlement of man living in the interglacial age a little to the south of the great glacier that covered all N. Russia: the original limits of steppe and forest seem to answer to the line reached by the said glacier. Man settled in the valley of the Dnepr and hunted the mammoth who furnished the chief means of his subsistence, The great amount of the remains shews that he must have lived on this spot for many years. It was probably sheltered from the cold winds and convenient for hunting purposes. Occasional floods marked by layers of sand drove him from his place, but he returned again and again. In the streaky sand above the main layer of remains we find a few patches of charcoal with bones of lesser animals, no longer the mammoth no doubt a change of climate or of physical conditions made this spot uninhabitable and drove away the earlier fauna, so that man could no longer occupy the site permanently. Th. K. V^olkov' has endeavoured to prove that these remains belong to the period called by French archaeologists La Madeleine, the latest palaeolithic period, but Chvojka, in an article in the same journal, makes out a good case for an earlier date. Flint implements of a similar type to those found in Cyril Street have been picked up in various parts of Russia, but this is the only palaeolithic settlement that has been excavated, at any rate in the south of Russia^ Finds of the very latest palaeolithic period, possibly indicating a transition to the neolithic, have been more frequent and extend much further Such north as the retreating ice-sheet allowed man to occupy more country. have been made on the banks of Lake Ladoga by Prof. Inostrantsev and Cave dwellings with chipped flints about the Oka by Count Uvarov. have been investigated along the Dnepr near Kiev by Prof. V. B. Antonovich and by K. S. Merezhkovskij in various parts of the Crimea\ ;
' Transactions of the Xltli Russian Archacological Congress at Kiei', Vol. 1. Moscow, 1902, "The Stone Age on the middle course of the
Dnepr." ^ Trans. (9^. i"^^. Vol. XXUI. p. 203, and yi/r//. Chron. S. Russia, I. pi. i 4. 3 Vol. XLVI. Transactions of the Shevchenko Scientific Society, Lemberg, in Little Russian, trans. into Russian in Arch. Chron. of S. Russia, no. I.
—
^ Ttuvisactions of VI I/lh Russian Archaeological Mr (i. A. Congress, Moscow, Vol. HI. p. 88 sc|C|. Skadovskij's finds of palaeolithic implements in Kherson govt quoted by Hobrinskoj, -Sw. in. p. iii. Niederle, /'/
—
17—2
\
Pre-Scythic Remains:
132
Neolithic
[ch.
Early neolithic stations are also found in all parts of Russia from the Winter Shore (Zimnij Bereg) on the White Sea and the borders of Lake Onega to Kazan on the Volga, and to Jiirjeva Gora near Smela, The pottery with many other points in the basin of the Dnepr about Kiev. is very rude and shews no special points of contact with other cultures'. In the far west of Russia, between the Carpathians and Kiev, we find in the neolithic period distinct traces of connection with the coasts of the Baltic, pottery with string patterns {Schniirkeramik), northern types of axe and amber, but such finds are few and poor. This gives way in transitional times to banded ware, which seems to have come in from the south and has analogies in central Europe^ Close by the palaeolithic station at Cyril Street, Kiev, Chvojka investigated the most important neolithic site in S. Russia. Whereas palaeolithic man preferred the lower slopes of the valley, neolithic man chose the plateaus above. Here were found the remains of a village which must have existed long. The more primitive dwellings were as it were caves cut in from the edge of the slope the great majority was formed by digging out a shallow pit oblong or round from three to five and a half yards across and about a foot or eighteen inches deep''. In the middle of this they dug a hole from 2 ft. 6 in. to 5 ft. deep, 6 ft. 6 in. to 8 ft. across, with a way down into it made with steps, and at the other end a niche in the face of the inner pit with a hearth and a hole for smoke to escape. Round the outer shallow pit were walls of wattle and daub, and over all a roof. The inhabitants threw all the remains of their food into the central pit, shellfish, bones of deer of various kinds, wild boar and beaver, and to some extent horses and cows. But they were also acquainted with agriculture, for we find several examples of hand-mills and lumps, which Chvojka supposes to be cakes. Also they seem to have kept tortoises as pets. Spindle whorls shew that spinning, and probably weaving in some simple form, were known. Most weapons and tools are made of stone or horn of deer or elk. The latter are well made, but the Hint implements are very slightly ground. There is a remarkable absence of arrow-heads. Most characteristic is the pottery, in which is to be traced progress from very ill-baked, formless, cracked vessels, made of the first earth that came to hand, such as are found in the cave dwellings, to fairly graceful pots of considerable size, adorned with dots and lines and made of a careful mixture of clayey sand and pounded shells. Some few pieces approach to the finer kinds found on the " areas " next described. On this same site between two of the huts was found an early mould for casting copper or bronze axes, and near it was a horn axe of exactly the same type, but inasmuch as no metal was found in the houses themselves we may be allowed to class them as neolithic so-called
;
1 Niederle, Preh. Man, Slav. Aiit. i. 445 p. 78 Bobrinskoj, Sm. I. pi. i, 2 III. p. 49 sqq. .Spitsyn, "Stone Age Station at I5ologoe," TRAS. kussoSlav. Section, v. Pt i (1903) p. 239; at Balakhny on the Oka, Spitsyn and Kamenskij, ib. p. 94, vii. Pt I (1905) pp. I 72 Abercromb)', Finns, pp. 58 sqq. ;
;
—
;
^
Niederle, Slav. Ant.
''
Inf. p. 137,
;
;
f.
f.
i.
p. 452.
=Chvojka,
31
Stojie
Age,
p. 24,
11. ^
Spitsyn gives a
earliest
TRAS.
Map
of the stations of the Central and North Russia, Russo-Slav. Section, vii. Pt i, p. "]},.
copper age
in
VIl]
Tripolje
The
13
next class of remains distinguished by the "areas" hereafter to be the.r remarkable pottery and figurines is of very specia interest "''' ""'^" ''' ''' affinities%onsidering itJ r^uher sj^^chd
descnbed with ch^^acTer
*Mii-
ViewofArei-^ftjupit xhukovfiy B.f i4.{
I?.
Fig. 28. Tripolje Culture.
Areas.
The actual "areas are about Kiev but the culture occurs in Russia in the governnients of Chernigov, Kiev. Poltava and Kherson, in Podolia and in bessarabia. Pottery of the same type has been found long since in Galicia at Wygnanka and Ztote P>iicz(', in Bukovina. in Moravia, in Transylvania
Remains
Pi^e-Scythic
134
[ch.
and in northern Moldavia near Cucuteni. Something similar occurs in Serbia and at Butmir in Herzegovina. A southern extension has been traced through Thrace to Thessaly and across the Dardanelles to Hissarlik and Yortan on the Caicus'. The first finds were made about the village of Tripolje on the Dnepr forty miles below Kiev, whence this is called the Tripolje culture. The These are arranged in remains consist of so-called "areas" [p/oskc/iddka). groups of a circular form, sometimes the circle is double or triple for part of its circumference, in any case the areas are closer together on s. and se. than on the in the middle of the circles are usually two or three areas of larger N. and w. The group is always on high ground dipping down to water size than the rest. on the south side. Each "area" is a space from 5 to ro yards long or even, if it be in the centre, more than 20 yards long by 6 or 8 or even 12 broad. The distinguishing mark is found in one or more layers of clay lumps spread over its surface and mixed therewith a surprising number of pots of various Also there appear pedestals like inverted cones or pyramids, sizes and shapes. sometimes shewing traces of having been coloured red or white several times, axes of deer's horn and of flint, sling stones, corn-grinders, shells, bones of animals among others of horses and tortoise shells, and little figures in clay that distantly recall those from Hissarlik. The construction of an area seems to have been as follows. The space to be occupied was marked and dug out to the depth required from two feet to about four, then walls were built of wattle and covered with clay which was Sometimes we seem to have a lean-to with only one wall and fired when dry. In some cases the walls a roof; others had walls on two, three or four sides. were whitewashed or coloured red or bear layers of alternate colour, and there ;
—
Preh. Man, pp. 154 167; Slav. 466; Chvojka, Stone Age, and TRAS. Russian Section, Vol. v. pt 2, p. i, St P. 1904; also Archaeol. Chron. S. Russia, 1904, pp. Khanenko, Antiquites de la Region dit 116, 221 Dniepre, Part I. Kiev, 1899; Th. Volkov, "With regard to our neolithic finds with pottery of preMycenaean type," Arch. Chron. S. Rttssia, 1900, 1. A. Linnichenko, "On the latest excavations 131 of Mr Chvojka," Tratis. Od. Soc. xxiil. Mmutes, "On a pot from Tripolje with signs upon it," p. 75 lb. text, p. 199; E. von Stern, "Excavations in N. Bessarabia in connection with the question of Neohthic settlements with pottery of a pre-Mycenaean type," Bulletin of Xllth Russian Archaeolog. Congress (Kharkov, 1902), p. 87; A. A. Skrylenko, "On Clay statuettes from Tripolje," ib. p. 223; A. Spitsyn, "Report of V. N. Domanitskij's Excavations of Clay Areas near Kolodistoe, Cjovt of Kiev" PCA XII n 87- CR rooC 106 108 Niederle,
'
Ant.
I.
pp. 455
—
;
;
;
/v-
'y.
'j
K
J
'
fakirno
cii
St
^^
B
'
e
1
'
Z^enigorodka. Von Stern ha's publishecrand fllustrated with excellent plates the results of his excavations at Petrdny (district of Beltsy in Bessarabia) and has given his general views at length in his article "Die pramykenische Kultur in c,;^ u,,..^i„„^" (Russian ny , Sud-Kussland and /Oerman)\ in 17 Vol. I. r.( -7',.,„.^^/-,.,o ^ffh, vTTti I I'l u \ n 01 1 ransactions of the Xllth {Kharkov) Cone-jess r.-
of Russian Archaeologists, are
in
Chvojka's
in
finds
central
the the
European
Soctety'^
•
1
1
Moscow,
Museum
town Museum
at
finds are discussed
His Odessa,
1906. at
Kiev.
The
by H. Schmidt
—
Kthnologie, XXXV. (1903), pp. 438 469, "Tordos"; xxxvi. (1904), 608 656, " Troja, Mykene, Ungarn"; xxxvn. (1905), 91— 113, " Keramik der makedonischen Tumuli" the Tran-
in Zt. f.
—
;
sylvanian (Priesterhiigel) by J. Teutsch, Mitth. d. Atithrop. Ges. in Wiefi, 1900, pp. 193 202; the Rumanian by"M. Hoernes, Urgeschichte d. bild. /u/wj/, p. 210; the Serbian by M. Vasic, 67rt;'z;/ar, I.
—
(1^07) "Zuto Brdo," and BSA. xiv. pp. 319—342 » xhe South-Eastern Elements in the Prehistoric Civilization of Servia." The whole question is well ggt forth by R. M. Burrows, The Discoveries in Crete (London, 1907), pp. 184—202, and his rdsum^ \\_
gives
that the English reader requires but wants see too D. G. Hogarth, Ionia and the (Oxford, 1909), p. 113; and Peet, VVace and all
illustrations
^Vw/
;
Thompson in C/rtj-«V«/ 7?^?^ 1908, pp. 232— 238 for For Thrace (Tell Racheff near further literature. , , u^ i-ctt^ m^ r^t J^mboli, see Fr. Jerome, L'Epoque Neolithique Revue Archc'ologique <^^'ns\z.Wa\\6e dn'Yonsus" •
,
m
3' XXXIX. (190.), pp. 3^8-349, and CIt du Congres IfernationaldArcheologu^ic)oi,Mher^s,^. 207), Seure-Degrand LCH. 1906, pp. 359 sqq. 2i^° Tsountas and Stais have found neolithic stations npocaropcKac a.ponoXu, Ac^.^u.ov .at l^^' ^°\,^' Seo-KAou, Athens, 190b, esp. pi. XI; and Wace and -7 \ y^ -r -^i V ^ a i Droop at Zere la in Thessaly, .(^w/ij/j- of Archae^ j ^ j, x; /i .\ o "^"Sy and Anthropology (Liverpool), 1908, p. 116 i.'5^.xiv. p. 197 sqq. for imported ware at sj, Italy see T E. Peet, Ihe .Stone and ^''^^<=''^' •
1
,
j-
/:
!
;
f
^''''"'' '^^-'' "' ^^''^^^
('^•^f°'''^'
'909), P- >o8, f 36.
vu ]
Tripoljc
135
every trace of the structure.' existing a considerable period and l)eing restored and beautified from time tt) time. Remains are also found of a kind of cornice Sometimes there had been a floor of hardened clay. The layers to the walls. of clay lumps seem to be the remains of the walls and perhaps the roof, and is
Vc rcmjc
"V^-^saffiiBs'i^fir.,^
XXVI
Fig. 29.
Grooved ?ot&.
V. p.
137.
where there are many layers it is probable that the structure has been destroyed and reedified. Occasionally there seem to have been interior walls. Amid the clay lumps, standing or lying or upside down on the original floor, are the remarkable vessels which give chief interest to the discovery, as in them and the figures some have seen an analogy to the early Aegean culture. As many as eighty have been found together. Chvojka divides the areas into two classes
[CH.
Pre-Scythtc Remains
^^
CvJLlture A. V.V Chvojkau.
6torxt /\de
on the /AiddU Br\e
pr.
Tripolje.
Copper.
X)^ I
10
XXVUl.lo.
Creim
o.acL
Lark brown Fig. 30.
VII
Tripolje
]
.t:,,':onT'^l.^^;:'p^'i„ro['';i:;,:'^^'"s
;s=^^^-^rs: -
C Kvajkt
.
Stwe Kq<
.
p.y -fi
.
A
Culture^
-
p-j«'se th« ,uestio„ which or
-^=^^*-jp^-*^^^ -TSfipgikaiqpifcJTi^
I? yy ly.
Arg ft$ at 'Zhukovhy
G.atUrg"fe , ujitK ft>h
onJ Cogg ftnd ^Ut dod^JiW-.
5tftiot\
of Pit hooie
Ch vo] k4 ^hoe A,dft .
f.l4.f.n. C^nlS'. Kiev.
SootFloor
lot It,
ActuKiilitiohi. '
Fig. 31.
ZZ
V. p.
139; for pit-house
CUimneu^
\
p. 132.
above, conical pots T\ ^^^^"^'-^5'^ openings ^y^ P'"^J^ of the fingers
on little rims to support and three dots on a round or t^; heart-shaped projection of clay, stone axes bSred through and even one or Uvo copper ones, most of all by the P.dornment of the pots dther with graceful
T
'"'''l^
Z
18
Pre-Scythic Remains
VII
Tripolje Culture^
]
B
^"^9
wavy patterns made by four or live parallel tjrooves giving a ribbon-like effect, or with eciiially easy spirals painted on a yellow or reddish ground with reddish or brownish paint and polished to a smooth and pleasant surface. Also the idols are more like crosses than human beings. In (ff. 31 34) on the other hand the shapes of the i)ots are mon; angular, the ornament especially when incised is less free and chiefly confined to the ujjper half of the pot, the rim of which is sometimes adorned with heads of animals and birds in relief There are no axes with holes bored in them and no metal free spirals or
—
B
much
whatsoever, by so
B
seems
inferior,
but the statues of
women
are very
1.4.
Fig. 33.
B
much
better than the cruciform idols of A. Also has curious pedestals of clay which have been painted several times, or stands of clay supporting a stone basin. In also have been found remains of half-cooked corn hidden below
B
B
the general level of the platform. Moreover in have been found marks, some occurring singly upon vessels and perhaps denoting ownership as the Tanigi of the Caucasian tribes, in one case' set in a row and presenting a remarkable resemblance to an inscription. It would seem as if were superior to and later than it, but the difference in the statuettes is most remarkable.
A
B
'
Figured
in
the
Trans. Od. Soc. Vol. xxni.
p.
202.
18—2
1
Pre-Scythic Remains
4-0
[ch.
Chvojka thinks that the cultures A and B belonged to the same people but that Perhaps A has mostly imported from the south the elements that distinguish to be the more modern. the occurrence of metal in A proves it.
it
As to the object of the areas, they cannot be dwellings, because about them are none of the traces of habitation, no remains of food or pottery thrown away, hardly any implements or signs of a perpetual hearth. Though no urns of ashes or interments were found in the earlier diggings Chvojka came to the conclusion It is a remarkable conception that they must be tombs or chapels of the dead. that on the highest suitable hill near the village there should have been the Except in one circle of little chapels dedicated to the departed of each family. The culture of the pit houses case we have not happened upon the village. on M. Sventoslavskij's ground near the site on Cyril Street, Kiev, of which we first spoke, seems to occupy a half-way position between the period of the earlier pit houses and that of the areas, having similar pottery and also arrow-heads which are not found in the earlier houses. The pottery rather resembles than B. Later excavations about Rzhishchev and Kanev^ have shewn that the same people lived in the more advanced pit dwellings and built the areas. Better preserved specimens of these unspoilt by the plough have yielded urns full of human ashes and thereby placed their purpose beyond a doubt bodies some scorched and some untouched by fire shew that cremation was not the exclusive custom, but it is not clear whether it was going out or coming in". Superior especially in range of colour to anything from Tripolje is a pot from Podolia of which Chvojka has recently sent me a photograph. This pot which he classes with stands 2 ft. 6 in. high and its surface is covered with light brown slip. On the upper slope are two bands of ornament in dark red, the lower curvilinear, the upper having drawings of a he-goat, a nanny goat, a deer and a dog. It was full of scorched wheat grains. Other vases from Podolia have on a ground painted black, light brown, yellow or grey, spjrals and curves in three colours, white, light or dark red, orange or brown according to the ground^ Von Stern's finds at Petreny likewise surpass Fig. 34. Pot from Podolia '^'''"''"" ^^ Tripolje ware in range of colour. There is litde Ch^oka incised work and the figurines are few and very rude, one of them is striped most of the attempts at modelling in the round come from one single area. The shapes too of the vases are not The painting however is very abundant and of a so varied as further north. high order. In a few cases on the natural red or yellow surface of the clay the patterns have been painted directly in black or violet brown. More often the natural clay is covered by a slip, polished if it be red or brown, dull if it be white or yellowish on this the painting is applied in black or violet brown (often with a greenish tinge to judge by the plates), rarely yellow or red. In a few cases
A
:
B
:
:
1
TEAS.
Russo-Slav.
Section,
Vol.
v.
Pt
2,
St P. 1904. 2 3
Chvojka, Arch. Chron. S. Russia, 1904, p. 223. Private letter from Mr Chvojka, Jan. 8, 1907.
I take this opportunity of thanking him most deeply for sending me reprints of his articles, unpublished photographs and very kind letters to enable me to keep abreast of his researches.
T7'ipolje
VII
Culture
141
both black and red are used tocrether. The desitj^ns are mostly of much the same character as those here; illustrated, especially those of culture; Ji (j). 138, f. They are founded on the spiral executed with wonderful skill, simpler 32). The attempts at the curves also come in, arcs of circles and fairly straight lines. human figure scarcely come up to those illustrated above, and the animals including oxen, dogs and goats are not equal to those on the Podolian pot. There are the same knobs and tiny handles. The potter's wheel is strange to the whole culture. Chvojka, the
first discoverer, thought that this was an autochthonous developed by the Indo-Europeans before they differentiated, perhaps more particularly by that section of the race which was to become the Slavs.
civilisation
Those who studied the Western regions, where somewhat similar spirals occur, did not at first dare to think that northerners could have been so artistic without external influence, and ascribed the highly developed decoration to the influence of the Aegean exercised through traders and the importation of wares. Independently M. Much, H. Schmidt and von Stern advanced the view that the movement was the other way, that the northern finds are earlier in date than the similar objects in the Aegean region in fact von Stern even entitles " Russian version of his paper Pre-historic Greek Culture in the S. of the thinks that Russia," and the artistic people who made the Petreny pots moved south and concjuered even as far as Crete. The difficulty here is that we can trace back continuous development on such sites as Cnossus to a neolithic stratum far inferior in artistic power that is, that the supposed northern immigrants to the pots at Petreny must have gone back in their art on reaching new countries, and afterwards raised it again to the height of Kamares ware or ware from Phylakopi which according to von Stern recall Tripolje and Petreny. This is of course the wars of conquest may have caused a setback in art. possible But the fact is that we do not know enough yet to talk of movements or Still, having regard to the artistic gifts of the Mediteraffinities of races. ranean as opposed to the Northern race, it may be that the basis of the Tripolje population was a geographically northern outlier of the former subjected to the strong influence of its neighbours, the varying strength of this influence accounting for the differences presented by similar cultures to The inconsistency of funeral customs argues the same the westward. Cremation would seem to have come in from the north, but not mixture. yet to have put an end to the vivid consciousness of the dead man's continued presence and needs which goes with primitive interment. Hence the numerous offerings. Under their less favourable conditions pottery painting was the one art which the Tripolje folk brought to a high standard, that figurines'. Before they could advance further and the modelling of some There is nothing in S. Russia they seem to have come absolutely to an end. which can claim to be in any sense a successor to the Tripolje- Petreny They may have moved south or they may have been overwhelmed culture. They were agriculturists long before the date of the agriby newcomers. cultural Scythians, but the next people to dwell in their land were thorough
—
:
;
B
For a fuller statement of the various views of Wosinsky, Schmidt, and Hoernes, sec Burrows, '
op.
cit.
pp. 189
— 196.
He
regards
an outlier of the Mediterranean
tlie
race.
art as
due
to
Pre-Scythic
142
Remams
[ch.
spoilt by its materials having of the nomad race buried doubled up according to custom with only one pot by him, but with his bones coloured with the characteristic red\ Niederle^ reviewing the whole subject with very wide knowledge of the He is disinclined Central European finds comes to no very certain conclusions. to hold to the view at first current in Russia that the Tripolje culture evolved entirely on the spot. He takes it to be a special development of the South European band pottery [Bandkeraniik) already approaching the Tripolje .forms This development may at Butmir and other sites across to Transylvania. have been called forth by intercourse with the Aegean area and Asia Minor going by way of Rumania and Bessarabia, but the gap in our knowledge of distant resemthese countries makes it so far impossible to trace its progress. blance to forms from the Mediterranean region is undoubted, but investigators of Aegean styles seem to see it less clearly than those who have dealt with N. Europe^ The statuettes also recall Southern forms. The i9 culture moreover shews analogies with the Northern style before mentioned, especially in the wide open fiower-pot shaped vases\ consideration of these relationships inclines Niederle to put the whole culture at about 2000 B.C., which would give time for the period of coloured skeletons to follow. But it seems premature to attempt to assign dates, only we must allow a long period for the red skeletons.
At Khalepje one area had been
Nomads.
been used
to pile a
barrow
for a
man
A
A
Coloured Skeletons.
Right across South Russia from Podolia and Kiev to the slopes of the Crimean mountains and the Caucasus, the most primitive type of grave commonly met with is distinguished by the fact that the skeletons are coloured bright red, mostly with ochre or some other earth containing iron. The colour is found in a thick layer most abundant upon the upper part of the body and head, and even occurs in lumps lying to one side. The body usually lies with the legs doubled up in a position " making our last bed like our firsts" The interment is in the untouched earth, not in the mass of the barrow. The size of the barrows raised over them shews that these men were great chieftains in their day, though they took so little Often later peoples have used their barrows, with them into the tomb". putting their own dead into a shallower grave in the heap^ Also we find various interments of this type in one great mound, which suggests that within the limits of this period men had had time to forget the first owner of the barrow. Often, but not always, above the body there are the remains of a kind of wooden shelter, more rarely a stone cist. Few objects are found in the tomb, at most one or two round-bottomed pots^ more rarely chips of flint, still more rarely copper or bronze arrow-heads. This gives their 1
^
^
Chvojka, Stone Age, p. 41. Slav. Ant. I. p. 460. Cf. however some of the vases from Cnossus
by Mackenzie, yZ/.S". 1903, 157 sqq.
illustrated p. 189,
ff.
esp.
2 and3.
hand bottom corner) and the northern pots figured by Niederle, Slav. Ant. 1. p. 444, g and r. *
Cf.
p.
T38, f 32 (right
*
SirT. Yivowne, HydriotapMa,chaY).Ul. shewn tomb, p. 177, f. 72, but no colour was found ;
in side
there, ''
e.g.
'^
^
Bezschastnaja Mogila 15 m. high and 230
KTR.
round.
p.
278,
CR.
1883. p. xliv.
Geremes Barrow, KTR. p. 253. good example, Mastjugino (Voronezh) CR.
e.g.
A
1905, p. 97, f
123.
i
Coloured Skeletons
vii] date
belonn^ing
143
stone age, and the first beginnings of found with the colouring of the skeleton in the south at the foot of the mountains. There seems no doubt that the colouring matter was very thickly smeared on the body at burial, and that after the decay of the flesh it impregnated the bones when they had become porous with age. The colour is almost always red, sometimes whitey yellow. The circumstances of the finds preclude the idea that the flesh was taken off the bones and the latter stained on purpose, or that the colouring matter is the remains of paint on the coffin or dye in clothes or cere cloth. Probably these people painted themselves with ochre during life, and when they died they wished to enter the other world in full war paint, and even had a supply for future use put with them. Professor Kulakovskij' compares the painting red of the face of Jupiter Capitolinus and of the hero of a Roman triumph, suggesting that this is an instance of Roman conservatism going back to the as
metal.
to
the
latest
But much more metal
is
was common in Neolithic Italy-. tombs with the characteristic colouring accompanied by pottery and a.xes and spear heads of copper were found by N. I. Veselovskij at Kostromskaja', Kelermes\ Kazanskaja, Tiflisskaja and Armavir'. Many have intruded Scythic interments as that at Vozdvizhenskaja (inf. p. 229, f. 131). Of unexampled richness was a tomb at Majkop*, so much so that one might doubt whether it have any connection with that of the typical coloured skeletons. Here we have associated with the colouring, in this case by means of red lead, gold vessels and other objects testifying The style in some cases, e.g. the plates to remarkable artistic progress. lions bulls', with and recalls the Scythic, in others rather the products of the Caucasus. Still the wooden covering and the characteristic doubled up position offer some resemblance to the simpler coloured burials. Archaic objects are a vessel made of stone, but mounted in gold and with a gold stopper, and implements of stone and copper, as well as bronze also the most primitive times In
the
;
Kuban
the practice
district
richer
;
pottery is not unlike that found in other graves. Quite unlike anything else, and so far unexplained, is a set of silver tubes about 40 in. long, four with golden end-pieces upon these were threaded, through a hole in their backs, solid golden bulls (p. 144, f. 35). There were also fourteen silver vessels, of which two had engraved ornament, recalling faintly the compositions of Western Asia. One is shewn here (p. 144, f. 36), the other* has a more conventional frieze and no landscape. It is probable that we have here relics of a people which formerly stretched all over S. Russia, and buried its dead after daubing them with red colour. have seen that many tribes were pressed towards the Caucasus when enemies entered their land, and this may have been the case with this Here they would be in contact with the Caucasian tribes, and people. :
We
J. A. Kulakovskij, "On the question of coloured skt\t\.ons" Tratts. of t/ie Xl/h Russian Archaeolo^^icat Congress (Kiev), Vol. I. Count .\. A. Bobrinskoj, Sm. II. pp. 24—33,
;
—
3
CR.
1897, pp.
15—17,
ff.
53—62.
^
CR.
1904, p. 96,
looped, the other of
163, 164, type.
ff.
Kohan
one axe double
—
" CR. 1900, p. 86 1902, 1901, pp. 66 45, f. 105 71 pp. 66 75, 86 89, ff. 193, 198; 1903, pp. 61 1905, p. 69; the ff. noted shew the three-legged clay incense-burners (?) peculiar to these tombs,
—
;
—
"
CR. 1897, pp.
^
ib. p. 3,
*
ib. p. 8, ff.
ff.
i
—
2
—
i
3.
27—29.
r.
;
—
;
[cH.
Pre-Scythic Remains
144
Fig. 35.
Fig. 36.
Golden
Silver
Bull.
Majkop.
CR. 1897,
Cup from Majkop.
P-
5,
CR. 1897,
f-
P-
I4a.
7,
f-
t
26.
J.
^
Coloured
VIl]
Ske/eto?is
14.^
through them with Western Asia, also sooner or later they would have to do with the " Scythic " culture, whether the Scyths were their immediate displacers, or whether other movements of population intervened. Mence an intelligible mixture of original customs, Scythic dress shewn by the many gold plates in the form of lions, and Caucasian metal work shewn in the gold and silver bulls and the engraved vessels. We must beware of trying to give this race any historic name. Professor D. J. Samokvasov wishes to call it Cimmerian and date it up to the vith century B.C., but this is going further than is safe'. Mr V. I. Goszkewicz of the Kherson museum unhesitatingly applies the name Cimmerian to graves of this class, which he enumerates fully as far as they occur in the government of Kherson. He says' that in particular cases the position of the bones makes it appear that the colour was applied after the flesh had been removed, and suggests that there existed some arrangement like the " Towers But there are too many suppositions concerned for this to be of Silence." an argument in favour of the Iranian affinities of the Cimmerians. I take Professor J. L. Myres calls " the Kurgan people," it these eire the people He gives a map shewing and declares to have been blonde longheads. such burials right across from the upper waters of the Obj to the Elbe, and As kurgan is just the Russian for as far south as Thessaly and Anatolia. barrow, the name Kurgan people would suit any one between these early folk and the nomads of the xiiith century In the neighbourhood of Kiev, according to Professor V. B. Antonovich^ He mentions two other types of very these people were dolichocephalic''. early burials that occur at any rate in his district, small barrows with the bodies lying straight and often wrapped in elm bark, no objects therewith and graves without barrows but with stone cists, bodies burnt accomBoth these types are comparatively rare and do panied by rude pottery. data for putting them before or after the widely not seem to offer any spread people with coloured skeletons. The early date of the latter is shewn by the invariably bad preservation of the bones. ;
Megalithic Monuments.
The Dolmens" of Russia have not yet been duly investigated, but it seems probable that they are to be referred to a very remote date. They offer close analogies to those in Western Europe, but any direct connection That hard to suppose, because there is a gap in their distribution. is similar forms may arise independently is shewn by the occurrence of dolmens '
History of Russian Law, Warsaw, 1888,
sqq., cf. Bobrinskoj, Sin. '^
11.
p. 134
Treasure Tnn'f and Antiquities, 15k
I.
Kherson,
1902, p. 137.
Geoi^raphical Journal, XXViii. (1906) p. 551, Alpine Races in Europe." The geological changes described in this ingenious paper come before anything with which this book can deal. 3
"The
M.
*
Niederle, Sla7'. .Int.
i.
p. 449.
Talko-Hrincewicz, J., Prsyczynek do posnania huiata Kur/tanowet^o Ukrainy (A contribution to the knowledge of the liarrow-world of the Ukraine), Cracow, 1899, says that the percentage of long heads in these graves is 71, in Scythic, 43, in early '
p. xiii.
Slavonic, 96. "^
\.
A'77\'. pp.
Arc/i.C/ifon. S. Russia, \(.)00,\>. \i6. CR. 1896, p. 163; 1898, p. 33.
446-8
;
19
Pre-Scythic Remai77s
146
[
CH.
and Syria. It is with these last that O. MonCrimea and the Caucasus. At Tsarskaja telius' is found detail of a hole in one of the side slabs further in the latter the remarked in Western Europe and also in India. disposition agreeing with a in the Cimmerians the Kelts dolmens are a welcome To those who see of Europe these monuments probably precede confirmation, but in both ends In a barrow at Verbovka any population to which we can put a name. (Kiev government) was found a circle of twenty-nine stones about four feet high, with engravings something like those of Gavr'inis, but no objects-. in
India, the Sudan, Algeria
would connect those
in the
Diag^am of Dolmen Tsirs.kaja, CP^.i^^^-P^^.J.sS. Fig. 37.
Dolmens with
Total length 3-11 metres
similar holes near Tuapse,
BCA.
=
10
ft.
2^
in.
xxxiii. pp. 83
— 86,
fif.
14
—
16.
Earthworks. Sheer want of stone might prevent the erection of dolmens on the steppes, but no country could better suit earthworks. Besides the innumerable funeral barrows which generally reveal their date on excavation, are These are many works meant either for look-out stations or for defence. of all dates, from the earliest times to the works thrown up by Charles XII of Sweden or the Russian expeditions against the Crimea under Munnich or Suvorov. But merely defensive considerations will not explain the singular forms of some of these great works their extent suggests that they were the work rather of settled people than of nomads, moreover, they occur in the wooded country beyond the steppe. The first account of them was that by A. Podberezskij'. They occur about Kharkov, Poltava*, and in the south of the government of Chernigov, but are specially common in that of Kiev^ and so westwards into Podolia. ;
Some seem
to
have been Occupied
in
Scythian times from the pottery picked
Antiqvarisk
mostly near Romny. In BCA. V. pp. 1—95, A. Spitsyn gives short particulars of them in many
XX. p. 12. Od. Soc. Vol. VII. 1868, p. 256, mostly reproduced by Count Hobrinskoj, Sni. 11. p. iv. ^ In BCA. XXII. pp. 55— B8, N. E. Makarenko gives plans and descriptions of eight such forts
t;overnments. I. Funduklej's Survey of Barrows^ Bank': and Camps hi the Government of Kie7', Kiev, 1848, is not quite superseded,
'
"Orienten
och
Europa
Tidskrift for Sverige, Xiu. 2
^
BCA.
Trait.'!.
"
in
i.
'"
2
Do/me?js
vii]
and Earthworks
i^y
up upon them, hut of those that seem built for defence the lie of the land makes it probable that they were desij^ned by people who had very feeble Matronenskij Gorodishche, the j^reatest of them, <^ocs down missile weapons. such in a way that part of the bank would be entirely cominto a ravine bowmen'. good manded by is a camp of another type, the largest in Russia; it has been specially well excavated by Mr V. A. Gorodtsov'. It is six-sided, like a truncated octagon, one long side running n. and s. by the river Vorskla, which defended it from the e. whence attack was most to be feared. This side, which is seven miles long, is broken by a fort, a stronger fort is at the salient angle away from the river, the greatest breadth (four miles) being measured between them; there is a smaller fort to the n.p:. The whole circumference is some 20 miles. The site had been inhabited in the Tripolje period and yielded the typical pottery and statuettes. With these came early Scythic things, pots with white incrustation (v. p. 82), bone and bronze psalia and a whole hoard of arrowheads, besides Ionian vases and beads of " Egyptian paste" from this we can distinguish a later Scythic period with black figured and later Greek vases and glass beads to this the earthworks belong, for the the whole comes under older remains are used uj) as material in the banks the special form of Scythic culture described on pp. 175 sqq. About were Some had the queerest resembarrows of all sizes, most of them plundered. blance to spiders or crabs, consisting of a small circle with one or more openings, on either side of which stretch out claw-shaped banks, sometimes two or three, one within the other. Such are found elsewhere and called One of the first to be carefully Majdans, and were long unexplained. excavated, that at Tsvetno (Kiev government), was quite of a spider shape Within the enclosure was found a typical grave (see plan, p. 148, f. 38). of a Scythian woman, and near by other Scythic remains of the iv. 11. connection in was a barrow with a red skeleton. B.C., but centuries The combination offered no clue to date or purpose. But Mr Gorodtsov', after examining a considerable number of such earthworks, came to the conclusion that they were merely barrows which had been plundered for their contents, the peculiar form assumcid by the earth that had to be moved being due to the conditions of working with volokuski, wheelless carts or sledges used by the Russians in the xviith century. In the with and A. A. Spitsyn has cleared up the whole mystery. xviith centuries saltpetre was regularly extracted from the grave mounds The banks the earth was boiled on the spot and the liquor again boiled. are merely spoil-heaps trending away from the barrow, so as not to get in Spitsyn shews how a certain amount of system the way of the operators. producing fair symmetry was rendered necessary, and describes exactly how He supports his case by many extracts from the process was carried on. contemporary authors and documents referring to it as quite a common
At Belsk (Poltava)
:
;
;
—
:
'
Plan
He
in
Sin.
li.
p.
52.
an account of it in the Transactions of the XlVth ( 908) Russian Archaeological Congress {Chern]go\), hut he has been ^o(k\ enough to give me private information, for which my best thanks are due, 2
is
to
publisli
1
•*
Drevnosti,-= Trans. Mosc. Arch. Soc. XX.
—
2,
39. \^.\ .V^.AvAV.'a, Archaeological Chronicle pp- 29 of S. Russia, 1 904, pp. 1 28 sqq., dissents strongly, but by his article I have been made acquainted with Gorodtsov's view.
19
—
•
Pre-Scythic Remains
148 thing,
centre
[
CH. VII
and coins of the time are found in the banks, e.g. near Belsk. The of the mound was naturally the richest, and the flanks were left
f-H-H-H-^-^-H^H-'-f^f s e r « u
o
I
s
t
B
s
II
^//W/.
^£AortAii 1^ So<^uHffta,v
Bobrinskoj's Trenches.
it
'I t«
'M f^-M-M^ u It
l--
i«
CR. 1896,
p.
»«
3> »^«
>
ft.
213,
.()«
•^nii9f*tn
Mt>ru.
Site of Grave.
Plunderers' Pits.
Scale 128 Fig. 38.
rt
i.taA^urf,..
to the inch. f.
Majdan
606.
at
Tsvetno.
as not worth boiling. Hence the ring form. Most likely the application of the process to the Siberian barrows first shewed their richness in gold, of which the Siberian collection at the Hermitage is almost the sole relic*. 1
A. A. Spitsyn,
TEAS.
Russo-Slavonic Section,
viii.
2,
pp.
i
— 28.
He
gives plans of about
majdans and a very good bibliography of the question, which can now be taken as
settled.
fifty
149
CHAPTER SCY'I'HIC Ik Herodotus is the main the north shore of the Kuxine we are hardly less indebted to finds which on the whole bear
VIII.
TOMBS.
source of our information as to the population of its Greek Colonies the fmds made in the barrows of the country, out what Herodotus has said and supplement it with many details throwing much lij^ht upon the elements which went to make TVom about the viith century h.c. to up the mixed culture of the inhabitants. after our era is the period to which may be referred a series of tombs a little peoples all closely connected with each other in funeral to belong to that seem mode any of life. To give ethnic name to this class of customs and general grave is begging the question of their origin, yet it is impossible to habitually refer to them as "graves of nomadic tribes in contact with central Asian and Greek civilisations." They are generally called "Scythian" or " ScythoSarmatian," or those shewing Greek influence are called "Scythian," those with Roman manufactures or coins "Sarmatian." This latter distinction is certainly unsatisfactory, for the name of Sarmatian had spread over the European steppes certainly before Roman influence had been brought to bear on these In fact as will be seen the greater part of the tombs usually called countries. "Scythian" appears to belong to a time when the Scyths of Herodotus had On the other hand the general agreement between the archaedisappeared. ological evidence and the information furnished by Herodotus argues the substantial identity of the cultures described in these different sources. This all points to there being but little real difference between Scyth and Sarmate. The latter were apparently nearer the Iranians of Iran both in language and dress, but in both there seems to have been an Altaic element. I shall now describe, I propose then to call the class of tombs, which "Scythic," not wishing to assert thereby that they belonged exclusively to Scyths, but suggesting that they are the most typical tombs of the inhabitants of Scythia, when that was the general name for the Euxine steppes still there can be little doubt that the true royal Scyths of Herodotus were among the tribes that buried in this fashion, although no tomb has been found which could be referred to the particular generation observed by him. Unfortunately in spite of the enlightened efforts made by the Russian government to protect these remains, and in turn to explore them with the best archaeological skill, we cannot point to any first-class normal Scythic tomb which fate has reserved for quite satisfactory exploration. The great majority was plundered long ago, as it seems in most cases, shortly after the very funeral, in other cases the discovery has been made by peasants searching for treasure, or amateurs who have neglected to keep a minute account of all finally it has details as to the position in which everything was found happened that an excavation already almost brought to a successful conclusion Hence our has been ruined by the insufficiency of the guard set over it. picture of a Scythic interment must be pieced together from the best preserved ckiring the flourishin
;
.
;
Scythic
150
Tombs
CH.
many tombs. It is impossible to take one tomb, even Kul Oba or Karagodeuashkh, describe it fully, and make it a norm, treating all others as varieties. Besides, enough remains to shew that each great tomb had its own peculiar features which have their interest in filling in the general parts of
outlines of Scythic
life.
In the following enumeration of the most important tombs the older finds, particulars of which are more accessible, will be treated as briefly as further particulars can be found in books so easily obtainable as possible S. Reinach's reprints of the Antiqiiitds du Bosphore Ciminerien [ABC.) and of Kondakov and Tolstoj's Antiquit^s de la Russie M^ridionale [KTR). Descriptions derived from the Antiqiiitds de la Scythie d" Herodote [ASH.), from ;
the Coinpte Rendu de la Commission Archdologique [CR.), especially since it has been published in Russian, from the Bulletin de la Commission Archdologique [BCA.) and from other Russian publications will be given more fully. The distribution of these Scythic barrows reaches from Podolia and the Kiev government southwards to the Euxine and eastwards to the valley of the Kuban on the northern slopes of the Caucasus. The finest of them are about the bend of the Dnepr, near Alexandropol, near where we should put the land of Gerrhus a special character marks those in the governments of Kiev and Poltava a few occur about the Greek towns of the Bosporus on each side of the strait, and the Kuban series is hardly second to the Dnepr group. Isolated is the remarkable find of Vettersfelde in Lower Lusatia. Also a burial of somewhat similar type has been found in Thrace, Dukhova Mogila near Philippopolis\ Further, as has been said, objects of a type resembling the barbarian element in Scythic tombs can be traced right across to Krasnojarsk beyond the Altai. To the west also, in Hungary, objects of Scythic type have been founds The question of dating and classifying these tombs is very difficult. Our only criteria are the objects of Greek art found in them. Yet these only give us the earliest date possible. And even as to this there is some doubt, for various judges make more or less allowance, for barbarous influence, for the difference between the best art and that of articles made for export, and for the time necessary for new fashions in art to penetrate to such remote regions. Moreover, unfortunately none of the tombs with the most archaic Greek objects have been opened by skilled archaeologists. For instance, the tomb at Martonosha (p. 173) may well have belonged to a contemporary of Herodotus. The amphora handle seems to be vith century work, and the other objects are not definitely late in date but we shall never know, for our account of the excavation is derived from peasants nearly twenty years after the event, and we know yet less of the circumstances under which were discovered the archaic "Cybele"' or the mirror handle with almost the earliest nude female of archaic (rather than primitive) Greek art\ In the account which follows the barrows are arranged rather geographically than chronologically, though in the first group their dates would seem to ;
;
;
1
BCH. XXV.
2
Dr
(1901), p. 168, G. .Seure. Reinecke, " Die skythischen Alterthiimer im mittleren Europa," Zt. fiir Ethnalogie, xxviii. 1896, pp. I 42, and J. Hampel, "S'kythische Denkmaler aus Ungarn," Ethnologische P.
—
—
Ungam, IV. 1895, pp. i 26. 1896, p. 82, {. 337. * 1897, p. 78, f. 186. All these three bronzes 281. are illustrated in Chap. XI. i^ 10, ff. 278 Mitlhcilu7iget2 aiis •'
CR. CR.
—
DJstrJhiitio7i.
VIII 1
Pooj^
Class
151
I have given. Each barrow described has its own features from thcMii all some idea of the Scythic type can be formcid. and of interest, Fewer descriptions would have left out interesting points, more would have wearied the reader without attaining completeness many important excavations have for this cause been necessarily omitted, for them the reader must be referred to the CR., J)CA., and other special publications.
be
in
the order
;
Poor
C/ass.
Tivins.
Professor A. Lappo-Danilevskij', in his review of the various types of Scythic graves, divides them into four classes. His first class seems not clearl)- to be distinguished from the class of coloured skeletons of which we have already treated, except that the colouring is not predominant. The bad preservation of the bones, the poverty of the objects found with them, the large number of burials in one mound, rank tombs like the Pointed Tomb on the Tomakovka, the Round Kurgan ( = barrow) at Geremes (variously written Gueremesov, Heremesse, Germesov), the Long Tomb near Alexandro[)oI, all on the right bank of the Dnepr near the great bend, with the BezschAstnaja (unlucky) Tomb on the opposite bank, which distinctly contained coloured It is remarkable that all these are near the land Gerrhus, it seems bones-. as if the Scyths had adopted the sacred burial district of earlier inhabitants. Lappo-Danilevskij takes these great barrows with as many as fourteen separate interments to have been burying places of comparatively obscure families which heaped up great mounds when enough dead had been accumulated but more probabl)' the distinction between these and the following graves is one not merely of social position, but of time and race. may put them clown as of the last pre-Scythic phase, for the skeletons are not coloured, and are not all doubled up, and there are a few objects of copper or bronze but there are no chambers hollowed out, no horse graves, and none of those mines by which the rich booty of the true Scythic type of graves was carried off by men who well knew what they were doing. In this class there was nothing to tempt them. An isolated example recalling this type is the barrow called Perepjatikha, in the district of \^asilk6v (Kiev government), opened in 1845. It is far to the west of the central Scythic group, but cannot be classed with the generality of Scythic barrows in Kiev government. It contained fourteen skeletons under a wooden roof upon which stones had been piled by four of them were lumps of paint, necklets, metal disks, one bronze arrow, two iron axes, an earthen vessel with a stone stand, and 24 gold plaques of griffins once sewn on to a whitey-yellow stuff. This is not a normal Scythic tomb, and the paint suggests an early date perhaps the Scythic objects belong to an intruded interment'. A fairly simple example of a Scythic grave (Lappo-Danilevskij's second class) is the Stone Tomb [Kdmennaja Mogila) near Krasnokutsk, between :
We
;
;
;
^
'Scythian Antiquities, Section, Vol. IV. (1887), pp.
TRAS. 352— 543
;
Russo-Slav. p. 467 sqq.
ASH. passim. A. Kohn and C. Mehlis, Materialien zur Vorgcschichte des Menschen itn Ostlichen Enropa, Vol. I. pp. 367 Illustration also 375, Fl. MI.— XI. ''
V.
^
—
f. 254, shewing a very steep barrow surrounded at some distance by a bank and a group of lesser mounds. Cf. too Lappo-Danilesskij, op. cit. p. 487 sqq., who classes it rather with the
in A'Z'A'. p. 289,
other west-Scj'thic barrows. * op. cit. J'K. p. 26S p. 470;
K
;
ASH.
plan E.
152
Scythic
Tombs
[CH.
Nicopol and Ekaterinoslav. The tomb derives its name from the fact that the skirts of the heap and the central portion above the actual grave consist of stone. The main grave contained a human skeleton and those of two horses, three spears, scales from armour, fragments of amphorae, and of an alabastron and a jug, but all was in confusion. In a separate grave was the skeleton of another horse with a bridle adorned with bronze plates and with an iron bit. This would appear to be the grave of an ordinary all
whose position did not allow him the elaborate funerals of greater Yet the barrow is a considerable size, 19 feet high and 200 in diameter.
cavalier
men.
The third class consists of so-called twins {Bliznitsyf. Best known are the Geremes, Tomakovka and Slonovskij twins, all in the same district. In these we have two mounds close to each other, one flat-topped with steep sides fortified with stone, containing one human grave, horse graves and various gear including Greek wares, the other round-topped with many poor graves. Moreover, only in the chief mound are there traces of thieves' mines about the chief of the Geremes and Slonovskij twins is a ditch and bank in these chief twins also there seem to have been one grave chamber and a side chamber for the horse grave. But as all have been plundered in ancient times we cannot be sure of their disposition or ;
:
CR. 1891, p. 161, f. 195. Double barrow at Pavlovka. I. Barrow with core c of rammed Height 35 m. II. Barrow with core c earth. Circumference i6o paces. Diameter about 36 m. Circumference 100 paces. Diameter 20 m. Height 2 m. III. Joining bank with of stones. Extreme circumference. small tumulus <^, 30 paces long, 15 m. broad, v\ m. high. aaa. The original interments were of red skeletons, others of later nomads, but none, it dug. (5, b' pits seems, Scythic.
Fig. 39.
They
offer close analogies to the next class, but are on a smaller suggested that in them small tribal chieftains were buried, and that the ordinary folk of the tribe rest in the lesser twin alongside.
contents. scale
;
it
is
Big Barrows.
The
fourth and chief class is that of the so-called Big Barrows Mogily)-. (Tolstya Chief of these are that near Alexandropol, often called the Meadow Barrow {Lugovdja Mogila), and the Chertomlyk or Nicopol Others are that at Krasnokutsk, the Tsymbalka, the Orphan's Barrow. Grave {Sirotina Mogila), Chmyreva barrow, Ogiiz near Serogozy in the Lappo-Danilevskij, p. 471 ASH. plans E, D. speaking Kifigdn (Turkish = OE. burh) is used in Great Russian for a barrow and '
;
^
Strictly
Mogila
for a grave, but in the language of Lit. Russia where all the Sc. tombs are, Mohila = barrow.
VI 1
1]
Twin Barrows.
Big Barrows
153
Melitopol district (Tauric govt), and Martonosha in that of Elisavetgrad In height they vary from 30 to 70 feet, and they may (Kherson govt). be from 400 to 1200 feet round at the base. On the top there is always a flat space some 50 feet or more across. Hence the sides are rather steep, The hea[) during its progress was rammed down especially on the north. hard and further fortified by a basement of stonc-s about the mound would be The grave chamber is from 9 ft. a ditch and bank with gaps for (entrance. 6 in. to 15 ft. long by 7 or 7 ft. 6 in. broad and sunk into the earth itself to the level of a layer of clay that runs under the black soil at a de[)th of from 9 ft. 6 in. to 42 ft. (at Chertomlyk barrow). The sides of the grave chamber were sometimes smoothed and plastered with clay, in other cases traces may be seen of the narrow wooden spade with which they were dug out such a Heside the main chamber there are side spade was found near Smela'. chambers ("catacombs"), varying in number. In the Krasnokutsk barrow one only beside a horse grave, in Tsymbalka two, five each at Alexandropol and Chertomlyk. These chambers are generally on the north side of the main Beside these chambers for the burial of the king's servants and chamber. the storing of his gear were horse graves, always to the w. of the central grave, and in the Chertomlyk barrow two graves near them for the grooms. These chambers are roofed with unsquared tree trunks. The king was brought to his tomb on a funeral car, of which the remains have been found, well bearing out the description of Herodotus. The car was left for the dead man to use, being broken up and buried in the heap So too the horses, whose lives were or led down into the grave chamber. even more prodigally wasted at these funerals than those of human beings. In the Ulskij barrow on the Kuban were found over four hundred horses At Krasnokutsk and Alexandropol the remains of a second car (v. p. 227). were found. On this probably the dead man's favourite wife rode to her fate. None of the Big Barrows have been left unplundered, so we cannot know the exact disposition of the most precious objects about the principal bodies, but in chamber No. v of Chertomlyk king's and queen's things seem Amphorae and other vessels, mostly put apart from each other in niches. of Greek workmanship, were put on the floor and clothes hung on pegs The body was usually laid on some kind of mattress which at in the wall. In the Chertomlyk was covered with a pall adorned with gold plates. Alexandropol barrow there were only two servants buried with their master, in Chertomlyk five with their feet towards him ready to stand up and face him In the Krasnokutsk and Alexandropol tombs were also found at his call. When the way into the tomb had been heaps of human and horses' bones. filled up, upon the flat space where the barrow was soon to be raised was held the funeral feast, well marked at Chertomlyk and elsewhere by fragments After that of amphorae, horses' bones, and things lost by the revellers. knowledge of plan all seems, before up but, as it the barrow was heaped side, north from the mines into it robbers sank and contents was lost, daring always were there towards which the side on which the heap was steepest, extra chambers, and braved not only the vengeance of the dead man and that of his successors (the Mongols had guards to watch their burial places), but ;
;
;
1
M.
Sm.
HI. p. 53,
f.
12.
20
Scythic
154
Tombs.
Dnepr
Gf^oup
[
CH.
the chance of a fall of those tunnels, that the secrecy of their operations made it impossible to support properly. Since then, Genoese on the coast and Cossacks on the plains, and in modern times the neighbouring peasants, have made a regular practice of seeking the dead men's gold. It is no wonder that the archaeologist often finds himself forestalled. His only comfort is that the bronzes are almost as interesting as the gold work, and that the thieves left everything but the precious metal. If only they had not thrown everything about in seeking for that', we should be better pleased.
Alexandropol Barrozu.
Of the barrows about the Dnepr, those most remarkable for the variety of their contents are that near Alexandropol and that at Chertomlyk, twelve miles N.w. of Nicopol. The full report of the excavation of the former is given in ASH. with plan and sections and many plates, and a well illustrated summary in KTR.
Alexandropol. Bronze standard? KTR. p. 241, f. 217
Fig. 40.
= ASH.
I.
Fig.
41.
Bronze standard.'' Alexandropol. p. 241, f. 2i^ = ASH. II. I.
KTR.
8.
— 251),
but the exploration was so desultory and the sepulchre itself and all the objects belonging to it had been so thoroughly ransacked by thieves who, after an unsuccessful attempt, finally reached the central chamber, that it is hard to get a clear idea of the whole, and the main interest belongs (pp.
238
1 For a description of Italian (in this case Venetian) enterprise in robbing a barrow near the mouth of the Don in 1436, see " Viaggio di Josafa
Barbaro Viaggi,
alia
Tana,"
in
\'o1. Ii. \'enice,
Ramusio, Navigatioui 1559,
ff.
91 sqq.
ct
2
\M1I
Alexa?idropol
]
'55
accessories, the remains of two chariots, th<^ horse tombs, and the bronze "standards" (ff. 40, 41), whiU; little is left of the riches of the actual occupant but <^o\A plates, many very similar to those of Kul Oba (f 42, others on p. i^cS, f. 45, also a horse; frontlet, an armour scale and a bone Clearly the [jlimderers hatl not time to seek trilles. arrowhead). For dating to the
Fic. 42.
Gold plate from Alexandropol.
KTR.
p.
249,
1.
228 =
//.S7/.
Xii. 6.
Scythic things, certain round and oblong silver plates that formed part of the harness are very important, as their style seems late Hellenistic'. Other things in the tomb look at first sight almost archaic, but they are only degradations of the Ionian strain.
Chertondyk.
At Chertomlyk
thieves were less fortunate, one of them was found crushed by a fall of earth at the mouth of his mine, but here again The objects worth carrying the central interment had been much disturbed. away seem to have been mostly heaped up in various corners of v (see plan), and by mere chance the king's things were still apart from the queen's. the
Unfortunately the figures of them in ASH. XIV do not reproduce well; cf. KTR. p. 251, f. 230; TRAS. vn. pi. xni, xv, xvi. Stephani, CR. 1865, p. 167 makes these and phalerae from the Great Bliznitsa (I.e. v, vi, cf. inf. ch. xu.) ivih '
pi.
century; F. H. Marshall, ///.S". xxix. (1909) p. 157 publishing some from KJis in the Hritish Sluseum concurs, but their sets are better in style. For other Sc. phalerae v. Spitsyn BCA. .XXIX. pp.
'8-53-
20
—
156
Scythic
Dnepr Group
Tombs,
[cH.
In looking at the annexed plan it must be remembered that only the for a complete plan the reader is part of the tumulus is given Round the whole must be supplied the stone referred to ASH. plate F. plinth, and it must be borne in mind that the plan is engraved so that the north comes to the right instead of being at the top. central
;
West
xt
South
g
North
East Fig. 43.
Plan of centre of Chertomlyk barrow.
KTR.
p.
257,
f,
2ii=ASH.
Plan F.
The barrow was 60 feet high and 1 100 feet round, surrounded by a stone plinth, and a kind of stone alley led up to it across the steppe. A is the central shaft descending 35 ft. 6 in. below the original surface of the ground, 15 ft, x 7 ft. at the top and widening downwards. At the bottom opened out four
lateral
chambers,
i,
11,
iii,
iv,
one from each corner.
C/icrt07filyk
VIII
The
157
chamber iv communicated with a lari^e irregular chamber v debouched a narrow passage ce, the mine of ancient plunderers. To the west of all this were three scjuare pits in a line from s. to n., viii, ix, x, and to the E. of VIII and ix two graves, vi and vii. Lat<^r graves, XI, XII, XIII, were sunk in the heap for persons who had nothing to do with its original possessors. In A everything had been thrown into disorder by the plunderers. There were only found traces of In to a coffin or bier painted red and bright blue. the s.E. were a small cauldron, at a the remains of a skeleton converted into lime, by it remains of a quiver with arrows and five iron knives with bone hantlles, N.w.
into
which
i
against the wall in a not unlike p. 190, f. 82 below corner 150 more arrows with remains of their shafts, 28 inches long, and what once was a carpet about the floor many gold plates and strips which had adorned clothes hung from iron hooks in wall and ceiling. In No. II to the n.e. were six amphorae along the wall, in the middle a bronze mirror with an iron handle, by the door a skeleton with a bronze torque and a gold earring and finger ring, on his left an ivory handled knife and a leather quiver with 67 bronze arrow-heads, near his head ivory and gold remains of a whip handle, also a silver spoon and the fragments of an ivory box, besides innumerable plates and strips of thin gold for \
;
CO
s
S ^
sewing on to clothes. The enumeration of the plates found in one side chamber of a single tomb will shew the variety of these plates and the prodigal use made of them. Figures of many of them are in A' 77?., still more in ASH. In 11 were found 25 plates with flowers, 64 with a fantastic animal, 7 with a lion tf.-aring a stag, one with a calf lying down, 10 with a barbarian combating a griffin, 31 with a griffin alone, 12 with a rosette, 130 with a bearded man's head, 24 with a gorgon's head and 5 pendants, 27 with a plain gorgon's head, 6 with the heads of Athena and a lion back to back (p. 158, f. 45, XXX. 6), 2)'}> of Heracles strangling a lion (ib. xxx. 10), one of a lion combating a sphinx, 24 triangles made up of grains (cf p. 197, i. 90, ABC. xxii. 7). Besides these a great number of hollow pendants, tubes, beads, buttons, and other golden ornaments to be sewn on to clothes. These plates are very characteristic of Scythian dress, and occur in great numbers in all barrows less wide-spread was the use of strips of gold repousse or ajoure with plant patterns or combats of animals and AH monsters, sometimes as much as 14 inches long. these thin gold objects have little holes near the edges ;
for
sewing on
to textiles.
T3
C
JO
O o
Scythic
iSK
Tojnbs.
Dnepr Group »;iii
C-.
A
4~
[ch.
K'^ASnokutsk,. Bronte
.
,b,.aescWla.^c^^^^'^^''-^^'-°'^°^^
X}
Necklets
1^ ^A.B.CXX.il. KulOle y-xyi
wc
;Jf;^;
XXK ^ XXvt
*''
cf.ABC. XXI X.
Tov^a-ye.ovna.cJ' Vel1"?v-sfeWe
Ob}C
tombs onHicmtdcile
version of FIG. 45. Gold: Horse's Frontlet (cf. Greek Dagger (p. 71, Plates (pp. 61, 15s, 157, 161, 266) Bone Arrow-head (p. 68). Scale (p. 74). :
same type cf.
236).
l>i\cpr.(fedtTKus)
p. '^Q, f-^fi)
Bronze: Plate
Necklets (p. 167,
(p.
282).
63 .^^^^^ Armour
CJiertomlyk
VIIl
^t:
159
1^5
Front view. pp. 161, 288), Chertomlyk Vase, silver, parcel gilt. KTR. p. 297, f. 2S-j = CR. 1864, pi. 1. 70 cm. (264' in.) high.
Fig. 46.
(v.
i6o
Scythic
Fig. 47.
Chertomlyk Vase.
'Toffibs.
Side view.
Dnepr
KTR.
p.
296,
Grottp
f.
z^b^CR.
CH.
1864,
pi.
n.
VIII
ibi
Che7^to??ilyk
]
In III, the s.w. chamber, lay twelve lions upon it, shewing signs About the head could be traced the with griffins and fastened at a couple
a skeleton wearing a golden torque with of long wear {ASH. xxxvii. 7 on p, 158).
form of a hood outlined by 25 gold plates of smaller ones, a flower and a gorgoneion. He wore the usual bracelets and rings, and a belt with brass plates, and greaves (which are not so general); by his head were two vessels, a bronze cup, and a silver ewer with a string to hang it up by, and lower down the quiver with arrows, and a whip. By him lay another skeleton with much the same equipment. In the N.w, chamber (iv) were found remains of a bier painted dark and light blue, green and yellow. Upon it lay a woman's skeleton in rich attire. On each side of her head were heavy earrings, and upon it were 29 plates in the shape of flowers, twenty rosettes and seven buttons. The head and upper part of the body were covered by a purple veil with 57 .square gold plates representing a seated woman with a mirror, and a Scyth standing before her (v. p. i^S=AS//. xxx, 16). The line of these plates made a kind
Fig. 48.
Frieze of Chertomlyk vase.
CJ?.
1864,
pi.
m.
J.
of triangle reaching a foot above her head and descending to her breast, outlining a hood or pointed headdress with lappets falling down on each side of
the face such lappets seem shewn on a plaque of inferior execution figured on the same page [ASH. xxx. 20). Something of the same sort was worn by the queen at Kul Oba, and by that at Karagodeuashkh where the triangular gold plate which adorned it has a scene representing a queen wearing just such a one (p. 218, f. 120). The Chertomlyk lady also wore bracelets and a ring on each finger by her hand was a bronze mirror with an ivory handle, with traces of some blue material. By the woman's skeleton was a man's with iron and bronze bracelets and an ivory-handled knife (the knives are always on the left hand side), a little further were the usual arrow-heads. Along the In the west part of this chamber wall were ranged thirteen amphorae. {b) was made the most precious find of the tomb, the famous Chertomlyk or By it was a great silver dish Nicopol vase (ff. 46 49, cf. p. 288 sqq.). with an elaborate pattern engraved within, and two handles formed by a kind of palmette of acanthus leaves with the figure of a woman wearing a ;
;
—
M.
21
1
Scythic
62
Tombs
[
CH.
\
\
Fig
so.
Chertomlyk. Bronze cauldron. 112. f. 238 = ^5//. Text, p.
KTR.
p.
262,
2
VIII
Chert07nlyk
]
163
calathos in the inickllc'. This chamber (iv) opened into another (v) to v had suffered so much from the falling-in of the roof and the west of it ;
\\
6
i'i>i
F"lG.
51.
Chertomlyk.
KTR.
p.
Pridik,
Melgtmov,
304,
f.
Golden 264 = C/?. pi.
V.
i,
king's sword. 1864, V. 2, better cf. p. 270. \.
hilt of
Fig. 52. Afat. xiii. p. 54, f. ^o^ASH. XL. 12. Lesser sword from Cher-
tomlyk found
at
k on
plan.
\.
more from the operations of the tomb-thieves, that it is impossible to It can hardly be entirely due say what may have been its original plan. into it and all round were opened to the thieves. The thieves' mine [ee) Still
'
KTR.
pp. 263-4,
ff.
2y)~^o=ASH. XXIX.
5, 7-
21
—
Scythtc
164-
Tombs.
Dnepr Group
[CH.
o
.^^^
<.
O o
VIII
Chertof?tlyk.
]
Krasuokntsk
165
niches {/, h, I, k) apparently clue to them. If on their entrance they found the way into iv blocked up, they probably tried the walls in various directions and finally broke into iv and obtained access to the central tomb.
They seem
have begun
to pile their booty in heaps in the corners away, when the roof, disturbed by their operations, fell in and caught one of them, whose skeleton was found at e by the entrance of his mine at c was a six-wicked lamp he may have been using the plunderers at Alexandropol had only potsherds with rags in them. At d was a cauldron of the Scythic type 3 ft. high with goats as handles on the edge; the outside blackened with fire; within the head, ribs and leg-bones of a horse (f 50). Near it was another, smaller, containing a foal's bones. Aty^ was a niche in the wall with a heap of gold ornaments, at // another with a woman's things, as far as may be judged, at and / were remains of boards, at / another heap of gold, at k the objects taken from the tomb Three swords had been stuck into the wall, where of the king himself. their blades remained while the handles had rusted off and fallen down (f. 52). Below were the great gold plate that adorned the king's gorytus, a strip of gold that went along the side of it, and the plate of gold which covered his sword sheath (f. 53); two more swords with gold hafts (f. 51), a hone with a gold mounting, and many other gold plates and a heap of arrow-heads. About the floor were fragments of Greek pottery. Of the horse graves, in viii were three horses saddled and bridled, one with gold ornaments, the others with silver in ix were four horses, two saddled and bridled with gold, two only bridled and with silver. In x bridled were three horses saddled and with gold, one without a saddle and bridled in silver. The grooms in vi and vii had each his torcjue, one of silver gilt and one of gold, and each his quiver with arrows. In the heap itself, early in the excavations, was found an immense number of objects pertaining to harness. At the top of the barrow was a mass of such ornaments rusted together, silver had almost perished, bronze was in bad condition, of gold there was little but 29 pair of horse's cheek ornaments. In bronze there were animals upon sockets (the so-called standards), horse frontlets, buckles, buttons, bells, tubes, strips, crescentshaped pendants, and about 250 iron bits, also a curious open-work saucel^an, as it would appear for fishing meat out of one of the big cauldrons'. This description of the finds in the Chertomlyk barrow, though far from detailed, gives some idea of the barbarous prodigality with which the steppe to
of V ready to take
it
;
:
4''
;
folk buried
their kines. £>
-
In the In
its
KrasnoIaUsk and Tsyrnbalka.
same neighbourhood as Chertomlyk
mound
is
the Krasnokutsk barrow".
Zabelin found the fragments of a funeral car broken
two heaps, and the usual remains of harness and trappings: tomb were four horses with frontlets (ff. 56, 57 and p. 15S, f. 45; in
'
2
KTR. p. 259, 236. Cf. ASH. plan C KTR.
up and piled in
f.
;
p.
254 (not the same as the " Stone
Tomb"
a special
ASH.
there).
xxiii.
Scythic Tombs.
i66
[CH.
Dnepr Group
^''&-\
^:.,
¥i
.'
i..
Figs. 54, 55
Horse's frontlets, gold.
Tsymbalka.
KTR.
p.
269,
f-
241, p. 272,
f.
243.
1
VIII
4).
to
Kras7iokutsk cnid Tsyinbalka
]
These ornaments are the
northern
.67
interesting because of their remarkable resemblance usually associated with the early middle ages.
beast-style
Other two tombs had been completely stripped by plunderers who only enough to let us judge that the contents were of the usual Scythic type.
Fig. 56,
cf. p.
267.
Krasnokutsk.
1
heek ornament.
Silver.
KTR.
p. 256,
On
f.
left
2i\ = ASH. xxiii.
5.
the S. side of the river, in the district of Melitopol, government of Taurida, is the barrow Tsymbalka" near Belozerka. As usual the main tomb had been violated by a mine from the north, but in the side tomb were six horses, four with bronze trappings and silver frontlets, two with very interesting gold frontlets, one of fine late ivth century Greek work with a Schlangenweib, the other barbaric with griffins (ff 54, 55, cf. p. 269). 1
CR. 1867,
p. xxi
;
1868, p. xix
;
KTR.
p. 268.
i68
Scythic To7nbs.
D^tepr Group
CH.
«#f^^
Fig. 57.
Krasnokutsk.
Silver bridle ornament.
KTR.
p.
255,
f.
2t,-^
= ASH.
XXIII.
7.
Chmyreva Mogila.
Chmyreva Mogila, two miles from Tsymbalka, was investigated in 1898 Here again the main tomb had been rifled, this time by
by Dr Th. G. Braun'.
Fig. 58. CR. 1898, p. 28, f. 28. Mogila. Gold plate from harness,
Chmyreva cf.
p.
Fig.
59.
CR. 1898,
p.
29,
f.
32.
Chmyreva
269.
means of a
shaft sunk from the top of the mound, and a later burial for which the barrow had been used was also cleared, but the horse interment was the best met with. An inclined plane led to an oblong pit 7'iom. x 3 m. x 2'i5 m. Ten horses had been led into the pit which was then shut up with boards and 1
CR. 1898,
p.
26;
BCA.
XIX.
p. 96.
.
VIII
CInnyreva Mogila.
]
heaped over.
169
They had
skeletons lay one upon usual metallic plates, but
CR. 898, p. 28, f. 30. Chinyreva Mogila. Gold cheek
FiCx. 60.
Ogilz
1
ornament for a horse.
\
cxidcntly stru_<(gled towards the outlet, and their Their trap[:)ings were adorned with the another. some were of the finest Greek workmanshi]) of about
CR. 1898, p. 27, f. 27. (iold frontlet, side and front.
Fig. 61.
Chmvrc\a
.
Mofjila.
Fic.
CR.
62.
p. 27,
f.
24.
1898, (iold plate.
Chmyreva Mogila.
|
{.
—
(ff. 58 60): there were also specimens of native attempts to imitate Very strange is a frontlet of a type which has occurred in several of the Gerrhus tombs', but this is the only one of skilful execution (f. 61). In the main tomb was picked up an interesting plate with two Scythians
300
B.C.'
them.
wrestling
(f.
62).
Ogiiz,
D^ev and Jancliekrak.
In the same district further to the south near Lower Serogozy, Ogiiz, a very large barrow, has been investigated by Professor Veselovskij". plan and section of the stone corbelled vault are given overleaf. The interior is 2 1 ft. square, surrounded and upheld by a solid mass of stone work 50 feet The stones of the corbelled vault itself were bound by iron clamps square. Unfortunately the tomb had been rifled three times. The shape. of a
A
'
1
time the plunderers knew what they were doing, for they approached The last along the gallery from the s. instead of as usual from the x. plunderers came down from above and took off the top stone of the vault. Hence it all filled with earth. The plunderers could do their work much more effectually in the stone vault than in unlined earthen pits and left very little behind them, just a few gold plates, some from the same dies as at Chertomlyk, Kul Oba and Theodosia (e.g. ASH. .\xx. 6 on p. 158 and ABC. XXII. 28), and other ornaments, also .some horses' bones coloured green with copper, but no bronze objects with them. At the sides of the great stone mass were small niches in the eastern one nothinof was found, in the northern one was a woman's skeleton with In the niche to the west lay two a mirror and one or two poor ornaments. first
;
'
CR.
M.
\i
S, figs.
28-34.
'•^
V. p.
I58
= //.S7/.
XIII. 6
and
7.
3
CR. 1894.
p. ]].
22
lyo
Dnepr Group
Scythic Totnbs.
skeletons with no objects but a bronze earring.
f.--.
[CH.
At the entrance of the main vault lay a man's skeleton with a long spear, an iron knife and bronze and bone arrow-heads. He seems to have been as it
were a sentry outside the tomb moved to one side by the thieves. This would shew that they had penetrated very soon after the heaping of the tomb. ;-,?
Veselovskij points out thatsuch a work as the stone vault must have been built in the king^'s lifetime though the heap may have been raised after his death. In 1902 further excavations by N. W. Roth led to considerable discoveries in this same barrow, but the objects found are of the same types, save for
some new forms
of arrow-heads'.
f'u;.S.
CR.
63, 64.
1894, p. 78,
ff.
no, in.
Plan and section of vault
in Ogijz
barrow.
Near by was Deev barrow", 500 ft. round but only 14 ft. high. The main tomb was empty, but a woman's (?) still untouched contained mostly poor copies of Hellenistic work, e.g. two diadems, one with a rich leaf pattern, the other with Neo- Attic maenads, also a frontlet with pendants and Sphinx There was a earrings, all to be closely paralleled at Ryzhanovka (p. 79). very fine gold and enamel necklace with alternate ducks and flowers and an armlet like that from Kul Oba on p. 197 [ABC. xxvi. 3). i
'
Arch. Anz. 1904,
i(:o3, p. 166,
f.
323;
p.
106 CR. 1902, XIX. p. 157.
BCA.
;
p.
63 sqq.
;
BCA.
XIX.
p.
168, pi. XIII.
XV.
\'iii]
Ogilz^ Dcev^ ya7icJickrak^ &f Mclgiuiovs
Barrows
171
From Janchckrak in the \.k. ot the district of Melitopol come phalcrae of late Roman date, one with tiie type of winded fi<^ure which was ad()[)i(xl they were found with a hone and were probably for the Christian angel from a late Scythic grave'. :
Melgunoih
/nirroiu.
Of the barrows which have been excavated without j)roper account having been kept of the dis[)osition of their contents we can regret none more than that called Litoj Kurgan, opened in 1763 at Kucherovy Hueraki, about 20 miles from Elisavetgrad, by order of General A. P. MelguncA', who sent the spoil up to Petersburg for Catherine II to view. Preserved with the Siberian antiquities in the Museum of the Academy of Science the objects have with them found their wav to the Hermitage.
Fig. 65.
They
Mels(unov's b:irio\v.
Golden sheath and fra
hilt.
Piiclik,
pi.
ill.
l-
included a very interesting dagger and sheath of Scythic forms, but is a view of one side of the sheath and a fragment of the
Assyrian style; here '
Rep. Imp. Riiss. Hist.
Museum,
Mosc(ni.',for 1907,
\>.
13, pi.
i.
;
Arch. An:. 1908,
p. 190,
ff.
21, 22.
—
Scythic Tombs.
172
much damaged dagger
Dnepr Group
[
CH.
with a restoration (f. 68), parcel gilt feet and fittings of a couch, and one of 17 golden birds displayed (f. 69). There were also a golden diadem or necklet in the form of a triple chain
Figs. 66, 67.
hilt
(IT.
65
67', cf. p. 7 i)
Details of Melgunov slieath. Natural Dalton, Oxiis Treasure, p. 56,
size. f.
From
38, p.
38,
S. f.
Kensington electrotype. 26.
Joint & Foot
oECoucK from. MeLcrunovs
Barrow
Pridllt.PL I
GcldBird from tnc 6^1 m(2.. WrDn^4iU(2\v,-vt(vLy^-5)
Fig. 69. 1 In Maf. XXXI. with Pharmacovskij's " Kelermes," E. M. Pridik will publish a complete account of the find with excellent plates. H e has had the extreme kindness to send me a preliminary copy of his part
(St P. 1906), from which the annexed illustrations Cf. also Trans. Od. Soc. vi. p. 601
are taken.
TRAii.
XII. Pt
The sheath had
;
I.
(1901), p. 270 sqq., A. A. Spitsyn.
previously only been published by Maskell, Russian Art, p. 112, from the S. Kensington electrotype, which lacks the side projection, a
Couch
fittings,
f
;
PK^PlJV
Bird,*^.
separate piece, by its style a Scythic addition for the use of Mr Ualton's blocks I gladly thank him and the authorities of the British Museum. In order to try and obtain more light, V. N. Jastrebov undertook further explorations in 1894, but does not seem to have lit upon the right barrow. A copper belt with a pattern very like that on the sword hilt was found at Zakim (Prov. of Kars) CR. 1904, p. 131, f. 239. For the couch foot v. Perrot and Chipiez, Chaldaea &^c., II. p. 315, f. 193. ;
VI 1] 1
Melgimov.
Mart07iosha.
Rastei^7i
Govc7-?i7nciits
173
parts of silver disks w itli a pattern of rounclt-Is with rosettes set with on)'\ (they seem to have to do with the suspension of the dagtj;^er), 40 bronze arrow-heads of types more or less Hke Nos. 4, 29, 35, 36, on j). 190, f. 82, a golden strip with figures of an ape, two ostriches (?) and a goose in rather a naturalistic style, 23 gilt iron nails and a short gilt bronze bar ending The style of all these in rude lions' heads', apparently like a hussar button. things seems to go back to early in the vith century li.c, perhaps the chain and the repousse strip are later, but this must have been a very early Scythic tomb. ;
Martonosha. In 1870 at Martonosha in the district of Klisavetgrad on the borders of the governments of Kherson and Kiev some peasants excavated a barrow and found a man's skeleton, by his thigh a hone, about him spears and arrows, and in the heap various pots crushed by the earth, four whole amphorae buried standing up, an enormous cauldron full of cow's bones, and a bronze amphora with an archaic Greek running or flying Medusa These particulars were collected in the pose of the Nike of Archermus. in 1889 by Mr Jastrebov, who made a further exploration of the tumulus and found another grave plundered in antiquity. He gives the height of the barrow as 28 feet and the circumference of a high bank round it as more than 800 feet. It is clear that the interment was a Scythic one of the ordinary type though not very rich. The interesting point is the amphora handle which is Greek work of the vith cent. B.C., perhaps the most archaic i)iece found in the steppes'.
Eastern Governments.
The governments
east of Ekaterinoslax' have been very imchance finds in those of Kharkov and Voronezh and the land of the Don Cossacks^ also beyond upon the Volga in the governments of Samara, Saratov^ and Astrakhan •\ and further in Ekaterinenburg and Orenburg", shew that there is no serious gap in the continuity of Scythic occupation stretching to within a measurable distance of the West Siberian area (v. p. 252). This region supplies interesting terms in the series of swords' and cauldrons". perfectly investigated.
to
the
Still
Kelermes, Arch. Anz. 1905, p. 58. Ch. XI. S 10, f. 278, Gazette Archeologique, 1888, A. Podshivalov, p. 79, pi. 13; 7/-rt;/i-. /;V// /\V/JJ. Arch. Coni^rcss, Odessa, 1886, Vol. I. pi. i. p. Ix.xi CR. 1889,'p. 30, f. 12 Mat. XXXII. p. 37, pl. iv. ^ Fedulovo near Bagaevskaja (Cherkassk). CR. 223, fine Hellenistic 1904, pp. 124--126, ff. 217 phalerae, cf BCA. pp. 23, 24, 39—41, ff. 42—49. Taganrog, ib. pp. 27, 41, 42, ff. 51— 57. Starobelsk (Kharkov), ib. pp. 27, 28, 43 45, ff. 58 69. * Spitsyn in TRAS. Vol. vin. pp. 140 sqq., 41. A complete interment 154 sqci-, 162 sqq. ff. 33 '
Cf.
''
;
;
—
—
—
—
of late Scythic type at Salamatino near Knniyshin, Saratov. CR. 1902, p. 138 ff. 246—252. Kishe, district of Chornyj Jar, CR. 1904, ''
p.
133,
ff.
245, 246.
Krasno^'orsk, CR. 1903, p. 126, ff. 256, 257. A special point was the absence of the dead man's skull, sugj(esting Her. iv. 64 and p. 83 supra, (".raf Eugcn Zichy, Dritte Asiatisc/te ForArchaeoschuuir.<;-Reise, Ikl \\\. Budapest, 1905; logische Stiidien auf Riissischen Boiten, by Btfia Posta, p. 102; CR. 1902, p. 142, f 259. * Zichy, op. cit. Bd iv. p. 514. "
''
.
Scythic
174
Kiev Group
Tombs.
e»
^
fe» fefc
>
e=»
e> ^^
(jt
\7
">
[ch.
c-/
BCAJ
;-:±--:-p: ._u-i
w^ps^^^ #^^-±:^i ^^^g O % O /' =
tt=
::::::r:-3i--i'-h
step.
^o
•46
.
.
Ko.3.
SKelJ 1
•yo
<^
\EvvtVRv^C6•<'.^JV»a•. Vl'oX
Kyz.ha,novka.,
OJJowjki Pl.n:
Totnlps,
w the Southern K\rt of the Government of KitV. Fig. 70.
Tombs about Kiev.
VI 1 1]
Serebrjanka^ Gtdjaj
Gorod
175
Much
the same culture which we find in the tombs on the lower brought to light higher up the river in the governments of Kiev and Poltava. This country is no longer pure steppe, here we have the beginnings of the forest and the people are not so exclusivel)- nomadic as further south. There is no longer such waste of horses at a funeral, no longer indeed such richness in gold and metal work, whereas the bone objects so characteristic of Finnish remains in N. Russia occur here also. Moreover, this is the country of earthworks {oorodfshche), and in these earthworks are found things of Scythian type, and great barrows are often near them. This all points to there having long e.xisted here a nation having much in common with the steppe folk, but with some progress towards
Dnepr
is
by Herodotus
agriculture, a condition like that ascribed
to the
agricultural
whom however
he seems to put further south. This country has been investigated by Count A. A. Bobrinskoj, whose volumes on excavations round about Smela, his estate on the Tjasmin in the s, of Kiev government, have supplied me with particulars of the Scythic tombs of the district'. Here also the greater part of the barrows has been plundered at some time or other. A typical simple grave un[jlundered is No. ccxLVI.^ near the River Serebrjanka. Under a mound 2*4 m. high and 3 "35 m. broad and 25 cm. deep. m. round was a rectangular m. long by pit 4'i 97 The pit had been floored, lined and covered with wood at each end were as it were shelves. Upon one lay a horse's skull, on the other an earthen pot. In the upper part of the tomb was a rusted bit, some bones and a broken pot, further down a horse's lower jaw, fragments of an iron spear, a bone-handled knife, and an iron nail. Below all lay the skeleton and by it a bronze needle and sixty tiny yellow beads. The wooden floor was strewn with white sand and the hole tilled in with black earth. Such was a typical poor grave not far to the west of Smela. The same type is rather more developed in another good example in this part of the country^ near Guljaj Gorod. Sufficient description is an explanation of the plan. The mound was 7 ft. high in the miclst was a pit 9 ft. 6 in. X 7 ft. and 7 ft. deep with the remains of a wooden erection supported on four posts and iloored with wood. Along the e. wall lay a skeleton vv. of it were bits and other remains of harness in bronze, iron N. and s. and bone, and in the middle an iron coat of mail. In the n. part of the pit lay a small bronze brooch in the form of a boar and the remains of a leathern quiver with over 150 bronze arrow-heads. Along the w. wall going s. were, a long iron spear-head, a bronze mirror with a handle, and a long oblong stone dish and by it pieces of red and yellow colour. At the south end were the remains of another skeleton and an extra skull. Essentially similar but more elaborate are the tombs near Zhurovka s. of Shpola. The example No. cd at Krivorukovo, two miles from Zhurovka, Scythians,
;
:
;
1 Counl A. A. Y^ohr'msko], Barro7i's and chatice ArchaeoloiTical fi)ids about the Villai^c of S/nela, 1*. I. St 1887, 11. 1894, III. 1902 (cited as Sin. I gladly take this opportunity of thanking Count Bobrinskoj for his liberality in sending me his beautifully illustrated volumes). Continued in HCA. iv. p. 24, XIV. p. I, XVII. p. 77, XX. p. cf. Archiv f. I
:
R. Khanenko, XIX. (1891), p. 1 10. Antiquities of the Region of the Diupr Jiasiit, Ptriod before the great Migration, \o\. 11. I't 11. and Ft ill. Kiev, 1900. Bobrinskoj's finds are at Smela, Khanenko's in the town Museum, Kiev,
Anthrop.
I. 7 on f. 70. No. xxxviii. pi.
^
^S'w. 11. p. 2, pi.
^
Siii.
\.
p. 100,
.\.\iv.
22 on
f.
70.
Scythic
176
Totnbs.
Kiev Group
[
CH.
Greek cylix with a vth century was probably a little valued offering got it rid of by an Olbian shrine of Apollo, just as is done at the present day We may allow some time for its coming is not likely to have been lost. into the possession of its Scythic owner and finding its way into a grave, The annexed plan so that the interment may be put in the ivth century B.C. (f. 70) gives the general disposition, and the objects found are mostly figured by Count Bobrinskoj'. The barrow was 4*20 m. high and 164 m. round. Just above the natural surface of the ground were found the remains of The latter went a flat wooden roof reaching out far beyond the grave pit. down 2 "2 2 metres. It was taken up by a wooden erection with nine posts The sides of the pit were defined by ditches in which supporting the roof. were fixed the lower boards of a wooden lining. The floor was of oak'-. At the SE. corner entered the approach in which were two horse skeletons 'l"o the right of the with bits (i, 2) and other trappings. entrance stood two big amphorae (3, 4) and a native vessel (5), beyond a gold plaque with a crouching deer (cf. p. 214, f 115 = CR. 1876, p. 136) (6), and the cylix above mentioned (7). On the central post had hung two sets of horse trappings, including a gold plate (8) with interesting spirals and dots'*. By the post was a piece of meat (9) of which the bone had survived, and from near it was chosen because of the
special interest of a
inscription AeXcfu-vio ^vurj 'lr)Tpo.
It
;
there pointed a pair of spears (10) northwards towards the principal skeleton (11), which lay surrounded with the trappings of man and beast, including
A
a mirror (12) and a quiver with 463 arrows (13). second skeleton of a young man lay along the sw. wall (14). Close to his head was a shirt of iron mail (15), and by him bits and ornaments. The objects found in this tomb recall in style those from the VII Brothers (inf. p. 206), as well as those across the Dnepr in Poltava (v. p. 180 sqq.).
Fig.
Scythic barrow near Kalnik, government of Kiev. Original p. 169, f. 200. Circumference 193 paces. a. Top of barrow levelled for ploughing. b. Humus. c. Decayed turf D. Black earth (Chernozem) making the main mass of the heap. e. Wooden tabernacle partly burnt. g. Mass of yellow green clay with burial. /. Wooden flooring under e. //. Pit full of black earth and decayed oaken piles. k^ k. Orange and black spots. /. Pocket of charcoal. w, ;//'. Human skeletons. «, n. Wooden floor extending over almost the whole area of barrow. o. Patch of red clay. p. Section of ditch. v. Subsoil of yellow clay. 71.
CR.
1891,
height, 6 m.
—
—
' BCA. XIV. pp. 8 13, ff. 8 26. The cylix is treated by Ct. I. I. Tolstoj, ib. p. 44, v. inf. Ch. XV. 2 On BCA. XIV. p. 14, ff. 28, 29, 30, we have section, plan, and conjectural elevation of such an
erection, but in this case the roof is slightly sloping, ^ Spirals are not common in Scythic ornament. BCA. xiv. p. 20, f. 51 xvii. p. 98, f 37. CR. 1904, ;
p. 89,
ff.
142, 143.
1
;
Zhurovka^ Kalnik^ Griishevka^ Day^icvka
VII >]
1
The
Kalnik was excavated by next two figures explain themselves. gives The section a good Antonovich. idea of the elaborate Professor sometimes found in and tabernacles the midst of a Scythic wooden floors The objects found were not of special interest. barrow.
BCA.
P'IG. 72.
IV. p. 42,
f.
(irushevka, dis-
t6.
excavated by Ct. Bobrinskoj No. ccci.xxxui.
trict
of
Chiji;irin,
A^ wooden posts
;
ditches. that to the SE., lay behind his head a a beef bone, but there />',
In the older tomb, crouching skeleton,
a single pot and below was no red colouring. In the later .Scythic which shewed signs of
tomb fire,
the skeleton, lay extended.
Above, between two pots, a grindstone and some bronze clamps by the head, mutton and horse bones and an earring round the like No. 455 on p. 191, f. 83: neck an electrum hoop and beads of gold, The spears had iron silver and crystal. The iron sword was heads and spikes. 64 cm. long, by it was a pierced hone. At the knees, two iron psalia and bronze ornaments at the feet, a clay pot and bronze :
;
clasp.
Darievka.
To the sw. of Smela towards Zvenigorodka at a place called Darievka', near Shpola, Madame J. Th. Abaza excavated a large barrow and found a typical Scythic grave, with the usual gold plates to the number of 270, with griffins (f. ']i), deer, lions, triangles with grains, palmettes, strips (ib.) etc. the types are very similar to those found further south though the workmanship is not quite so fine: there was also found in bronze, a large mirror, 41 arrowheads (fewer than is .usual in the south) in iron, a long spear-head, a javelinhead and knives in bone hafts; 38 bone arrow-heads, some glass beads and The excavation does not seem to have two black-glazed Greek vases. been conducted very scientifically, and it is not apparent whether there was a woman buried as well as a man, moreover there is a strange absence of At Vasilkov near by were found a dagger of the Scythoall horse gear. Siberian type with heart-shaped guard and a wonderful lion's head in stained ivory apparently of Greek workmanship (p. 193, f. 95, cf. p. 266) also bone spoons and knobs with good specimens of the Scythic beast style. :
;
:
Ryzha7iovka. Still
Ossowski '
were the results attained by the Polish archaeologist Godfryd 1884 and 1887, at Ryzhanovka, to the w. of Zvenigorodka' (f. 70,
richer in
Sill. II. p.
128 sq.
"Zbior wiadomos'ci do antropologii krajowej" (Collection of information touching the anthropology of the country) of the Cracow .Academy, Vol. xii. and "Wielki Kurhan Ryzanowski wedlug badan '^
M.
1887" in Polish, dokonanych w latach 1884 (The Great 1888 French Abstract, Cracow, Ryzhanovka Kurgan according to investigations made in 1884 and 1887). Sm. II. p. 137 sqq., i
pi.
XVI.
— XIX.
23
Scythic
To7nbs,
Kiev Group
I
ftrbnxe Ch-eett-
On<>^;>e
FIG. r,-
Mirror
(p. 66),
Model Axes
(p. 72),
Gold Plates
I
Srrx.lBt
IC.Z.
.
(p. I77),
Earring and Bronzes
(p.
266 sqq.)
VIII
Ryzhcniovka
]
i
y9
His accounts have been summarised by Count Bobrinskoj, without below). I have adopted the dimensions c^iven on (Jssowski's the plan and section. The great kurgan (barrow) was explored in i8
A
2
1
gold rosettes, on her arms two bracelets, one silver and one gold
Fig. 74.
wore eight
Mat.
rings,
(rather like
PI. v.
Rather
Xos. 25
'
like
XIII.
p.
y]^
f.
•]
= Siit.
li.
xvi.
9.
I'art
;
she
Ryzhanovka.
of gold necklace.
gold staters of Panticapaeum 16), one set with an unworked piece of limestone, and three Cf. ADC. pi. vi. 2. and 27 or 32 in F. Haiiser, Die Nco-Attischen Reliefs.
two
seal rings,
two
set with
-
23—2
i8o
Scythic
Kiev Group
Tombs.
[ch.
The seals are a winged quadruped and a dagger, and Hercules' quite plain. Across between club and bow, both of them suggest coins of Panticapaeum. of triangles grains (called wolf's teeth, of the the shoulders were three rows the rest of her Upon clothing space was as on p. 197, f. 90), points downwards. ones, big convex 2 rayed ones, 47 small 1 found for three big flat rosettes, 44 convex ones, two small flat ones, 230 large knots, three small ones, 20 silver tubes and two bronze rings. By the skeleton were found in bronze a pail and plate, in silver an object that fell to pieces, a saucer and a fluted cup with three gilt rings and a frieze of dogs round it, a clay saucer, bottle and spinning whorl, a blackhave already menglazed cantharos (mended) and two bone bodkins. tioned the amphora, mirror, cup and pin found on a shelf by the entrance
We
of the chamber. I have enumerated all these things because there is no rich tomb whereof the disposition had remained untouched and was noted down with It is not quite normal because it is the tomb of a woman such exactness. only, but it gives a good idea of. how the innumerable gold plates beloved by the Scythians were applied. To judge by Count Bobrinskoj's plates the greater part of the Ryzhanovka objects are imitations of Greek work made by native workmen or there is little distinctively Scythic by inferior artizans in Panticapaeum tombs that the Scythic work is in other noticeable is but it them, about and weapons, both of which are naturally trappings horse on represented best in detail, In this and the earrings, the strips with woman's grave. absent in a frontlets with Maenads and with pendants, and the leafwork and with griffins, The parcel barrow gilt silver cup recalls it agrees with the Deev 70). (p. similar vessels from Kul Oba\ The by its shape and decoration the series of form seems native, though Greeks may have imitated it to order. The earthe two coins are rings have an archaic, almost oriental, touch about them the bronze pail, though it has put between 350 and 320 B.C. (v. Ch. xix.) been rudely supplied with an iron handle, is a beautiful piece of Greek work, The figures on the tiara, already degraded by perhaps of the iiird century. repetition, and the cantharos (cf. Ch. xi. § 7, f. 254) might be later, so that the whole interment may be put in the nnd century. ;
1
;
;
Government of Poltava.
Axjutintsy.
On the left side of the Dnepr near Romny (Poltava government) at Axjutintsy, S. A. Mazaraki dug up an interesting barrow about 1885. In this district the course of the Sula cuts off from the steppe a district rich in wood and water, and it seems as if any nomads that did cross the river tended to settle down to some degree, being protected by the river from other nomads, and henceforward finding no necessity to change their pastures at various seasons; hence the barrows thickly grouped along the river escaped speedy plunder and so their investigation promises welP. The spoils of the chief barrow (No. 2) at Axjutintsy (10 m. high, 156 m. '
pp. 198, 200,
ff.
91, 93,
cf. p.
287,
ABC. XXXIV. XXXV.
2
Zavitnevich ap. Bobrinskoj, Sin.
ii.
p.
loi.
VIII
Government of Poltava.
Axjjct'mtsy
\
8
i
l82
Scythic
To7nbs.
Kiev Group
[
CH.
a central pit 8*5 m. x 4*2 m. and i m. deep, offer a great contrast to those at Ryzhanovka, inasmuch as the tomb being that of a warrior, ahnost all the objects are arms or trappings, and all are most purely Scythic, There was a wooden erection over the burial place, under it lay the skeleton much decayed with its head to the south. By its left shoulder were two leathern quivers with 400 bronze arrow-heads, by its head on the right five iron spear-heads and a javelin, in the se. corner of the grave three iron bits with bronze \pdXLa (others were of bone, v. p. 189, f. 81), 18 bronze plates from In the nw. horse trappings and some ornaments with fantastic beast heads. corner was a bronze Scythic cauldron weighing 40 lbs., a perished bronze dish, a terra cotta cylix, an amphora with 15 gold faces in it, a small oblong gold in plate with a deer on it, five stones for throwing and the remains of textile the NE. corner was a small urn. The skeleton wore bronze armour and a plain gold open neck hoop, i lb. in weight; by the pelvis were an iron sword of Scytho-Siberian type and a large gold oblong plate with a crouching deer (f. 75), the cover of a quiver or bow case, for under it lay a heap of bronze arrow-heads. There was another grave in the barrow lower down, the skeleton much decayed and by it only animals' bones, and 40 bronze arrow-heads. The only purely Greek object seems to be the cylix, which may be referred to The same date may be. given to the vth cent. B.C. the great plate with the deer, which recalls the Kul Oba deer (put by Furtwangler in the middle of that century-) and Minusinsk designs (p. 251, f. 172). barrow^ opened in 1905 had been robbed, but not till the wooden chamber had rotted, so only the servants' division suffered. The other held two skeletons and much the same set of grave goods as the chief barrow of Volkovtsy (v. inf.V Most noticeable were nine gold plates from a belt (f. 75 dis), a diadem strip, bronze Fig. 75, bis. Axjutintsy, greaves and the bones of swine as well as sheep (v. p. 49). Gold Plate from Belt. Greek cvlix had vth century letters scratched upon /^ep. Hist. Mils. Mosv u ^ ^ \x. ^^ ^-C i. ^ ^^^ ^^ t"^ pattern on the strip goes back to ivth '^' cow, 1906 I. 3. century work, this smaller barrow cannot be older than the iiird century.
about)\ found
in
;
A
A
i
^u
I.
Volkovtsy.
1897 and 1898 Mazaraki excavated at Volkovtsy, the next village to Axjutintsy, a rich tomb which Count Bobrinskoj has illustrated and described'. The barrow was 13 m. high and some 150m. round; about it was a bank. In the midst was an oaken chamber 5 m. x 3*5 m. The plan (f. 76) gives a singularly complete view of the contents of a Scythic tomb in this part of the country. The skeleton lay with its head to the s. About its neck was a gold torque (p. 184, f. ']'], No. 424), by its collar-bone a gold tube (No. 418), about its right arm a gold ribbon (No. 425), by its left forearm a quiver adorned with gold plates (Nos. 406, 410, 413, 417) and containing three hundred arrows. By its left In
Moscow
n. p. 163.
'
-"^"i-
2
p. 203,
f.
()?>
= ABC.
XXVI.
I, cf.
p. 266.
For description, plan, section and illustrations of chief objects v. Rcp07-t of Imp. Riiss. Hist. Miis. ^
iox 1906, pp. 14—17, ff. i, 2, PI. i. 11. Sfn. in. p. 82 sqq. ff. 22—42. See also B. Khanenko, op. cit, Vol. II. Pt il. p. 6. 1
I'm]
Axjuti7itsy.
Volkovtsy
'«3
ScutH.
Q I
.J
a-tt
5v
D 3 JatfcUnKtAiv
V) &r"0T
•*)
Aknptioroi,
i,»vt{
ioo A*-TOWS.
Potj.
Q Fig. 76.
«o
Q
Plan of tomb at Volkovtsy.
N.B.
'-^
The
North. " .Mace
Volkovbv^.SmglallZp'g
Head
" is
the cup
f.
79,
No. 451.
Scytinc
Tombs.
Kiev Group
CH.
o
6
o
o
5-
a.
> o
o
O
I'm]
Volkovtsy
185
Gold. Volkovtsy. 'VoS.Khawewko Fig. 78.
Horse's frontlet, cheek and bridle ornaments
(v.
p.
187, 283).
{.
M.
24
Scythtc
i86
Tombs
Kiev Group
[cH.
S ilver.
4-ib
FiG. 79.
Cups
(p.
81),
5.«./».^-/ (pp. 78,
.87)
and Dagger
(p.
7O
from Poltava government.
2
VIII
Volkovtsy.
]
l^opovka
187
hand was a silver cup (f. 79, No. 451). The nk. corner of the tomb was ^iven up to the remains of armour, bronze and bone, and a great bronze hehiiet. In the NW, corner stood an amphora, a bhick-glazed vessel and three other pots between, at the dead man's feet hung- his clothes whose gold plates strewed To his right were a dagger and the ground (f. "ji, Nos. 408, 415, 419, 420). a collection of horse trappings (No. 315), including six bits with bronze psalia, horses' cheek ornaments and frontlets of gold (f. 78), a large gold fish (f. ']'], No. 404) and other fragments. In the sw. corner were nine iron spear-heads, three javelin-heads, and an iron battle-axe, and by them along the s. wall four maces or standards' (f. 79, No. 224), and further a big Scythic cauldron and a The manner in which the Greek motives have been saucer of gilt bronze. degraded is well exemplified by the horse's frontlet with a gorgoneion at the top end and two griffins which I did not distinguish until I came to draw them.
Compare
the pair of horse frontlets from
(p.
166,
ff.
54, 55).
Later Tombs.
Popdvka.
About
Tsymbalka
also on the Sula, Mazaraki likewise carried on large group of barrows". These belong to a later period a excavations as is shewn by the abundance of iron used for arrow-heads as well as for swords and spears, which themselves differ somewhat in type from those An interesting find was one of bone scale found in more ancient graves. armour made of pieces of various sizes, sewn on much as were the common That the Sarmatians used such armour we know from Paubronze scales.
Popovka,
in
sanias (i. 21. 5) who says that a Sarmatian hauberk of scales made of horses' hoofs was preserved as a curiosity in the Temple of Aesculapius at Athens. In one barrow there was also found a mirror with a loop in the middle of the back such as is common in tombs of the time of the great migrations. The figures of stone-bucks and birds of prey recall Siberian objects and There seem no Greek objects but amphorae, and the finds in ne. Russia. no objects of Roman manufacture. Still these graves may be probably assigned to the first two centuries a.d. just before the great apparent changes of population in these parts. Further Scythic finds from the Kiev and Poltava governments are published in the catalogue of B. 1. Khanenko's collection now in the town Museum at Kiev. The interest of these is that they lead on to the mediaeval and northern beast style, which owes much, may be even its origin, to influence exerted through the Scythians. The Scythic graves are succeeded in this region^ and to the north of containing very similar objects, but occurring in cemeteries it by graves without barrows over the interments. The imported objects become Roman and even include coins (e.g. of Faustina and Gordian), dating these burials Cremation is practised and skeletons are as of the iind and iiird centuries. sometimes found in the early huddled position. The native pottery improves, but on the whole not much of value was buried with the dead there is ;
'
Supply on
p.
78 references to Greek an;iloj(ues
both bird and beast bu/ichuki \\k.e. those on Olyiiipid, IV. xxiii. 410 417, Delp/ws, V. xv. 4.
to
—
f.
79,
^
Sin.
''
We
ii.
p.
i68 sqq.
cannot yet speak of a La T6nc period
Russia; for scattered objects
in
in that style, v. p. 259.
24
—
i88
Scythic
Tojnbs.
Kiev Group
CH.
VII i]
Bo7ie
Carvi7tgs
.V
189 x
a. 0.
2 'a.
O c o
he
00
d
Scythic Tombs.
190 So/Hiic Am-owhsicls iron. •f37
MCddU
Bone,
foi •5m.li:.
Fig. 82.
t)m^)i^^
a
il
i"o% After SmlE
tSmU
[cH.
Kiev District
>cvi
Copper.
4-
3
/f'-V^''"''^-
Arrow and Spear Heads
(p.
68),
Axe and Knife
(p.
72),
Mirrors
(p.
66).
viii]
Objects
from
Governfne?its of Kiev cuid Po/ta\va
I (j
I
E.H.M. Fig. 83.
Mirror (pp. 65, 266), Gold Plates and Earrings (pp. 62, 177, 269), Pins
(p.
57, n.
i),
Harness
ip.
76).
Scythic
192
Fig. 84.
Sinjavka No.
Tombs,
Kiev Group
Gold plates on Skull
100.
(v.
p.
58).
Sm.
in, p.
[cH.
139,
f.
71.
|.
a remarkable absence of weapons, and of horses, the bones found being Thus the cemeteries of Zarubintsy, exclusively those of food animals. Cherniakhovo, and Pomashki', excavated by Mr V. V. Chvojka, form a bridge connecting the Scythic type of these regions with the Slavonic type of later times. There is much to be said for the view well put forward by Chvojka that the basis of the population was the same always, that we have in fact the Slavonic Neuri for a time under strong Scythian influence, even lordship possibly, at other times under Roman or Gothic Certainly the inland attraction, but always reverting to their own ways. Nw. Scythic graves which occur north of the forest line are by no means so typical as those about the Dnepr bend, and these are less characteristically nomadic than those on the Kuban; the number of horses sacrificed increases steadily as we go east. It seems rash to call the makers of the Neolithic "areas" Slavs, they might be yet undifferentiated from other kindred stocks, but there does not seem good evidence for any fundamental change of 1
Cf.
Chvojka.
"Cemeteries of the mid Dnepr," by V. V.
TRAS.
xii.,
Pt
i.,
St
P.,
1901,
Russo-
Slav. Section, pp. 172
— 190.
Later
vni]
Ccjnetei^ics.
Cha?tce Fuids
CKxnce^vii^s ___^5^^^^^^ aear6mela'»
SMiuA Fig. 85.
Looped Minors
population.
The
(p.
66),
Lion's
Head
(pp.
78,
266), Cylinder,
ivory.
Amt^r c.v^i.sm
I p,77.
193
i Fror,Ksp\«ce»piii
CKj.lc«
Kholodnyj Jar No. xix
(p.
271).
remained on the land though they had to submit to aristocracies of warlike foreigners coming upon them alternately from the steppes to the se. and from the forests and seas to the .\w. M.
agricultural
folk
25
Scythic
194
Tomhs about Kerch
[
CH.
Royal and Golden Barrows.
Tombs of the Scythic type are also found where we should least But for the great expect them, in the immediate environs of Panticapaeum. finds of Kul Oba we should not ascribe the vaults of the Golden Barrow (Altyn Oba) or the Royal Barrow (Tsarskij Kurgan) to natives but they all belong to the same class and probably once hid similar contents, though The masonry of all is clearly the first alone preserved them to our day. Are we Greek, though the plan rather suggests the Mycenaean period. to see in it a survival of the old method of burial among the Milesian ^
Are we
to ascribe this way of building influence of Asia Minor, if this be not saying the same thing in other words, or should we not rather regard these as the translation into stone of the wooden roof and earthen
descendants of the ancient race
tombs
?
to
the
with a gallery leading down to it which formed The Tsarskij Kurgan the typical Scythian grave ? may be said to be the only impressive architectural monument left by Greek builders on the north coast of the Euxine, with the possible exception of the town walls of Chersonese. The great barrow is three miles to the ne. of Kerch, a little inland of It has a the Quarantine, the site of Myrmecium. circumference of 250 m. (820 ft.) and a height of Fig. 86. curious feature in the heap is the 17 m. (55 ft.). Into one side of layer of seaweed which occurs also in barrows near Taman\ it leads a gallery 116 ft. long, 1 1 ft. broad and 23 ft. high, the walls being for pit
A
Fig. 87.
Kerch.
ABC.
Section of Royal barrow.
PI.
A^
D.
ft.) perpendicular, and then for twelve corbelled out one above they meet at the top, all being of great stones hewn in the rustic manner. At the end of the gallery is a doorway 13 ft. high and 7 ft. broad, leading into a chamber 21 ft. square and 30 ft. high, roofed by a circular Egyptian vault ingeniously adapted to the square plan. But the whole has been plundered and has lain open from time immemorial.
six courses (10
another
until
1
E. D. Clarke, Travels^,
11.
p.
73.
VI
1
Royal and Golden Barrows.
1]
Kid Oha
'95
Altyn Oba, or the Golden Harrow to the w. of Kerch alon*^ of is
th(;
Hue
Mount Mithriclates, resembles the Tsarskij Kurgan, except that the gallerymuch shorter and the vault is round on plan. It contained two subsidiary
chambers and had a stone revetment. It also was pluntlered long ago and the masonry is in no way so well preserved as that of the former tomb'.
Knl
Oba.
K,ul Oba .Temple Onaament
ABCPLXDC.
^^^^•
.
Br^aSt HouribLec Fk;. 88.
.
f&x'C^
.
I.
This is also true of the famous Kul Oba from which much stone has been taken to build an adjacent village, so that the balance of its Egyjitian vault was disturbed, and the ransacking that its riches brought upon it has reduced it to utter ruin. For the circumstances of the opening of the tomb in 1830 the reader is referred to the account of Dubrux", but we here reproduce the plan and section on a larger scale. 1
'
ABC.
plan A", B,
i.
^
ABC.
pp. 4
— 16 of Reinach's reprint.
Scythic
196
Tombs.
Kerch
CH.
'Koul-Ota.PknandSeftioni'romNorthtoSouth-AB.CnanA^ Somjn^
-c
da^ Tujnwius.
(not shewn here) refer to details of the exterior of the mound on
ABC.
Plan A,
A,
P..
Are four amphorae, one with the stamp of Thasos.
/•
A
Scythic cauldron containing
mutton honest
Two
silver
basins
gilt
containing three
bottomed silver rhyta^ and a
(lost)
round vessels'-', two cup marked little
EPMEfl''. in which were the bones of a horse, a helmet and
Sunk space greaves.
Skeleton of groom, many gold plates.
Woman's
(?)
about him
skeleton.
Llectrum vase with rehefs
of
Scythians'". Great coffin ti.
of cypress or juniper wood. King's skeleton. Board dividing off the compartment 5 in which were the king's arms.
Bronze hydria. Bronze amphora. Lesser Scythic cauldron". Bronze dish about 9 inches across. iron spear-heads,
Two
i
ft.
3 in.
long.
(Not shewn here). Pegs m .S. wall from which hung clothes, from which fell gold plates^
Wooden
Zl.
ceiling.
Keystone of vault. Places where the
V. X.
walls
had /'/an €i
given.
H^toH^
Hole above the door by which
y-
Dubrux
Coti/it,
da
ATtirJ ,Lt,.J\,^.
u-'naa/t/bSf onto
^n^r/ut
/in /iJc<^
entered.
Beams which .
held the stones of the door and vestibule. Under-tomb in which the deer
was found*. bb. cc.
Dry stone wall closing entrance. Rough stone exterior.
2,
Walls of tomb. Vestibule.
3-
Door.
I.
4-
Seven courses of vault closed by V. Compartment in which lay the king's arms.
I'll,.
1
* 7
ABC. xuv. II. ABC. XXXVII. 4. ABC. XX. XXI. XXII.
''
5
ABC. XXXIV. ABC. xxxiii.
1,2;
3,
4 [%• 9i]. xxxv.
[figs. 93, 94]-
5, 6.
89. 3 " »
[fig.
90].
ABC. XXXV. 4 ABC. xuv. 7, ABC. XXVII.
I
[on
fig.
90].
12, 13. [fig. 98].
5.
.
.
.
Kul Oha
197
Gold Objeas from KutOba.
'^ij^.uuxjxiixDS:^
OcU Plate
.
KulOba.. ASC.K?C.9.
Goia Plate. KulOba.ABC.XU. Kul OV>a. Queen.
KuLlOba..<2oiaPkt« ABC.VlU.Z.
£,«ij
<,£
o,old
NecKlet
Av6C Xxxu.io.
ABCvui.s.
uoU.blue&g^recnEiniimel.WofGapper Necklet from
beW tKe ftoor. Kul Ota,
'<"uIObci.GoU. Hollow figure tt/ith
A^ C XK L .
.
Cup&C^uivcr.
ABC XX>C7 &
loKul-OU'
Vhe{ Stone' ABC. XXVI 3. Kul OU. IC^iGoliArml«t.
ABC. xx .IS. GoLl Pkte.Kul Ota XT ,>
A. 15.
T-, 1
^
he hgiiie
.
,
in ilie
i except xxx. 7 and 10, \ middle with cup and quiver should be
^'P- 90-
and xxxvi. marked ABC.
;
4,
%
xx'xil.
i,
and the archers xx.
6.
Scythic Tombs.
198
Kerch
[CH.
A&C.Pl.xxKiv.
ICulOba. Silver.
5ilver7barcel
f.1
Fig. 91.
'i-
VIll]
Kul Oba
99
i I >-*,
-
^~--^AvV^^ '
W:5!y| I '--~^^U%j
^^j-5
\\-n
Fig. 92.
.>~i-
Bracelets from Kul Oba.
ABC.
.\in.
i,
3,
King.
2,
Queen.
3.
200
Kerch
Scythic Tombs.
Kul Oba, the mound
[cH.
about 4 miles w. of Kerch beyond Altyn Oba and with it was incorporated in ancient defences of the peninsula. It is long shaped, contains traces of several minor interments and at the east end had twin peaks. In one the chamber almost vanished long ago, in the other was a vault in construction similar to that of Altyn Oba, except that its plan was square, and it preserved its square section up to the summit. The vault was 15 ft. x 14 ft. and 17 ft. high, ot"
ashes,
is
the gallery only 7 ft. long. The section (p. 196, f. 89) shews the construction and the plan gives the distribution of the objects as they were found, and
Fig. 93.
Electrum vase from Kul Oba'.
ABC. xxxni.
i.
\.
should be compared with that of Chertomlyk (p. 156) and Karagodeuashkh. The system of construction, sumptuous though it was, did not allow of the 1
These
cottas
of
figures find
Scythians
new analogues
in
Egypt
300
from
c.
terra B.C.
W. and
Flinders Petrie, Memphis, i. (1909), PI. XL. p. 17, v. supra p. 39 f 3 bis.
VIIl]
Fig. 94.
CR.
Kul Oba
1864, p.
Two
142.
groups.
Kul }.
Oba
Vase.
Fig. 95.
20I
Kul Oba. Bronze mirror with gold handle = yJi9C. xx.xi. 7. ^.
M.
26
202
Scythic
many
side
chambers or of space
Tombs. for horse
Kerch
[
graves and groom graves
in
CH. the
true Scythic style.
Upon
the woman's head was a diadem of electrum with a pattern About her of pahnettes and hippocamps\ and with enamelled rosettes. neck was a gold necklace finely braided, and a neck ring with lion ends^ Near the waist were two medallions of Athena with pendants and three These are all earrings or temple smaller such decorated with flowers I why they occurred in this ornaments hung from the ends of a diadem By her side were two bracelets with a pattern position does not appear. between her knees the vase of griffins seizing deer many times repeated* She was laid upon the floor and covered with five inches with Scythians". Between her and the groom lay six knives with long handles of black mould. of ivory, and a seventh with its haft plated with gold". This is the only object She had also a Greek mirror with a near her of distinctly Scythic type. About her were fragments of turned wood and handle of Scythic work^ painted planks, probably part of her coffin^ The king and his belongings lay in a great box 9 ft. 4 in. square and 10^ in. high. The side towards the woman was open. The king wore on his head a pointed felt cap adorned with two strips of ;
;
embossed gold [ABC. 11. 2 and f 96). His neck ring ended in mounted Scythians (f 97). On his right upper arm was a bracelet an inch broad with alternate scenes of Peleus and Thetis and Eos and Memnon, and blue forget-me-nots between^ On each fore-arm were two electrum armlets and on his wrists bracelets with sphinxes at the ends". To the left of the king a narrow board cut off a compartment for his arms be^^^^^ j^j^^ ^^^ ^j^^ ^p^^^ ^j^^ ^f ^^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^^ '",
Fig. 96.
ABC.
band round
There was
11.
i.
Kul Oba.
king's hood.
his
Gold
\.
sword of Scythic
Fig. 97.
Kul Oba.
style
with a blade nearly
Gold and enamel necklet=yi5C.
viii.
i.
2
ft.
6
in.
long
\.
broad '^; his whip with gold thread plaited into the lash; a gold plate from the sword sheath'^; a greave, the other being on the king's
and 3^ 1
-
^ ^
^ " ^
*
in.
ABC. II. 3. ABC. VIII. 2 on fig. 90. ABC. XIX. and 4 on fig. 88. ABC. XIII. 2 on fig. 92. ABC. XXXIII. figs. 93, 94. ABC. XXX. 9, 10 on fig. 90. ABC. XXXI. 7 fig. 95. ABC. Lxxxiii. Lxxxiv. I, V.
ABC. ABC.
on fig. 92. XXVI. 3 on fig. 90, perhaps Dubrux means one on each ten smaller ones (ib. 4) "
1"
1
XIII. 3
:
may have come down to the " ABC. XIII. on fig. 92. 12 Haft ABC. XXVII. 10. 13 ABC. XXVI. 2, fig. 98. I
inf.
Ch. xi. §
4.
wrists.
VUl
Kul Oba
203
X
'^
CO Q/
Q-A
^'
rf
CJ (O
o"
X <
;:i
2
2
c^
c
Q_
o c
Q>
tu
E
^
-d
2 iri
tk
-a
.S
>
*
^
^ /
,
;::)
26—2
Kerch
Scythic Tombs.
204
[CH.
and a round drinking cup with Under the king's head were four gold statuettes a boss in the middle (f. 99). of a Scythian with a bow case", and one of two Scythians drinking out of In the engravings it is hard to distinguish these from the the same horn'. As usual the whole ordinary stamped gold plates, but they are in the round. floor was strewn with these stamped plates', shewing all the types we have already met; sometimes it seems from the same dies as those found at Chertomlyk, Oguz and VII Brothers^ Also many bronze arrow-heads were right, a
hone pierced and mounted
Fig. 99.
in
Phiale Mesomphalos.
gold
\
Kul
Gold.
Q)\)2i
= ABC.
XXV.
\^.
found, too hard for a file to bite on them. In sifting the earth in the vault there were found the remains of the ivory veneer from an inner coffin with fragments of perhaps the most beautiful Greek drawings extant, representing the judgment of Paris (ff. 100, loi), the rape of the daughters of Leucippus (f. 102), preparations for the race between Pelops and Oenomaus^ and other pieces in a more sketchy style with a Scythian dragged by the reins^ shewing that these bits at any rate were made for the Scythian market, if not in Panticapaeum itself (inf. Ch. xi. § 5); also pieces with quasi-architectural decoration, ' •
2
Back 3 •
ABC. XXX. 7 ABC. XXXII.
on
fig.
*
90.
reference omitted on view, Sabatier, Souvenirs de Kcrtsch,
ABC. ABC.
I,
XXXII. 10, fig. 98, cf. p. XX. XXI, XXII. some on
83, n. fig.
2.
90.
fig.
90.
V. 4.
f.
p.
106, •'
"
158,
No.
ABC. ABC.
f.
45,
ASH. xxx.
6,
3.
LXXix. 13, 14 on f. LXXix. 9 on f. 103.
103.
10,
16; p. 208,
204
Scythic
A
Fig. loo.
Kul Oba.
T'ombs.
Drawings upon
ivory.
[CH.
Kerch
Judgment
of Paris.
ABC.
LXXIX.
i.
\.
Kul Olm
^^I
Fig. ioi.
Judgment of
Paris.
ABC.
204
i.xxix.
2.
\.
H
204
c
Scythic
Tombs.
Kerch
CH.
kJ
o
Kill
Oha
204.
I)
Kill
VIIl]
Oha
205
including a kind of Ionic capital (f. 104). Before the careful examination and registration of the contents of the vault had been completed, this latter began to AiIl about the head of Dubrux to whom we owe the account. Unhappily during the third night the guards set over the chamber left their post, and Greeks and peasants of the neighbourhood risked entering into the danger and began to collect the remaining gokl plates. This led them to dig up the floor, and under it they found another tomb in the
?);jib
of greertg(a/}.>fSC.Lx;cx.i5.
Fig. 104
in any way. The skeleton was almost decayed there was much gold and electrum. The story goes that out of 120 lbs. of gold found the government only rescued 15 lbs., and that there was not a woman about Kerch but had ornaments of the Of the treasury in the undertomb there were recovered only the spoil. well-known deer', and two gold lions' heads- which formed the ends of a Next day the whole tomb was a wreck. great neck ring of gilt copper. In what relation ihe undertomb may have stood to the upper one no man can say. The dead man has been supposed to be an ancestor of the king that lay above, or conceivably it was a cache and the skeleton was The deer seems to have been the ornament of a shield a guard for it. a very similar one has been found at Kostromskaja near the Kuban with ->> traces of a round shield about it (v. pp. 225, 226, ff 128, 129). The cauldrons, the queen's mirror handle, the sword hilt and some of the gold plates alone shew purely Scythic workmanship, but many of the things made by Greeks were clearly intended for the Scythian market, e.g. the deer, the sword-sheath (if indeed these be not of native work, v. p. 265 sqq.), the adornments of the king's pointed cap, the hone, the cups and some of the neck-rings, for the forms of the objects are Scythic, even though the style be Greek. Therefore we need hardly hesitate to believe that the man buried in Kul Oba was just as much a native chief as that in
earth
itself
away.
and not lined
In this
tomb
;
1
'
ABC.
XXVI.
I
on
fig.
98.
-
ABC.
J vni. 3 on
fig.
90, coloured figure, Sabalier, op.
cit. pi. IV.
2o6
Scythic Tombs,
Kuban Group
[ch.
But he must have come within the attraction of Greek Sultan of Johore or a Dhuleep Sincrh puts on the external trappings of another civilisation and buys its products. The house of Spartocus, the rulers of the Bosporus, though of barbarian origin, were if anything Thracian, and certainly far more truly Hellenized than the king of Kul Oba, with whom the veneer is very thin, as testify the slaughtered slave and wife and the very mutton bones in the
Chertomlyk barrow.
civilisation,
just as Scyles did, or just as a
cauldron.
Kuban Group.
Seven Brothers.
To the east of the Bosporus the same culture prevailed and along the These tombs seem course of the Kuban many tombs have been opened. to have been less thoroughly ransacked in former times, so that they have The first group to be explored in now offered many interesting objects. this district was that called the Seven Brothers lying on the steep side These barrows were excavated by of the Kuban lo m. sse. of Temrjuk. Of them No. i was Baron B. G. von Tiesenhausen in 1875 and i876\ almost a blank. No. ii'' contained a stone chamber with one corner set The bits, psalia and trappings apart for the man, in the remainder 13 horses. of three horses offer most remarkable forms, e.g. the fore part of a horse at one end and a hoof at the other'*, others are in the shape of axes or of beakheads (f. 109), some of the bits themselves have cruel kylvoi upon them with spikes to make them more effectived The man's skeleton was wearing a hauberk with scales, some of gilt iron, some of bronze^ and by him was a spare cuirass of iron, once adorned with a splendid pectoral in silver, a horned hind suckling a fawn with an eagle displayed beneath (f. 105). About his neck he wore a torque of gold and two necklaces" upon his clothes innumerable various gold plates exemplifying the Scythic love of animal forms (f 106). Some of these go back to the beginning of the vth cent. B.C., for there is the turn-up nose and the long eye of the archaic period (ib. No. i). Some, e.g. No. 3, are identical with -those at Kul Oba, but most are earlier in style, compare the winged boar on f. 106 with that on f. 90. By his side were the remains of a very long and heavy sword and of a lance, a rhyton ending in a lion's head^ a
;
on
1
CH. 1875—77.
2
Plan, CJ?. 1876,
^
ib. p.
•
CR.
f.
1
15.
p.
\2\=KTR. 1876, p. 123
117 on p. 50,
— 126, ''
f.
fig.
114.
57.
cf.
ib. II.
those from No. 15
—
18.
iv.
ing
«
ib. IV. 6, 7
'
ib. iv. 8.
9
CR.
came 1°
and
1881, i. to light
in. 26 *
3,
on
f.
106.
ib. iv.
this exquisite
11, 12.
Vth cent, engrav-
on subsequent cleaning, CR. 1877, p. 9 and i. i, 2 on f. 105.
Seven Brothers
VIIl]
207
:'''»A'U
Fig. 105.
Silver, parcel gilt, pectoral.
Seven Brothers, No.
II.
= 6" A*.
1876, IV.
i.
Scythtc Tombs.
2o8
Kuban Group
1
3^ Rot.«tt<.s ift
blue
tirtavrvav
Afmb4 n*. Fig. 106.
\.
[ch.
v\\\
Seve7i
Fig. 107.
CR.
1876, iv.
9.
Brot/iet's
beven
liroihcrs,
No.
209
Ii.
Silver phiale.
I
'
r^ivn»' "iV ff
'
' .
T? n
&r*
Fig. ioS.
M.
CR. 1877, "• 3- Sex en Brothers, Nos. and IV. Golden quiver tip. }.
ii
Fig. 109.
CR. 1876, p. 126. Bridle Seven Brothers, No. 11.
ornament.
27
2IO
To7nbs.
Scythic
Kubait Group
[ch.
parts of a broken silver vessel, and to the east of the chief tomb was the tomb of five horses with bridles adorned with bronze. The fourth barrow had a horse tomb yielding further varieties of bits and bronze plaques with fantastic animals contorted in the typical Scytho-
The central vault had been pillaged partly, but Siberian taste (f. 115). by the head of the skeleton were found two gold rhyta, not completely ending, one in a sheep's head, the other in the forepart of a dog\ and a great silver one with winged ibex of Perso-Greek styled five (ff. 108 same as one in No. II, III, 112, 114) triangular plates, a silver cylix engraved with Nike In a compartgilt^ three amulets mounted in gold and a gold bracelet^ ment boarded off lay a leather jerkin with a crescent-shaped gorget and a gorgoneion on the breast (f 114), and bronze scales sewn all over it, a candelabrum ^ a bronze cauldron containing a sponge, some fur, a cloth and a stuff with a branching pattern upon it", a bronze dish and a ladle handle This tomb and the second are the in the form of Hermes Criophoros^ The fifth oldest of the group and may well belong to the vth century. horse tomb with only the the usual untouched bridles^ had barrow The sixth tumulus had not been opened. The chamber was divided In No. i lay the into four compartments by thin stone walls (f 114). dead man, in Nos. 2 and 3 his various gear, in No. 4 his seven horses. Over his coffin was stretched a woollen stuff roughly painted (not emIt had been in long broidered) after the fashion of black-figured vases". ;
use,
for
it
was patched and mended
(f
There was very
113).
upon
little
the dead man, scale armour, remains of furs, perhaps boots and cap, some good beads, a pair of gold "twists" (v. Ch. xi. § 12), the usual gold plates In the small compartand, most interesting, a crystal intaglio of a sow^". ment (No. 2) was a bronze mirror, some gold buttons, the sherds of two amphorae, a silver gilt cylix with a genre scene^ and a red figured vase with ephebi No. 3 held a chest with engraved ivory panels, some vases of in No. 4 the horses wore bronze and pottery and pieces of a basket The seventh tumulus bits adorned with bronze cheek-pieces and phalerae. had but a horse-tomb, in it was picked up an early earring". In none were there any remains of women's burial. The main interest in the Seven Brothers is in their undoubtedly early date (v. inf p. 265) and in the beast style, which is applied to the adornment of the horse trappings. At Eltegen (Nymphaeum) about the same year Professor Kondakov found similar pieces in two tombs, which must be classed with the Seven Brothers owing to the surprising identity of both It looks, however, as if in this gold and bronze objects yielded by them. case we had rather Greeks with Scythic horse gear, than Scythians with Greek 116)'". The pattern on the coffin sunk for inlay (f. 115, tastes (ff. 106, 114 ;
;
.
—
'
CR. CR.
1877, 1877,
I.
6, 7
;
KTR.
p.
318,
f.
286.
one end fig. in, the other on fig. 114: cf. Furtwangler \x\ Arch. Anz. 1892, p. 115. 3 CR. 1881, 1. 12 cf. p. 206 n. 9: similar cylices, I. 4 from No. VI. and i. 5 (Dionysius and Maenads) fronnagroupnearareof unsurpassed I vth cent. work. * CR. 1877, II. 13 (tusk on f 106), 14, 15; ib. 2
I.
5
;
II.
10.
s '^
;
ib. ii. 7, 8.
CR.
1877,
° I.
9.
**
CR. 1878-9, pi. v. i. CR. 1876, pp. 136-7.
"Or rather transitional red-figured of the class treated of by Six, Gaz. Arch. 1888, p. 193 H. B. Walters, Hist. Anc. Pottery., i. p. 393 Rhomaios, Ath. Mitt. 1906, p. 186; JHS. XXIX. (1909), p. i'^},. i" '• ib. in. 42. CR. 1876, iii. 28— 33 on f 106. ;
;
'^
CR.
1876, pp. 220-40;
KTR.
p. 52.
2
vni]
Seven B7~ others
2
I
I
4^ '>:
Fig. iio.
l-'ic.
III.
Gold CA'.
End
Plate.
1877,
...r^
of Great Silver Drinking Horn.
Seven Brothers, No. I.
8-
}.
iv.
Seven Brothers, No.
Fk;.
112.
iv.
CA\
(',••..
No.
IV.
CA'.
1877,
5.
1.
1.
..,;.n
Seven Brothers,
1877,
II.
5.
{.
27
X
—
Scythic
Tombs.
Kuban Group
C.R.18/879 3sr
Gr£^-U^^1)ack.gi iff 1111 toilK Fig.
113.
Seven Brothers
V'lll]
213
Onviincnl from hip
«f
c\''ea.r
Silvtr
K»\yfo^
CR.V876 ^.wy. 1876011?) Plan
Plan of
N
'V-.Herse&,
Fig. 114.
rj.
No.'fxEr.
214
Scythic To7nbs.
Kuban Group
Wcocl(2 a Coffin Fig. 115.
CH.
from
NympWum.
Ny7nphaeu7n
\III
r
.
Akhtcniizovka
215
Ch. XI. § 5), and the gold plates' are Greek. The rayed silver dish (f. 1 14)', the engraved ring and the plate with a winged being on f. 106 (Nos. 8 and 30 below), shew Iranian affinities. most remarkable mixture of cf.
^
A
Scythic and Greek grave-goods was that found by a peasant in 1900 at Akhtanizovka^ ne. of Phanagoria. A brooch (f. 117) and still more a that we have to do the first centuries a.d. Quite Greek are a conical helmet with a cfold wreath and cheek-pieces, phalerae and glass vessels. But the necklets, one of five turns, one of three, and one of nine (f. 118), are quite Siberian in character, and the hone is perhaps the latest example of a Scythic hone. So in place and in contents this tomb came between the Bosporus and the bicj intaglio
shew
with
Kuban.
At Siverskaja^ Kuban
district,
Cossacks found a similar mixture, glass vessels mounted ,above and below in gold and garnets from the upper rim carnelians and gold beads hung by
—
chains
—a
roundel
in
technique
like
Fig. 117, one with a curled-up griffin, a large phalera with rude figures and
CR. 1877,
p.
231.
Cheekpiece.
Nymphaeuni.
coins of the last Paerisades.
Figs. 117, 118.
Brooch with stone {\\ and Gold Necklet CR. 1900, p. 107, ff. 210, 211.
Akhtanizovka.
' Even the lion with serpent-headed tail, f. io6, Spartan bronze fibula, BSA. Xiii. p. 114, f. 4. ^ Cf. that found at Susa by de Morgan, M^m. de la Delegation en Perse du Min. de PInstr. Pub., T. vin.'(Paris, 1905), Fl. ui.
cf.
^
CR.
Spitsyn, *
448
1900,
BCA.
lb.
— 451,
pp. f.
pp.
104
— 108, —
xxix. pp. 19
24—26,
37,
38,
394, the phalera.
23, fir.
(^).
f!.
30
190— 219, — 36, — 35.
36—41
cf.
ff. ;
i
KTR.
.
2i6
Tombs.
Scythic
Kubaji Group
[ch.
Ka ragodeuashkh excavations have been carried on with much success on up the Kuban than the Seven Brothers. The most important find is perhaps that made in the barrow Karagodeuashkh, and it has been particularly well treated from the general point of view by Professor A. S. Lappo-Danilevskij, and from the point of view This is perhaps the most of art criticism by Professor W. Malmberg'. important contribution to the question of Scythian ethnology for the last fifteen years, and I am much indebted to it. V Karagodeuashkh barrow is near the post and railway station KrJ^mskaja about 20 miles ne. of Novorossijsk, just at the point where the Adagum, a The valley of the Adagum tributary of the Kuban, flows into the plain. is the pass by which the railway to Novorossijsk crosses the ridge of the The barrow was Caucasus, here not much more than 1500 feet high. In 1888 a hole appeared in one about 33 ft. high and 672 ft. round. E. D. Felitsyn, a local archaeologist, side of it disclosing stonework. informed the Archaeological Commission and proceeded to excavate the There appeared a row of four chambers leading one into the "^barrow^ The first was 11 ft. 6 in. others, built of squared stones, of varying heights. by 9 ft. 9 in. and 6 ft. 6 in. high, the next 14 ft. long by 11 ft. broad. the next room was 2 1 ft. long Both these chambers were plastered The last chamber was about and 7 ft. broad, plastered and frescoed. high between the chambers were doorways with in. square and 8 ft. 10 ft. 6 stone lintels. In the first room by the door were the remains of a funeral car, in the middle of the chamber were two or three horse skeletons, one with the bones shewed signs of fire. In the right-hand a bit in its mouth half of the chamber were a heap of ashes and some bones of a domestic animal, and in the corner a big amphora, 46 -cm. high; by it a silver vessel, a copper spoon and some pottery, also 150 various beads and Along the left-hand wall lay the three engraved pastes set in silverl By her head was a thin gold skeleton of a young woman in full array. plate (f. 120) roughly cut into a triangle so as to mutilate the subjects on it, Tyche or Nike, a dio-a, and a queen surrounded by attendants and wearing About it 16 ajoure plates in the shape of a dove just such a headdress. (ill. 5 on fig. 119) and 50 round Medusa heads, by her temples beautiful Greek earrings (ib. 111. 6, 7), on her neck a golden hoop and a necklace Upon her wrists were spiral bracelets ending in hippocamps (ib. IV. I, 2). (ib. III. 8), and on her right hand a ring with a woman playing the lyre Beside her lay a golden chain ending in a lion's engraved upon the bezel ^ head, a second plaited gold necklace (ib. iv. 3), and the silver roundel with Aphrodite's head (ib. iii. 12). About her were the remains of a cofiin. The second chamber was absolutely empty.
Of
the
E.
late years
side of the Bosporus higher
:
;
;
,
1 No. xni. of Materials for the Archaeology of Russia, published by the Imp. Archaeological Commission, St P. 1894.
— 1888, pp. ccxvi — ccxx.
*
CR. 1882 Mat. XI il.
*
ib.
^
iii.
10,
iv. 6, 8, 9.
\'III
Karagodeuashkh
]
217
CentTTeplece oj
NeckUce.
H
9
Jewelry from, feKe
Barrorx?
Karagodeua^VikK. Elruls of
CoCoClomue
^
Mat.^nr. 8 Fig. 119.
M.
Full size:
but
iv.
1,3,4,
2-
28
Scythic To7nhs.
2l8
Fig. I20.
Karagodeuashkli.
[CH.
Kuban Group
Gold plate from headdress.
Mat.
xiii.
iii.
i.
\%.
VIII
Karagodeuashkh
]
In
the
third
away upon
2I()
lone and narrow chamber were frescoes that crumbled A pasturing deer was distinguishable. In the bones of a horse with iron and bronze trappings.
discovery. further corner were the
Fig.
121.
Afa/.
XUI.
p.
150,
f.
23.
Karagodeuashkh.
.Silver
Rhyton, restored.
}.
In the fourth or square chamber, also frescoed, were the fragments of along the right wall various several big amphorae and one whole one smaller one, two copper cauldrons, vessels, a great copper jug, a broken ;
Fig.
A/a^.
122.
xiii.
Gold strip round hood. Karagop. 29,
f.
I.
deuashkh.
Fu;. 123.
Karagodeuashkh.
Gold
pl:itc
from quiver.
Ma/. XI 11.
I'l.
viii.
9,
pp. 56,
134.
\.
28—2
220
Scythic
Fig. 124.
Mat.
Tomhs.
xiii. p.
125,
f.
2.
Kubmi Group
Karagodeuashkh.
Part of bow-case,
CH.
^o-
\'III
221
KaragodeuasJi kh
]
and a clay lamp. Near it a great copper dish with two crossed rhyta upon it, and by tlieni a silver cylix and scyphus', and further on a <^reat bronze plate (possibly a shield it tell to pieces in being brought out) with two more crossed rhyta upon it (f. 121), a silver colander and a silver ladle". Along the left wall lay a man's skeleton, by his head gold rosettes and faces and a strip from his hood (f. 122), about his neck a gold hoop with ends in the form of lions devouring boars (Fig. 119, 11. 8, 9). At his side an iron sword with a gold haft of the Scythic type and a cylindrical hone in a plain gold mount''. On the right of his head lay a bow-case adorned with a plate of silver covered with gold and ornamented with figures in relief of the same disposition as the Chertomlyk plate (ff. 124, 125). In the quiver part 50 copper (?) arrow-heads. On the left side was another cjuiver, adorned with little gold plates, and containing 100 arrow-heads (f. 123). Above the head by the wall lay twelve iron spear-heads. About were the remains of a coffin, but it cannot be said whether the arms lay within ;
or without.
it
'1
/
I.
Fig. 125.
Mat.
xill.
p.
57,
34.
f.
Karagodeuashkh.
Bow-case.
The stone roof of all the chambers had fallen in and filled them up with earth and stones, severely damaging many objects. Also the objects found were not registered as carefully as might be, so that the details of their original disposition are no longer to be restored. For instance there is an interesting fragment of a phiale mesomphalos with concentric patterns round the perished boss\ On comparing this with the other rich Scythic tombs we may notice the absence of armour scales and of a gold plated dagger-sheath. '
Mat. XUl.
V. 2
and
p.
151,
f.
24.
'^
ib. vi. 2, 3.
^
ib. vii. 7.
•*
ib. vi. 4.
2 22
Scythic
Tombs.
Kuba7t Group.
[ch.
Kelermes.
A
little further to the east about Majkop are many barrows just where The oldest in date, various tributaries of the Kuban enter the plain\ near the Kelermes, was excavated by D. Schulz in 1903: no details or illustrations are to hand, and the novel character of the objects makes it hard to picture them to oneself even by the careful description'-*. The horse grave in this case had been plundered, but the man's body was untouched. He wore a bronze helmet, surrounded by a broad gold band as a diadem with rosettes, flowers and falcons soldered on to above and below ajour^ it in the middle was a stone apparently amber rosettes and feilcons. There was a second diadem with repouss^ flowers. At the skeleton's right hand lay a short dagger of the usual Scythic type with a gold haft and a gold sheath with a row of monsters and genii, and on the usual side-projection a crouching stag, the whole much like Melgunov's The haft had sheath (pp. 71, 172), but of a more purely Assyrian style. similar decoration. There was also found an iron axe, which is unique, enriched on haft and head with elaborate decoration of genii and beasts, gold into this the Scythic elements seem to have entered ^ wrought in more than into that of the sheath. About a yard to the left was a panther of cast gold surrounded by iron scales, corresponding exactly to the shield ornaments of Kul Oba and Kostromskaja. The eyes and nostrils were filled with glass pastes which had themselves stones let into them the ears had pastes of different colours, separated by gold cloisons, a very important ^ instance of this interesting technique. Near the feet were arrow-heads of bronze. There were also gold buttons, bronze bridles and big iron lanceheads. The chief pieces are referred to Mesopotamian art of the viith or vith century, fresh evidence of direct contact between Scyth and Assyrian. In 1904 Mr Schulz opened another barrow in which lay a man and a woman I With the former were found a gorytus cover in gold, adorned with crouching stags in squares, and two rows of panthers, a silver rhyton with centaurs and Artemis, the Lady of the Beasts. The woman had a most remarkable belt with gold adornments set with amber, a diadem with a griffin head in front, recalling very closely the griflin from the Oxus treasure (v. p. 256) from the diadem's hoop hung by chains rams' heads and flowers enamelled blue and a silver gilt mirror bearing various groups of animals, monsters and centaurs, together with a similar Artemis. In neither tomb had there been a wooden tabernacle. The two silver pieces belong to Ionian art when it was chiefly occupied with beasts and still had much in common with non- Hellenic art in Asia, and the diadem belongs to the Perso-Greek style. The belt and gorytus are more like the Scythic work, and the former strangely anticipates some details of the so-called Gothic jewelry, although it must be several centuries older. ;
;
;
.
;
—
—
^ The usual modern settlement in this district is the Cossack post or Stanitsa, mostly named either after some Russian town, e.g. Jarosldvskaja or Kostromsknja, or from the river upon which it lies, as Kelermesskaja or Kurdzhipskaja (sc. Stanitsa).
In the names derived from rivers I have dropped the Russian adjectival ending -skaja. ^ Arch. Anz. 1904, p. 100 sqq. Pharmacovskij is to treat of these finds in Mat. xxxi. ^ Aixh. Anz. 1905, p. 57 sqq. figs. 1—4.
Kurdzhips
Ke/etynes.
VIII
223
two other barrows opened by Veselovskij' standards and bone work Phalerae with cold inlay and with spirals are also interesting^ but wooden tabernacles had made plunder easy and only horses were left, shape. Other barrows held 24 in one, 16 in the other, arranged in L horses Voronezhskaja the were set as a horseAt skeletons. coloured 30 VII the Brothers*. trappings recalling had shoe and In
recall \V. Scythia.
Kiirdzkips.
On
Kurdzhips, a tributary of the Belaja, another affluent of the Majkop district, again just where the river reaches the plain, One was opened without authorization in 1895, but are many barrows. most of the objects found were secured for the Archaeological Commission^ They comprised the usual selection of gold plates, mostly of rather rude
Kuban,
the
in the
JS.64.
Fig. 126.
Cap,
q.
Roundels,
\.
work, but worthy of note are a gold nugget pierced for suspension as an amulet, some round carnelians slung round with gold wire, and especially a kind of cap with a rosette pierced with a hole above, and on each side a group of two men in Scythian dress, each holding one spear set up between them in the free hand of one is a sword, of the other a human head cut off (f. 126). It might almost illustrate what Herodotus (iv. 64) says of Scyths bringing scalps to their king to claim their share of the booty. This find moved the commission to send Mr V. M. Sysoev to investigate the barrows thoroughly This one proved to be 9 ft. 6 in. ;
'.
1
^
3
CR.
*
ib.
^
1904, pp. 85—95. pp. 88, 89, ff. 138, 142. CR. 1903, pp. 73, 75, ff. 139— '53-
CR. CR.
1895, pp. 62, 63, figs. 1896, pp. 60 and 149.
140—153.
224
Kuban Group
Scythic 'Tofnbs.
[CH.
A curious from e. to w. and 70 ft. from n. to s. half half of stone and was and earth. Nothing feature was that the heap found, but many was objects burial occurred in a in the way of a definite area of the greater part of the tumulus. The thin layer going under the bronze and iron objects were in too bad a state to preserve, and the The Greek objects, e.g. a little glass amphora clay vessels were all broken. of variegated streaks, and bronze reliefs under the handles of a deep bronze dish, would make the date of the deposit about the last century B.C. No objects suggested Roman times. The most beautiful thing was an elaborate buckle in three parts, adorned with knots and enamelled rosettes There were more gold plates, and imitations of them in the shape (f. 127). But the most interesting detail was the of Medusa heads of gilt plaster. high and
about 84
ft.
Buckle from Kurdzhips.
Fig. 127.
CR.
1896, p. 62,
f.
295.
\.
occurrence of two round repousse gold plates, fixed to large bronze roundlets. On one was a lion curled up, on the other a tiger or lioness (f. 126). In The the former were two turquoises set and holes for them in the latter. workmanship, and especially the manner of treating turquoise, recalls the plates from Siberia, whose affinities with the .Scythic are undoubted but This was the first appearance of such work so far sw, difficult to define. but it has again been found at Zubov's Barrow, and elsewhere in the district^
Kostromskdja. ^
^
In
the
same country,
at
Kostromskaja, Veselovskij excavated a very
In the centre of the barrow interesting barrow^ see plan and section (f. 128). was erected a kind of tabernacle as follows. Four thickish posts were driven
Four great beams were
laid about them so as to form within these, along each side, were put six vertical posts of less thickness and outside, opposite to the spaces between these last, five such sloping up so as to meet high above the In the square thus formed were found the dead man's belongings ^middle. about 7 ft. from the original surface. In the s. part was an iron scale hauberk with copper scales on the shoulders and along the lower margin.
into the ground.
a square of 3"2om.
=
ioft. 6
in.
;
;
•
'
V. p.
230,
f.
132
and
p.
232
n. 6.
^
CR. 1897,
p.
II.
225
Kostrojnskaja
VIII
Sevan KuwxMi
skeLetorvs
m ramin^
earth b€lowTabema.cte
and
abov«.'TrencK.HorstS
Slanitsari^.
Seflionof
K^. ^i Plan of Lowest-
Chxiy»ibe<:
.
t(i;;i|iillliiuii\iMiiii
gr.
I
D
I])
5-0-5. ^,\,V
Pi^
SfoS^^^MMVUJV
A.U4
44.
Fig. 128.
M.
29
226 To
Kuban Group
Scythic Tombs.
[cH.
n. of these a thin round iron shield, the w. lay four iron spear-heads deer, like the Kul Oba deer (f. 129). cast with a in the centre In ;
adorned
Fig. 129.
Golden deer from Kostromskaja.
CR. 1897,
p.
13,
f.
46.
%.
the NW. corner two leather quivers, one worked with beads, and by them In the ne. corner lay a big sharpening stone broken bronze arrow-heads. into two pieces, all about pottery purposely broken, and in one place Outside the square were 22 horse skeletons several copper and iron bits. arranged in pairs, with the legs of one under the body of the next, except that at the two outside angles to the north there was only one horse each. Some of the horses had bits in their mouths." The tabernacle seems to have been daubed over with clay and the whole structure set on fire
and then the earth heaped upon it. The square space had been dug out In this to 7 ft. below the surface and then filled in with earth rolled hard. with but nothing them. The pit ended skeletons, in found earth were 13 longways n. and s., so that the going bottom side of two steps on each On each step lay a skeleton. At all was a ditch a couple of feet wide. slabs of stone that closed the two small stood the N. end of the ditch with two steps again, this time e. going down way into a small chamber room for a skeleton lying at full was just In the chamber there and w. Nothing was found with it. length. No doubt this burial is very unlike most of the Scythic type, but the deer is a distinct link and the ideas expressed by this ritual are very The similar to those expressed by that we have found in Scythic graves. principle of breaking objects or burning them so as to despatch them to the of
other
world
men and
is
horses
more is
logically carried
greater
than
out than usual.
any we have met,
The
slaughter
though we
shall
2
VIII
Kostrojnskaja.
]
U/skij
22^
the next tomb dealt with. The bareness the ingenious arrangement of the dead man's grave-chamber almost suggest that an attempt was made to secure a quiet resting place by withdrawing the body from the valuables which experience had found to tempt the sacrilegious.
meet a worse horse
of
all
the
sacrifice
in
human remains and
Ulskij Barrow.
A
barrow excavated by Professor Veselovskij in the same district of Majkop, where the Ul runs into the Laba, yielded a yet more astonishing
^ y.
-;T{5jfcu_".-
Fig.
example of
130.
,_— ,^==i^-. _.-^':^,
Diagram of
."
Ulskij barrow.
—-^ y CR.
•--
— '"_•
J*,?'
''^/,'^J
1898, p. 30.
The barrow was 15 m. high and had a long shape had been disfigured by a battery erected upon it
sacrificing horses'.
south slope, but
its
J
CR. 1898,
p. 29.
29
—
Scythic Tombs.
22 8
Kuban Group
[cH.
A trench 25 m. by 60 m. was cut through This shewed that the barrow had been partly heaped up and then more than fifty horses laid upon its surface, and these had been The barrow had been plundered, but covered with another mass of earth. in the plunderers' hole were found a gold plaque of Scythic style with griffins and deer', fragments of copper cauldrons, Greek vases and scale armour very similar to that found at Kostromskaja. But the plunderers had not destroyed the general disposition of the grave first two thick stakes had been driven in 5"35 rn. (17 ft. 6 in.) apart, making as it were an entrance gate, 15 m. (49 ft.) beyond were two rows of posts in one line, each row joined by bars across, leaving the 5*35 m. avenue in the middle.
during the Russian conquest. it
(v.
f.
130).
;
On
each side of each of these fences lay 18 horses with their tails to the bars (72 in all); 4*25 m. (15 ft.) further on were three posts on each side of the central avenue, and about each post, radiating with their heads away from the posts, again 18 horses (108 in all) 4*25 m. beyond was an oblong, As at Kosset crosswise (7'45 m. x 570 m. = 24 ft. 6 in. x 18 ft. 6 in.). perpendicular posts at the corners and four horiwere tromskaja there sides holes and respectively) the 6 for along smaller zontal beams, and (4 tabernacle as in the such a former here was case. But Evidently rods. of each side the oblong were At the skeletons this had been plundered. Beyond in the of two bulls and some horse bones lying in confusion. same order were the fences with horses and the posts with them radiating The horses near the oblong had bits in their mouths. therefrom. Thus we arrive at something over four hundred horses sacrificed at The plundering of the grave prevents us knowing how this one burial. many human beings shared the same fate. The distances given above appear to have been set out on a standard of I'oy m., a little over 43 in. This was divided into three parts of about i ft. 2^ in. The measurements Another barrow close by had are all nearly divisible by these amounts. also been plundered, there too were horses' skeletons arranged in rows 2" 5 m. apart shewing the same unit. In this tomb were found fragments 1 of a black figured vase giving a presumption of an early date, making it the more regrettable that the grave had been ransacked^ ;
Vozdv{zkenskaja.
Among
interesting barrows in this district should be Vozdvizhenskaja dug up by Veselovskij in I899^ Here the original interment was that of a single skeleton doubled up and stained dark red he was buried without any objects. Above him lay four skeletons also stained and doubled up, one of them apart, the others on a space paved with cobbles. By these were an earthen pot and a spear, palstaff, In the upper part of the barrow was axe, chisel and pin, all of copper. another stained skeleton and not far from it a complete Scythic interment.
various other
mentioned that
at
;
1
2
CR. CR.
1898, p. 301, f. 42. 1898, p. 32, ff. 47 a
figured vase in
and b another blacka plundered tomb at Voronezhskaja, ;
CR. 1903, p. 73, f. ^ CR. 1899, p.
138.
44,
fif.
67
— 72 and
pi. 2.
VIII
Ulskij.
]
Vozdvizhefiskaja
22()
Under a wooden tabernacle once supported by four posts at the corners, By his covered by a pall with stamped gold plates, lay a man's skeleton. head was the usual iron and copper scale hauberk and iron arrow-heads, on his breast a golden brooch with a large carnelian and other adornments ;
Fig. 131.
Diagram
of Vozdvizhenskaja barrow.
CA".
1899, p. 44, PI.
2.
under his heels two plaques with a six-headed snake attacking a wild goat, on his right two iron swords, a hone, a mirror, an alabastron, at his belt By his knees were found a dagger of the type suggesting the Siberian. On his left one or two vessels of silver tinsel threads, perhaps a fringe. and clay and glass, further down two pair of iron bits with wheel- and Sshaped psalia adorned with gold and an iron brooch with a gold plate in
Kuban Group
Scythic Tombs.
230
[CH.
Along one side the form of a curled up animal with settings for turquoises. stood three copper vessels, a big cauldron upside down so that the handles had got bent in, another such, smaller and right way up, and a large copper basin. The glass shews their burial not to be very early. The whole barrow is interesting as an example of the same tumulus being used several times.
Zubovs Barrows.
The last find of this type in this district that need be described is that made in 1899 by the peasants of Zubov's farm' 14 m. e. of Tenginskaja Two barrows were excavated. between the Kuban and the Zelenchuk.
A
In Barrow large proportion of the booty was secured for the Hermitage. I by the skeleton there lay seven roundels of gold with a large circle of many coloured glass in the centre in a border set with small coloured stones and pastes and adorned with gold wire soldered in patterns on the
No.
Akhtanizovka (p. 215, f. 117) but better. These were ornaments of a strap or belt as is shewn by a flat loop at the back. They were of Greek work and would seem to belong to the time about the
surface, rather like that from
Fig. 132.
BCA.
i.
p. 95,
f.
Zubov's Farm.
Gold Roundel.
2.
Fig. 133.
BCA.
I.
p. 96,
f.
10.
Bronze cauldron.
\.
Zubov's Farm. \.
Christian era when such many coloured jewels had become fashionable. Five other roundels were of pure Siberian type with monsters and characteristic incrustations: they too adorned a strap (f. 132). There were also the end pieces of the strap and buttons belonging. On the arms were two open gold bracelets, on the breast a hemispherical cup of glass, by the '
BCA.
I.
pp. 94
— 103,
ff.
I
— 31
and
pi. II.
VIII
Zubovs Barrows
]
231
feet a Scythic cauldron (f. 133), by the head a copper jug (to look at it might be English xviith century work), along the side an iron sword with a gold hilt, on the left a scale hauberk (f. 134), silver plaques, iron bits with curious psalia overlaid with gold (f 135), a large stone hone, an earthen jug and iron
Fig. 134.
BCA.
I.
p. 97,
f.
Bronze armour.
Zubov's Farm.
15.
Fig. 135.
BCA.
I.
p. 98,
f.
Fig. 136.
Fig. 137.
BCA.
16.
Zubov's Farm.
Iron bit with gold mounts.
\.
i.
p. 99,
f.
18.
Phiale from Zubov's Farm.
J.
\.
232
Scythic
Kuban Group
Tombs.
[ch.
The most interesting object was a silver (f)td\r) /x-eo-o/Ac^aXos arrow-heads. Upon the boss is a coiled serpent, about about 8 in. across (ff. 136, 137). " s/adornameti^," round the hollow thirteen deer heads facing in relief, it about the edge the inscription
AI"'OAAnNO^HrEMONO?EIMiTOM*AM "Apollo the Leader's am I who is at elfil tojjl ao-t. of the bowl is very similar to that found in the second of the Seven Brothers (p. 209, f 107), and referred by Stephani to the early vth century. The inscription belongs to the end of the century or the beWhat was the temple of Apollo the Leader at Phasis ginning of the ivth. we know not, but how a bowl belonging to it came into this tomb is no mystery, when we think that this Kuban district is the hinterland of that very coast whose piratical inhabitants are described by Strabo (xi, ii. 12). In the second barrow the tomb was covered with wood: the earrings, pendants, bracelets, beads, mirror and especially three small jugs, two adorned with a little animal crawling up the side by way of a handle, and containing rouge and white paint, make it appear that it was a woman's though she had Besides there were glass and earthen a miniature copper-headed spear. vessels and gold plates for sewing on to dresses. For It is a pity that the excavation was not made by an expert. Kieseritzky'" wishes to use the phiale to date the roundels as of the vith century B.C. and supposes that an early barrow and one of Roman date have had their contents mixed, but the phiale is a chance survival and nothing else in the find is contemporaneous with it. The cases of the archaic lamp, tripod and stand from Ust-Labinskaja' and perhaps of the black-figured vases (p. 228 n. 2) seem similar. In this Kuban district a more or less Scythic culture seems to have continued later than in the west of what is now South Russia. This is what we might expect if the Alans are indeed much the same as the Sarmatians of whom we hear in earlier times and the Ossetes of our own day. The tombs of the first three centuries a.d.'' often introduced into the barrows of red skeletons (p. 143) are characterised by the substitution of Hellenistic or Roman industrial products^ for the more artistic Greek work at the same time communication with Central Asia was kept up and we find specimens of the Siberian style, with its beasts and turquoise or garnet incrustations'' also a Parthian coin c. 43 a.d.'', so that the mixture of things at Zubov's barrows need not awake suspicion. 'AttoXXwi'o? 'RyefjLovos
Phasis'."
The work
;
^ The inscription can hardly be meant for an iambic trimeter as the writer in BCA. suggests, the trochee in the second foot, the dactyl in the third,and the spondee at the end make it intolerable.
^
A7-ch.
Anz. 1901,
p. 55.
CR. 1902, p. 79, 1903, p. 82, ff. 1,2. * N. I. Veselovskij, ^
ff.
166
— 168;
in
the
p.
— 70;
— 86; 1902, pp. 65 — 91 — 75: Arch. Aiiz.
1905, pp. 73 109; 1907, p. 126. ' e.g. silver cups,
CR. 1902, pp.
;
1.
1903, pp. ; 1906,
c.
70, 78,
ff.
143,
165; white bronze basin with copper einblema, CR.
Arch. Anz.
"Barrows of the Kuban Roman dominion in the 'HonhernCTixxcTisn^,^' Bul/t-fin o/thc X/Ith Archaeological Congress., Kharkov, 1902; and the acdistrict
CR. igor, pp. 66 61
time of
counts of his excavations at Kazanskaja, Tiflisskaja, Ust-Labinskaja, Armavir and Nekrasovskaja in
1905, p. 74, f. 95; Arck. Anz. 1906, p. iii, f. i; vessel in form of ram such as is common at Olbia,
CR. 1902,
p. 67,
Arch. Anz. 1902, " ff. f.
e.g.
139,
196 ''
;
f.
136, of a p. 83,
f.
duck
(?),
p. 72,
f.
152;
3.
roundels, CR.
1902, pp. 67, 77, 78, 82, i6r, 164, 177; figures of rams, p. %j, 1903, p. 62, f. 96 ; v. inf pp. 277, 279, f. 205. 140,
BCA.
XXXii. App.
p. 99,
Stavropol.
VIII
Later Finds on Kuba7i.
Novocherkassk
233
!>0
•a
s
OS
bo
a fl
>.
c o ^
•+
r-
ON
a.[>
1—1
rj
^ o 3 O
O be
a
M.
30
Fig. no.
CH.
Scythic T'ombs
234
Collar in gold encrusted with coral and topaz from Novocherkassk.
KTR.
Novocherkassk.
'^^^i^ir?'^ Gold
KTR.
bottle from Novocherkassk, side p. 493,
ff-
447, 448.
and
top.
\.
IPISI
Fig. 143.
Gold strip encrusted with Treasure of Novocherkassk.
light
and dark blue and green.
KTR.
p.
494,
491,
f.
443.
Side view of circular box from KTR. p. 492, f 445. \.
Fig. 140.
Figs. 141, 142.
p.
f.
450.
f.
"
Novocherkassk
VIIl]
235
These objects were not merely imported as is shewn by the well-known Novocherkassk treasure. The main bulk of this find is in the Siberian style, but in the front of the principal piece, a crown (f. 138), is the bust of a Roman empress in chalcedony of the iind or iiird century a.d. and attached to its lower rim are pendants after the fashion of those found in Panticapaean work of about that time. Also the work cannot very well be much later because in the following centuries the so-called Gothic jewelry was dominant in these regions (v. pp. 280 282). This treasure was found in 1864 near Novocherkassk on the lower Don and included the crown nientioned above, a collar (or diadem, f. 139) even more Siberian in style, a spiral bracelet ending in animals, two little boxes (f. 140) and a scent bottle (ff. 141, 142, of the same shape as that found in a tomb of a Bosporan queen at Glinishche near Kerch') adorned with beasts, another in the shape of a feline with a body of agate, a statuette of Eros (imd cent, a.d.), some little gold plates recalling typical Scythic fashions, a slip of gold attached to a chain and encrusted with bright blue, turquoise and pink, recalling Central Asia in colouring and the " Gothic style in make (f. 143), some gold vases, one with a handle formed of an animal (f. 144) and an object like a spectacle-case attached to a chain and adorned with animals' heads'". The circumstances of this find render it
—
Fig. 144.
Golden cup from Novocherkassk.
doubtful whether these
objects
KTR.
p.
495,
f.
452.
|.
were buried with a dead man or were a
cache.
Similar in shape and style to the cup here figured and found in the same neighbourhood is a cup in the Uvarov Collection inscribed
EHBANOKOYTAPOYAACenOI£l :^MH dotted letters
in
ARC.
XXIV. 25,
:
Xebanocus
is
the
Ch. xil. end, f 326; cf a plainer example in CR. 1902, p. 83, f 184, from Ust-Labinskaja. •
V.
inf.
name
of the
owner rather than
that of
KTR.
pp. 488-496, ff. 441—454 gives all Maskell, these except the Eros and the vases. Russian Art, p. 83 sqq. ^
30—2
236
Scythic
.
Tombs
[ch.
MH
is more probably 48 than a misspelUng of /xe and the maker's father It is all very obscure, but we learn so % would seem to stand for xp^'f^oO. from it that a thing of this style was made for a Sarmate or Alan (cf. some seventy Sarmatian names in -aKos in losPE.) by a man who wrote Greek. :
Vettersfelde.
There is one find which belongs to the class of Scythic antiquities but was made in a region so far distant from the localities where Scythic remains are usually to be looked for, that it naturally comes in at the end of this survey although in date it may be almost the earliest of the rich Scythic In October 1882 there were ploughed up near Vettersfelde equipments'. in Lower Lusatia and acquired for the Antiquarium in Berlin the fragments It included of a great jar and the complete equipment of a Scythian chief. the centre ornament of his shield, a fish 41 cm. x 15 cm. made of pale gold repousse and covered with animals in relief (f. 146), a gold breastplate 17 cm. square formed of four roundels each with a boss in the middle and animals in relief all round it, set about a fifth smaller roundel or boss (f. 145. i), a gold plate to cover the sheath of a dagger of the typical Scythic shape with a projection on one side (f. 147), the handle of the said dagger as usual covered with a gold plate and shewing the characteristic Scytho-Siberian heartshaped guard, a golden pendant, earring (f. 148), arm-ring, neck-ring, chain, knife sheath with remains of the iron blade, gold ring, small stone wedge set in gold, a hone bored through and set in gold (f 145. 2), and Professor Furtwangler has treated these things in a some fragments. masterly fashion and they are all duly illustrated by him. All of them have their analogues in the South Russian finds except the breastplate, but such an object is quite in keeping with the tastes of people who covered themselves with gold plates of various sizes. The earring is declared by Hadaczek to be of an Ionian type and earlier than any found in South Russia and the knife sheath is identical with the one from Tomakovka figured
on
p.
158.
The
is the most remarkable of these things. It corresponds in 264) and destination to the Kul Oba deer, and Furtwangler's decision that they are both shield ornaments has been satisfactorily borne out by the finding of the Kostromskaja deer still in place upon remains of the shield, only this was round instead of long shaped as had been supposed on the evidence of the Kul Oba vase'. The inventory of the find is typically that of the personal effects in the Scythic tombs of kings except that the horse trappings are absent, and of course the women's things. The whole may be dated rather earlier than the older objects from Kul Oba and put in the first decades of the Vth century.
style
(v.
fish
p.
XLIII'"
lVtnckel7?ia?i?is/esiprogramm,A..¥ur\.Berlin, 1883. wish I could still express to Professor FurtI wangler my gratitude for his kind permission to reproduce his pictures. Fig. 147 I owe to Mr '
wangler,DerGoldfund von Vettersfelde,
Dalton and the authorities of the British Museum. ^ supra pp. 203, 226 CR. 1897, p. 12. V. Gardthausen's view that the fish was a Tessera Hospitalis is an extraordinary instance of the errors of even famous scholars, 7?,^««. J/mj. xxxix. p. 317 ;
VIII
Fetters/e/(/e
]
How far
these things including the brittle whetstone found their way so is unexplained. Save for some little damage by
from home without loss
Fig. 145.
fire
237
and
I.
Gold breastplate
(?)
to
2.
Hone
set in gold.
Furtwangler,
pi.
11.
good as new. Furtwangler guesses that their coming do with the Scythians' northward retreat before Darius.
rust they are as
may have
from Vettersfelde.
Scythic Tojnbs
238
Fig. 146.
Gold
from Vettersfelde. Rather less than half
fish
Furtwangler, size.
[CH.
pi.
I.
1
.
Kd7nennya Baby
Vettersfelde.
VIII
239
Vettersf«Ua,I.5.
GoldCirnng. Fio. 147.
Gold dagger sheath. Vettersfelde.
Fl. iii.
Oxus Treasure,
5.
p.
'>>'hi
f 22.
i.
Fig. 148.
After Dalton,
,<•,
Kdmennya Bdby. With the tombs of the Scythic type many investigators have been incHned to connect the mysterious stone figures known stone women as Kdmennya Bdby rude figures hewn out of blocks of stone and almost always representing women, rarely nude, more often wearing a short skirt and jacket and a kind of pointed hat with a veil or hood hanging from it and the hair hanging down in a thick plait behind. The dress is sometimes shewn in some detail and an elaborate necklace is a common feature'. The face is round and rather Mongolian in aspect, but the execution is too rude to let this be any criterion. The men's dress sometimes distantly recalls that of a Roman soldier. Nearly all the figures agree in holding a cup rather like a dicebox before them. This does not seem to be for the receipt of the offerings of the living because often it is not made concave on the top. A very rare form belonging ap-
—
—
parently to the
same
class
is
a statue in a lying posture as
it
were swathed in a winding sheet". These figures, which have been objects of a superstitious reverence till recent times, used to be common about the Steppes, frequently occurring upon Scythic barrows, for instance such famous ones as those at Alexandropol and Chertomlyk, Zubov's, Melgunov's and others. Further their limit of distribution is just that of the ScythoSiberian culture from Galicia across South Russia to the basins of the Obj and the Jenisei, in the Crimea and on the Kuban. M.
A
Tour through the Taurida, u. p. 406; P. S. VzW'a^, Southern Provinces, I. p. 444. ^ Zubov's Barrow, CR. 1900, p. 39, f. 100, cf. N. I. Veselovskij, New Type of Kdmennya *
(Guthrie,
London, 1802,
pi.
"A
Baby"
in
Bulletin of
XIIth
CA".
P'lG. 149.
1895, P- 76, 199.
f.
iMurza
Crimea. Kaniennaja Baba. 6 ft. Bek,
8
in.
high.
Russian Arch. Congr.
and "So-called Kdmennya Bdby " in Messenger ( Vistnik) of Archaeology ana History, Pt xvu. St P. 1905. (Kharkov), 1902,
p.
222,
240
Scythic
Tombs
[ch. viii
Professor Lappo-Danilevskij^ shews that they ckister most thickly just This would all about the bend of the Dnepr, just in the land Gerrhus. suggest that there was a real connection between the Scythic tomb and the statue upon its summit. It is not important that Herodotus does not mention the setting up of such figures the golden statue erected to Zarinaea their queen by the Sacae^ might be a glorified " baba " but is not enough to prove others having really However Rubruck says distinctly (v. supra p. 89) been set up by Sacae. that the Polovtsy or Cumans set up figures holding cups before them^ and cases occur of "baby" being found upon barrows of the mediaeval nomads, e.g. at Torskaja Sloboda, district of Kupjansk, government of Kharkov Further in the Orkhon inscriptions very similar figures are (Veselovskij, I.e.). designated as ba/ba/s, memorial statues. It seems then clear that kdmennya baby were set up by a mediaeval Turkic tribe, presumably the Cumans as Rubruck says so, and this is the opinion of Tiesenhausen and Veselovskij the best authorities on the relations Anyone setting up such a statue would naturally of Russia with the Orient. position such as is afforded by a high barrow. commanding choose a The their distribution with that of Scythic remains is due in of coincidence area to the fact that, as has been already remarked, the range of the Cumans was limited by the same physical conditions as that of the Scyths when they were the dominant nomad power. We cannot however assert that the Scyths set up no such figures, since a priori they might be expected to agree in this as in other customs with the later nomads, but there is no specimen to which we can point as probably being Scythic. ;
^ Scythian A}itt. p. 475 sqq. where he quotes the hterature of the subject, esp. Piskarev's hst in TRAS. (old series), Vol. III. pp. 205 220 (I have not seen this), and Burachkov's sensible account in Trans. Od. Soc. IX. pp. 65 70. 2 Ctesias, fr. 25 (Miiller, p. 43) ap. Diod. Sic. 11.
—
—
xxxiv. ^
5.
Spitsyn, 77?-(46'. X. (Russo-Slav. section, 1898),
342, figures a male baba from Vernyj (Semirechensk) bearing a cup of well-known mediaeval
p.
(xiiith cent.)
Mongol
type.
241
CHAPTER SIBERIA
IX.
AND SURROUNDING COUNTRIES.
In the foregoing pages mention has been made of the resemblances I have called Scythic and that of early inhabitants of These resemblances Siberia. are so great that it is impossible to treat the archaeology of South Russia without touching that of Siberia. This may be called a case of explaining ignotwn per ignotms, but in a sense the ethnology of vSiberia is less open to question than that of the Euxine steppes, inasmuch as the north of Asia is not exposed to invasions from so many quarters as Eastern Europe and is inhabited by peoples who, whatever their mutual differences, have more ethnological affinity than those we find side by side at the junction of the two continents. The best account of the chief forms of tombs in Siberia and of the civilisations to which they correspond is given by Dr VV. Radloff'. Radloff describes various types of graves in Siberia, of which the most important division is into graves marked by barrows and graves marked with stones mostly set in rectangles. In the basins of the Irtysh, Tobol and Obj and again in the Kirgiz steppe and in south-west Siberia we In the river valleys of the Altai, on mostly have mounds larger or smaller. the banks of the Jenisei and in the Abakan steppe are found the stone In the Altai and graves, as well as over the Chinese border in Mongolia. on the Bukhtarma we find cairns of stone. These graves may be referred to four epochs All the stone graves in the vale of the Jenisei and the Altai (i) and many of the mounds of the Kirgiz steppe belong to the Copper or
between the culture
:
Bronze age.
Most of the barrows and big
(ii)
cairns belong to the earlier Iron age. smaller barrows called Kirgiz graves are of the later Iron age. These shade into barrows which contain even xviith century coins
The
(iii)
(iv)
and modern Russian
objects.
In graves of the first period are found many weapons and tools of cast copper and bronze, they have nearly all been plundered so that it Similar tools are found in old gold and is very rare to come upon gold. copper workings in the Altai mountains, and there is no doubt that these people worked the metals themselves and had attained very considerable 1
VII.
Aus pp.
Sibirii'ti,
68
— 143;
published by Count
Leipzig, 1884, Vol. into Russian
trans, .\.
Bobrinskoj
in
n. chap.
and
re-
TNAS.
vii.
Ur Radloff is now publishing (1895) p. 147 sqq. for the Archaeological Commission a fully illustrated work on the Antiquities of Siberia. Materials for the Archaeology 0/ Russia, Nos. III. v. XV., form M.
Vol. I., and Vol. H. begins with xxvii. .Sec also V).K\Qvnen\.s,An/iquiiies o///te Mi/iitsinsk Miiscn/n, Objects of the Metal Ages^ Tomsk, 1886: a catalogue with very good introduction and with illustrations. These latter are rather superseded by those in Martin, F. R., /.''/vf du Bronze an Miisi'e de Minoussi/isk, Stockholm, 1892.
31
[CH.
Siberia
242
Iron.
Radloff, Siberian Antic|uities, Vol.
Mat.m.VSST. Implemmts
I. i.e.
yaUow
fvovn Upper
Fig. 150.
Picks, p. 244, knives,
p.
246, daggers, p. 248.
li-on.
'
Chief Types of Tools a7ia JVeap07is
IX
Hr 5
K,a^
Bronre
:
1
Bronic
Knife & Da^erfrom
P«k.vn.britlsh
Axes,
p.
244.
FiG.^iSi-
+3
p.
Museum.
246.
31—2
Siber la
244
[
CH.
The old workings consist of simple shafts not more than fifty feet deep and indifferently propped up. Working even to such a depth was dangerous and skeletons of miners have been found with pickaxes and sacks Miners seem to have been in high regard, for Radloff to hold the ore. figures a copper statuette of one' and also wherever these people lived we find elegant models of pickaxes, too delicate for actual use and apparently serving Their tools are found in the gold washings as well as ornaments or insignia". Smelting furnaces have also been as in the shafts (called Chud mines). found in the Altai, and everywhere about the Abakan, Jenisei and upper Obj we have fragments of copper such as are trimmed off castings. Their bronze, when they made bronze, is of very great hardness, and their castings hardly ever have flaws in them, although they cast cauldrons up to 75 lb. in weight. Well finished and rough tools are found together in the same grave. The chief objects found comprise knives and daggers but few arrowheads or spear-heads. Axe-heads especially the double-looped type (f. 151, cf. p. 261) are common, and pickaxes both serviceable and ornamental. They skill.
SfowiA ObjG^b frovw a.Wt Minus Jn^K: fi*om f-f^.M^itin. ?a>-jaLt-6ki
Fig. 152.
made scythes and sickles and copper cauldrons. For their own adornment they had earrings of gold and copper, carnelian and metal beads, beastheaded pins, belt pieces, and disks with loops behind serving either for mirrors or for ornaments. The pottery is very rude and falls far below^ the skill shewn in metal work. They were acquainted with weaving, but
also
'
Alts Sib. n.
pi. iv.
i
and
2
on
fig. ^
V.
172, p. 251.
Klements, op.
^
^/^ ^;^/_ Xix.
cit. pi.
j
j^yj
j
j^
^^jj
^ ^^
f^„
,jq
Oldest Graves
>x]
Fig. 153.
Mat.
\\\.
= Sib.
Ant. Vol.
I.
12,
p.
ii.
245
Yellow bion/c
18.
1
Fig.
154.
Mat.
\\\.
= Sib.
Aiit. Vol.
Mat. \\\.=Sib. Ant. Vol. 11. Golden bronze plated with tin.
Fig. 155.
p.
18,
i.
iii.
p.
10,
ii.
knife.
\.
},^\
Copper.
10.
\.
9.
\.
CR. 1900, p. 123, f. 275. Bronze axe-head. Angara. \.
Fig. 156.
M
=
Siberian at. y.x\n. Fig. 157. Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 2, i. 3'\ Stone mould for axe. 5.
Fig. 158.
.^rt/.
XXVII. = 5/A /}«/. Vol.
II.
p. 33.
Bronze axe-head.
}.
246
Silfierta
C
CH.
were also coarse. They do not appear to have kept cattle, but they do appear to have engaged in agriculture for they have left many copper sickles about the fields, and these fields often have traces of irrigation works. The bone arrow-heads found with their objects and their love of beasts in their ornament suggest that they were hunters as well. They do not seem to have been nomads in any sense. So they had few horsetrappings, and the rock carvings ascribed to them shew the men all on foot. But it is their metal work which makes them interesting. They appear to have originated many types that were afterwards spread far and wide. Their knives (v. the series on f. 150), in their simplest form mere slips of copper, as it were long narrow triangles with a hole towards the base, were improved into excellent instruments with a well formed ring at one end, sometimes in the form of an animal, a firm handle separated from the blade by a well marked fillet and projection, and a blade bent forward so that the edge made an obtuse angle with the haft. Such a knife recalls irresistibly the Chinese knife which afterwards shortened down into the round cash'; and so P. Reinecke' thinks it an imitation of the Chinese, but just as possibly it came into China by some early raid from the north (v. p. 91). Then the bronze cauldron upon a conical base round which the fire was built, a type characteristically Scythic, was made by these people; they alone made the same shape in pottery so they were probably the their stuffs
originators of
it.
They
also
seem
to
have invented the disc with a loop in the middle of the back, which grew, as into the mirror used over it appears, all northern Asia and in Scythia and This mirror Reinecke the Caucasus. (loc. cit.) also calls a Chinese invention, but it was only introduced into China about 140 B.C. along with other western products. Together with this new FlO. 159. form of mirror the Chinese began to use a new name for mirrors with an ideogram suggesting metaP. The Chinese even followed their models in decorating these mirrors, the loop being formed of the body of an animal just as with the mirrors and knife handles of the Jenisei people (v. f. 152). Furthermore these early inhabitants of the Jenisei developed a dagger with a curious heart-shaped guard and a well defined knob at the end of the haft, which type is found in Scythic tombs and on the monuments of specimen in the British Museum, on Ridgeway, Metallic Ciirtr/icy, p. 157, f. 21. Zt.f. Kf/ujol.,xy.\x. 1897, pp. i40sqq.,"Ueber einige Beziehungen der Alterthiimer Chinas zu denen des Skytho-Siberischen Volkerkreises." But cf. same shape arisen independently in Iseo lake-dwelling, T. E. Peet, Stone and Bronae Ages in Italy, v. 3, and a knife from Nordenford, Bavaria, in the Maximilian Museum, Augsburg, kindly brought '
f.
151 '^
Cf. the ;
to
my
British
notice by
Mr
Reginald A. Smith of the
Museum.
^ Prof. H. A. Giles, China and the Chinese, New York, 1902, p. 132; cf. Po-kn-t'u-lii, in which such mirrors are figured; Hirth, Fronde Einflilsse, ff. 2 16. I am much indebted to Professor Giles for the information about mirrors and for help in consulting Chinese archaeological works.
—
.
.
Oldest Graves
IX
Fig. 160. p. 4,
Fig. 162.
J/,^/. i.
6".
xxvii.-.SV^. .^//. Vol.
Copper A.xe-head.
FiG. 161.
II.
C;?. 1900, p. 123,
247
276.
f.
Bronze pick from Angara, Siberia.
Mat. xv.=^Sid. Ant. Vol. Copper Siberian scythe.
il.
p. 82, xv. 3.
5.
Fig. 163.
Fig. 164.
Mat. Vol.
\.
= Sib. A
I.
Copper Fig. 163.
\.
}
Mat. XV. Sil>. Ant., Vol. i. Bronze bit from Siberia, i.
p.
131.
fit.
p. 31, V. 8.
knife.
\.
Mat. Vol.
ii\. I.
= Sib.
p. 22,
Reddish bronze
Aitt.
23. knife. iii.
}
Siberia
248
[ch.
But the interest of these objects is not merely in the types of Besides zigzags and weapons but in the style of their ornament.
Persepolis'. their
patterns of straight lines they developed a beast style remarkable They pourtray chiefly bears (ff 150, simplicity and naturalism. 168, 172) and have no 152), deer (f. [65), and argali or ibex (ff. 166 tendency to the fantastic combinations of incongruities found in western
simple for
its
—
Asiatic and also in Scythic work.
Early
Ii^on
Age.
Kaianda.
In the next class of graves, the barrows, we find a different culture The barrows as usual occur in groups. belonging to the early iron age. In such a group on the river Katanda not far from where it falls into the Katunja a tributary of the Obj, Radloff- came upon many tombs with interments of men, women and horses, and one in particular yielded very important remains. The barrow was heaped up of stones and 7 ft. high by 100 ft. in Attempts had been made to plunder it and in the heap were diameter. found in disorder bones of at least six horses, human bones likewise, six iron bits, various iron and bone arrow-heads, an iron spade, an iron and a copper knife, an iron sabre, a mass of blue glass beads and two heart-shaped In the midst of the heap was found the grave pit, carnelians from earrings. 14 ft. long, filled up with big stones and earth; 2 ft. 6 in. below the original surface of the ground the excavators were stopped by coming to earth permanently frozen water meanwhile trickled into the excavation from all sides and continuance of the work became very difficult the earth had to be melted with fires and the water and mud baled out. Two fathoms deep they came upon bones of men and horses and also found an iron bit with large rings. Further down were the remains of an oblong erection of larch wood, of which the roof had been destroyed by former plunderers. Across this building went two thick beams and upon one of them was a big bundle of leather enclosed in a rind of ice six inches thick. The bundle turned out to be a kind of coat of silken stuff, much like a dress coat in shape, lined with sable and edged with leather and little gold plates. The first plunderer had not penetrated beyond this level, at which a layer of birch bark covered the whole tomb. In this was another garment of ermine dyed green and red and adorned with gold buttons and plates this was likewise rolled up into a bundle and encased in ice. It had a high collar and very narrow sleeves. In it was an ermine gorget, a band of silk on which were fastened horses and monsters of wood, a carved wooden saucer and fantastic deer, bears, etc. Under the birch layer was reached the bottom of the pit whereupon were two low tables hewn out of wood and upon each table an unadorned skeleton. Some fragments of clothing and gold plates were picked up in the bottom of the grave. The skeletons were absolutely decayed. Although the state of the skeletons :
:
;
'
knob ^
V.
pp. 59,
(ib. xi.
Aus
9) Sib.
f.
12, 61, 189,
f.
81
and
has a close parallel II.
p.
104 sqq.
f.
in
\io = Sib. Ant. I. vii. lo, xiv. 9 a variety with an open hollow China, f. 151, and also suggests the Biuichuki on p. 186, f. 79. ;
IX
Iro7i
Figs. 166, 167.
App.
p.
Mat. x\-. = Sid. Ant. Vol. Bronze Argalis. J.
Aire o
Fig. 168.
i.
126.
X.
II.
Mat. v. = Sib. Ant. Vol. i. Bronze knob inset into haft.
249
p. 60,
J.
Fig.
171.
p. 136,
f.
CR. 1899, 271. Siberia
Iron dagger.
Fig. 169.
Mat. xv.=Si6. Ant. Vol. i. I. Reddish bronze. }.
p. 68, xii.
Fig. 170, xii.
4.
blade,
M.
Mat. xv. = Sid. Ant. Vol. i. p. 69, Iron handle. Copper or bronze
f
\.
Siberia
250
[ch.
shewed that the grave was of early date, the frozen condition of the ground had preserved the furs and textiles in a manner unparalleled in warmer The same cause also prevented the complete plundering of the countries. grave, although the thief found that which was in the upper layer and threw some of it aside. Another field of barrows was explored on the river Berel, near the In the heap of stones composing Bukhtarnia, an affluent of the Irtysh. one barrow, about 20 feet high and 100 feet across, was found the skeleton In the natural earth was of a horse with an iron bit and two iron stirrups. a great pit 20 x 24ft., and the ground was frozen: when it was cleared there appeared a layer of wood at the s. end and of birch bark at the n. end, under this latter sixteen horse skeletons in four rows with their heads to The two easternmost rows had iron bits, and were covered with the east. wooden and birch bark ornaments mostly overlaid with gold. In the middle of the wooden platform at the s. end was a tree trunk hollowed out, adorned Under this was a graveat each corner with four birds cast in copper. By the latter were traces of copper pit with a horse's and a man's skeleton. and gold. To all appearance this part of the grave had been plundered Other graves about were found to be arranged like those on in antiquity. the Katanda, horse skeletons above and men's below, and objects of silver and The iron knives and daggers were made after iron, with well-made pottery. the exact fashion of the bronze ones, only the iron hafts were covered, each In one case were found scales of iron armour for with a thin gold plate. leathern jerkin. on a sewing to
The
earthen barrows about Barnaul agreed mostly with these, except that they were smaller and the horses were not always buried with the Most of these men. They contained similar layers of birch bark and wood. graves had been plundered. The graves of the later iron age are much smaller than those already They are called Kirgiz graves and may well belong to that described. They shade off into quite modern interments containing e.g. Russian people. xviith century coins. The people of the early iron age are evidently quite different from Their burials are different and their manner of those of the bronze age. Evidently the horse played a great part in their existence. life likewise. Also they have many more weapons found with them. That is to say that they were a nation of warlike nomads. Still their civilisation had much in common with that of their predecessors. They adopted from these the characteristic dagger, the characteristic knife, the cauldron, the mirror they seem even to have continued their agriculture to some extent, and they also engraved representations of themselves upon cliffs; this time we find the figures predominantly on horseback in place of going afoot. The new comers seem to have brought a knowledge of silver and of iron, and also a distinct taste for With them begins the liking for winged quadrupeds, for horns the monstrous. ending in birds, for inconsequent beak-heads, for conventionalised creatures quite unlike the naturalistic style of their predecessors. Yet the similarity in technique, the imitation of bronze forms in iron (ff. 169 we find even 171) such strange cases as bronze daggers with iron handles the similar love ;
—
—
—
.
IXJ
Ir07i
Acre
251
Au^Sibirien.Vol.l[.Ob>«.fromth.ALt.i
I
'*.
Horse Sicnicc
if^tHa Altaj.
Much i-«!{lucecl|rom Rev. Arch,
Km
xxxviu.
•
Sluh So^ijkcr Kelnick
p.
43,
f.
1
16, v. inf. p. 273.
Fit"..
172.
\-.
p. 89.
32-2
[ch.
Siberia
252
It of gold plates as adornments, make it clear that the old tradition lived on. seems as if this new warlike immigrant people conquered the old miners and metal workers, and used their inherited skill in the carrying out of its own taste and thereby formed a mongrel style which is indistinguishable from
the Scythic.
immigrant population having been of what Their mode of life, their burial customs, their type as seen in statues and rock carvings, correspond with what we know from Chinese sources of the Hiung-nu, the T'u-kiie, the Tartars, and all other tribes of that stock (see p. 88 sqq.). The burial customs do not correspond, inasmuch as the Chinese speak of them as burning their dead, whereas no cases of complete cremation have been Still near Tobolsk A. Heikel found in a tomb which had much in found. common with these middle Siberian barrows, that the wooden erection set over the body had been set on fire before the heap was raised \ It looks as if they had already learned something from their southern This would account neighbours before they enslaved their northern ones. for much that is in common between Scytho-Siberian art on the one hand and This latter resemblance has Iranian on the other, and likewise Chinese. been dealt with by P. Reinecke^ in the article already quoted, and already Reinach in the Revue Arc/idologiquc^. The former takes for granted by S. This may be that the northern barbarians were only passive, receptive. true in a sense. But inasmuch as they received from all directions it is possible that they transmitted something to the Chinese, whether it was derived from the west or from the Altai miners to the north. As to the affinities of these latter it is hard to give any opinion. It would be natural to refer them to the Uralo-Altaic tribes and argue that there is much in common between their civilisation and that of the tribes of that race all across from Finland, central Russia and Perm to the Altai, and that to this day most of those regions are peopled by that race where it has not been encroached upon by intrusive Turks. But Radloff is rather inclined to see in them the ancestors of what he calls the Jenisei tribes, who speak a language quite distinct from Uralo-Altaic and Turkish, and who have been mostly assimilated by one or other of the great tribes about them, yet still in some cases have preserved a hereditary skill in metal-working, for instance the Kuznetsy or Smith Tartars, who talk a Turkish tongue but belong to the older race. The Uralo-Altaic peoples never reached so
Everything points
may be
called
Hunnic
this
to
stock.
high a state of civilisation. Moreover we know that the T'u-kiie in the vith century a.d. had long since held a metal-working race under subjection. This employment of alien craftsmen is characteristic of the nomads. For the T'u-kiie there worked Chinese, for Chingiz Khan's successors Chinese, Persian,
even German miners and armourers and a French jeweller^ for set up the most perfect productions of purely Persian architecture. ;
Timur were
' Axel Heikel, "Antiquit^s de la Sibdrie Occidentale " in Mhnoires de la Societe Finno-Oiigrienne, No. vi. Helsingfors, 1894. 2 Zt.f. Ethnolog. XXIX. 1897, p. 140 sq.
^
XXXVIII
La Representation (1901), p. 27 sqq. anciefi et moderne.
du Galop dans Fart <
Rockhill,
y?«c^;7/<:/(-,
pp. 137, 177.
Gold
Iron Age.
ix]
Objects
253
Besides the few objects which have been recovered from tombs excavated by a competent archaeologist, there is a whole class of antiquities nearly all of gold, some set with stones, whose provenance is vaguely Spitsyn refers them more particularly to the basins of given as Siberia. and the upper Obj. They came to the Hermitage Irtysh Ishim, the the of the Academy of Sciences of St Petersburg, and they collection from the attempt at an Archaeological Museum, surviving from the represent the first Kiinstkammer of Peter the Great. They were saved because the attention of his government was at last called to the great spoils collected by the bugrovslicliiki, or mound-diggers, who went out in large parties and systemati-
robbed the ancient graves, which must have been astonishingly rich Nowadays no one has hit on such a rich grave still unrifled so Radloff, in an appendix to his " Siberian as to describe its disposition. Antiquities," gives extracts from the works of early European travellers in cally
gold.
in
who tell of The collection
the work of spoliation'. includes collars, frontlets, figures of birds, animals and men, buckles and plates of various shapes, some with loops behind for The commonest forms are oblong and a kind of oq shape which straps. made to suit the favourite subject of an attack by a carnivore on a is Plates of bronze, but exactly similar in shape pasturing animal very well. and design, have been found still nailed symmetrically on to coffins, but they seem too solid for mere funeral furniture and had probably served some purpose in the life of their owner, most likely they had some part in the adornment of his horse or were nailed on to coffers in which he Some idea of date was furnished by their being found kept his goods. with coins of the Han dynasty which circulated from B.C. 118 to a.d. 581-. Siberia
whom some
specimens now
found their way, figures them emperors, e.g. Gordian, and there only his plates give a is no reason against their belonging together most miscellaneous lot of things, and we cannot be sure which was In accordance with these data M. Hoernes^ thinks that found with which. Aoe came in with the Christian Era, but the South Russian Siberian Iron the
Witsen, to
company with
in
coins
of the
lost
Roman
:
analogies point to a much earlier time. These Siberian gold objects have never been satisfactorily published Dr Kieseritzky, the late curator, who referred them to the Massagetae, promised an illustrated Catalogue of all the Scythian and Siberian Antimeanwhile the best pictures of them, some of which I have reproquities ;
:
duced below '
Witsen,
(pp. 272
Noord
cii
— 280),
where
Oost Tartaryc,
MS
I
treat their style in detail, are in
3rd ed.
Amsterdam, 1785 ^\&sscr'6chmK\i, S. 0/ Acad. P. J. von Strahlenbeig, Description of Sc. 67 yVA Siberia and Great 'I'artary, London, 1736, p. 364; J. Bell of Antermony, Travels Jront St Fetersbiirgk ;
;
various parts of Asia, Edinburgh, 1806, p. 154; Arc/iaeologia, U. p. 272, pi. xiv.— xviu., "Some account of some Tartarian Antiquities in a letter from P. Demidoff, dated Sept. 17, 1764," pi. xiv. gives a prince buried with wife and horse quite Scythic style, pi. xv. the eagle figured on p. 273. Pallas also treats of them and figures the commoner types, Voyages dans plusieurs Provinces de f Empire to
m
de Riissie, Paris, Vol.
VI.
p.
287,
I'an pi.
KTR.*
H. 8vo, Vol. v. p. 13, 98.
A. A. Spitsyn,
pi.
40;
J'KAS.
Russo-Slav. Section Viil. i. (1906}, p. 227, reprints Witsen and Messersclimidt's accounts, and also inventories of such objects sent to the Tsar in 1716 and still to be recognised. - Excavations of J. U. Talko-Hryncewicz on R. Dzhida in the Transbaikal District, as summarised by A. A. Spitsyn, yy\".<4J>". xii. (1901) p. 277. Natur- und Urgesc/iichte des Alenschen, Wien, •*
1909,
II p. 304. pp. 3>9— 400, ff. 332 365; cf. also Ch. de Linas, Origines de I'OrJevrerte Cloisonnde. *
—
2
Siberia
54
and
surrou7idi7tg Countries
[ch.
Oxus Treasure.
From
the southern borders of Siberia, where the steppe marches with It claims to collection of objects in the British Museum. be one hoard discovered in 1877 near the middle Oxus either at Kabadian It includes a few pieces in style similar to the or between it and Khulm\ Siberian Plates, some objects whose artistic affinities are not yet cleared up, several examples of Persian jewelry, and some Greek work including coins. It is most unfortunate that this find was not made within reach of any cannot even be sure that all the objects really trustworthy authority. belong to the same cache. They found their adventurous way down to India into the hands of ingenious native dealers, who added to their number by forgeries, and by duplicating real antiques in more precious materials. One thing is clear, that of the vast number of objects and coins purporting to be part of the treasure no specimen which belongs to a known art and there are no can be dated approximately is later than about 200 B.C. Parthian coins and none of Eucratides, though they are common in those parts the latest coin belongs to Euthydemus, whereas some of the things go back at least to the vth century B.C. The barbaric pieces recall the undoubted Iranian ones closely, and it is almost inconceivable that if they were imitations of Sassanian work and belonged to the ivth century a.d., chance and the caprice of dealers should have associated just these and no others with this definable find. Mr Dalton's identification of the purely Persian style of the griffins and other objects that he published in his preliminary article was afterwards triumphantly vindicated by Mr J. de Morgan's excavations at Susa. There, in a tomb proved by coins to belong to the early ivth century B.C., were found armlets and other jewels precisely similar to some from the Oxus, save that their preservation is incomparably better. They are adorned with inlays of light and dark blue and red". For a catalogue of the treasure the reader is referred to Mr Dalton's work. Its chief glory, the pair of griffin armlets (No. 116), of exactly the same style as the collar from Siberia (p. 272, ff 188, 189) and the best example of the kind of model which inspired later Siberian plates, has no Scythic character and so no place here^ The sheath (No. 22) has already been discussed (p. 70, v. inf pp. 263, 270). It is 10*9 in. = 27*6 cm. long. The gold plaque (No. 48) with a figure of a man probably a Persian in a costume resembling the Scythian is very valuable as illustrating the latter, but its purpose is not quite evident and in spite of its clearness it lacks artistic style. The ring (No. iii), on the other hand, has very definite Siberian analogies in the manner in which the animal is bent round, and in the hollows left for precious inlays.
comes a
Iran,
We
:
;
1 O. M. Dalton, The Treasure of the Oxus, London, 1905 (cf. also Archaeologia, LVIII. (1902),
p. 237, "On some points in the History of Inlaid Jewellery"), gives a full account of it with an illuminating discussion and excellent plates, quite super-
seding General Cunningham's
JRAS-
Bengal, L. (1881) p. 151, Lli. (1883) pp. 64, 258, from which are taken KTR.'s drawings and some of mine prepared before the publication of Mr Dalton's book. in
He and the Trustees of the British Museum have kindly allowed me to make use of the blocks of Nos. 23 and in. ^ inf. p. 271, f. 187, J. de Morgan, Delegation en PerseduAIinistere del Instruction Publigue,i?)()j 58, 1902, p. 93 sqq. and Menioires T. VIII. pp. 29 pi. IV. v.; E. Pottier, Gazette des Beaux Arts, 1902, p. 17, "Les Fouilles de Suse." ^ v. coloured plate xvi. in Archaeologia, LViii.
—
—
Oxus Treasure
,x]
Fig. 173.
Gold plate from sword sheath.
Oxus Treasure.
255
Dalton, no. 22.
A.
Gold ring. Fig. 175. Treasure, no. iii.
Fig. 174. Gold plaque from Oxus Treasure. Ualton, no. 48. \. v. p. 58.
Oxus \.
256
Siberia
Fig. 176.
Gold
OLieGsfrom the 0XU5.
Fig.
griffin
and surrounding
Cotmtries
(from Tiara?), front and side views.
Oxus
Treasure, no. 23.
Gold .DaltonsNumbero
177.
Nos.
II, 12,
140, }
;
No.
117, 5
;
Nos. 118, 144, slightly enlarged.
[ch.
\.
Oxiis
ix]
Tr easier e.
Anafjjino a7id Perm.
257
The same may be
said of the griffin ornament (No. 23), though it Iranian originals. The armlet (No. 144) is again more barbaric. The beasts upon it are broken-down griffins with intertwined tails. Other armlets (Nos. 117 and 118) are, on the other hand, purely Persian. No. 140 has less defmite style. It is singularly like those brought as tribute on Persepolitan sculptures (p. 59, f. 12). The two figures of deer (Nos. II and 12) are very like such figures from Siberia (inf. p. 272, f. 190). They are given to shew the muscle lines in an early stage before they had become exaggerated. Whatever doubt may be cast on the genuineness' of some of the Oxus treasure these pieces appear to me certain. is
nearer
to
its
Andfijino,
and Perm.
Besides the Altai region and western Siberia, finds of objects of the Scytho-Siberian type are made in the Urals and in the forest region to the west of them. Evidently there was intercourse but no regular domination, such as is suggested by the finds in Little Russia. The best example of a mixed P inno-Scythic culture (it may be premature to name it so, but all likelihood points to such a name being near the mark) is the cemetery of Ananjino, on the river Tojma near Elabuga, on the lower Kama". Ananjino belongs to the transition from bronze to iron there are bronze axes and pick-axes, spear and arrow-heads, and iron daggers of Siberian type (f. i 79) and some beast style ornaments recalling Siberian forms, for instance a twisted up beast (f 180) whose analogues come from the Crimea (f. 181) and from On the other hand some things recall the remains Siberia (p. 274, f. 194). the north about Perm and everything is rudely made. found further to The costume on an incised tomb-stone is not unlike the Scythic (f. 178). Further north and west the Siberian dagger penetrated among purely This is the Finnish people such as dwelt in the upper basin of the Kama^ country in which are found the wonderful pieces of Graeco-Roman, Byzantine and Sassanian silver plate kept chiefly in the Hermitage and the Stroganov palace at St Petersburg\ In this country are found bronze and copper "idols" they seem rather poor which have some' connection with things Scythic relations than imitations, but the outspread eagle with a human face upon its breast, the emblem of the God of heaven, certainly recalls a favourite Scythic motive, and the many-headed deer is, as it were, an exaggeration of the type best exemplified by that from Axjutintsy^ :
;
' M. Dieulafoy,y(;«r//rt/^t',f .S'rtz/rt7//j 1906, p. 302, condemns it, but cf. M. Rosenberg, Monatshefte d.
KunstwisscnsclMftlichen Lilvratur, 1906, p. 229. ^ Baron J.de Baye, "La Nccropole d'Ananino," Mhn. de la Societe Natiottale des Antiqiiaires de 26, and ATA'. /TrrtW^, Serie VI. T. VI. 1897, pp. I p. 434 sqq.; also J. Aspelin, Antiquitcs du Nord Finno-Oiigrien, p. 105 sqq., Hclsingfors, A. M. Tallgren promises a full account of 1877. "Die Bronzezeit im ostlichen u. nordlichen Russland" in Finska Fornniiniies/oreningens Tidskrift Vol. XXVI. Helsingfors, 1910. 3 Cf "Antiquities of Chud folk on the Kama from the Collection of the Teploiikhovs," published
—
M.
by A. A. Spitsyn
in
Mat. XXVI. St
P.
1902.
PI.
XXVH. 8, a characteristic Scythic iron dagger pi. xxxv. copper axe-heads. A. Likhachov in
;
Trans, of Vlth Russian Archaeological Congress (Odessa, 1886), i. p. 135. ^ K'I'R. Arc/i. Anz. 1908, pp. 408 sqq. 6. Mr J. I. Smirnov of the 162, ff. i pp. 150 Hermitage has made a complete publication of them in his Argenterie Orientate, St P. 1909. J. Abercromby, Finns, Vol. I. p. 118 sqq., p. 240; A. A. Spitsyn, TRAS. Russo-Slav. Section, Vol. VIII. (1906), pp. 29—145, ff. i 496, has given a full repertory of such Shaman objects, ;
—
—
'"
—
33
.
[cH.
Siberia aita surrounding Countries
258
a-?-
Ananjino AnanVmoi
-—
f.i89
\t\
Fig. 179.
Fig. 178.
CK.1900 Fig. 180.
copper.
Bronze beast from Ananjino.
KTR.
p. 435,
f-
Rrrn.
390-
1S95 ^jmpVcrorcl.
Hl8.f.31
Fig
181.
I
Fig. 182.
^
and
|.
Ananjino^ Perm.
ix]
La On and
its
La
Tene.
Caucasus
259
Tcne.
western border the Scytho-Siberian style met with the Hallstatt
later with
the
La Tene
styles.
There seems
to
have been no
inter-
Scythic objects spread into Hungary', perhaps in consequence of such movements as that of the lazyges Metanastae (v. p. 121). The La Tene objects found in Russia (hitherto very few) were brought by western invaders, whether German Bastarnae or real Kelts (v. pp. 125, 127). Their incursions were, as we have seen, less important than those from the east. So far we can speak of the La Tene culture as having been established in Poland and even in Galicia, but as merely sporadic in Podolia and on the lower Dnepr, where the Protogenes inscription is the only witness to the It must have been in S. Russia that the Scythic beastwesterners' raids". applied style, to types developed from La Tene, produced the style of the Migration period. Here too perhaps had arisen the fibula with its foot bent back that gave rise to the cross-bow shape. Salin supposes that different modifications of this form, e.g. the radiated and square-headed types, mark different streams of culture diverging from the Crimea as a centre, but he thinks that the Germans' beast-style was their own and not indebted to the Scythic ^ action, but
Caucasus.
Resemblances have been seen between the metal work of the Caucasus' but they do not amount to much they might be expected when we consider that Assyrian influence reached the Caucasus on one side and dominated Iran on the other, and also that some tribes of the northern plains undoubtedly passed through the mountains Most curious is a perfectly Minusinsk knife from Kortsa, (v. supra p. 42). a little west of Koban^ At a comparatively late period the Caucasians seem to have borrowed the characteristic looped mirrors", and along the northern Moreover Gothic jewels have foot-hills finds of Scythic type are constant.
and
'
that of the Scytho-Siberian style,
J.
Hampel, "Skythisclie Denkmaler aus Un-
aus Ungarii, Bd IV. (1895); P. Keinecke, "Die skythischen Alterthiinier im mittleren Europa," Zt. f. Ethgz.xrC
\v\.
Etlinoloi!;ischc Mittheilutigen
nologic XXViri. (1896), v. supr. pp. 65, 68, 78. A. A. Spitsyn in /?C^. XU. p. 78, "Monuments of La Tiline Civilisation in Russia," speaks of La TCne finds in Poland and also at Gromovka and (keat Ternava in Podolia, Zalesje near Kiev, and Vodjanoe near Nicopol. 3 Bernhard Salin, Die Altgermanische Thierornamentik, iib. v. J. Mestorf, Stockholm u. Berlin, R. Hausman, "Ueber neuere 1904, p. 12 sqq. Fibelforschung," Trans. Od. Soc. XXI. p. 255, quoting O. Almgren cf fibulae inf Ch. XI. f. 284, XVII. f 333; Sni. III. pi. i. and Baron J. de Baye, Industrial Arts of the Anglo-Saxons, p. 38 and
:
1 with several short articles, and esp. Part vni, Moscow, 1900, which contains a \ery full summary and many excellent plates, edited by E. Chantre, Rcchcrches Countess P. S. Uvarov Anthropologiqiies dans le Caiecase, Paris, 1885-7;
Society, Part
;
'^
;
:
pi. III.
—
VII.
Archaeology of the Caucasus see Materials touching the Archaeology of the Caucasus, published by the Moscow Archaeological *
For the
earlier
J.
de Morgan, Mission Scieniijique au Caiicase,
Z-'^r/ «« Caucase, Odessa., J. Mourier, R. Virchow, Das Grdberfcld des Kobans, Berlin, 1884; "Ueber die Culturgcschichtliche Stellung des Kaukasus," Abhandl. d. kbn. pr. A/cad. G. Radde, Museum der Wiss. sii Berlin, 1895, I. Caucasicuin, Bd V, bearbeitct von Grafin P. S. Uwarow, in Russian and German, Tiflis, 1902; see There is a good reprealso KTR. p. 437 sqq. sentative collection of objects from Koban and elsewhere in the Museum at St Germain-en-Laye, Paris, 1889;
1883
;
;
near Paris, ^ Countess P. S. Uvarov, Mat. Arch. Cauc. p. 180 and pi. LXXVi. " op. cit. pi. Liv., Dergavs.
33—2
viii.
26o
Siberia
and surrounding
Countries
[cH. IX
Urukh well in the mountains, and head ornaments have been found in several localities. Sometimes types characteristic of the mountains are found sporadically in the plains, for instance the singularly elegant axes of the Koban'-' recall one or two specimens froni Perm, that backwater to which all kinds of flotsam drifted^ But it seems as if the Caucasus threw no light on the early population of the The objects of the Koban cemetery have their analogues northern steppes. later sites in central Europe, whatever the connection may have been^ shew products of Roman craftsmanship, but on the whole archaeology is even more at fault in the mountains than in the plains.
occurred
a great find at Rutkha^ on the
in
typical fibulae
and
bird's
;
2
op. op.
3
Aspelin,
1
cit. pi. Cl. Oil. cit. pi.
III.— vin.
p.
Fig. 182
60,
bis.
f.
KTR.
;
237
;
J.
p. 462,
f.
407.
Abercromby, Finns,
Vol. I. p. 240, regards these as evidence of the early existence of the Permian trade route. * H. Schmidt, Zt.f. Etiin. xxxvi. (1904), p. 620.
Ivory Ibex and Boar from Ephesus,
v.
p.
263.
Constantinople Museum.
D. G. Hogarth, Excavations at Ephesus, London, 1908. Ch. IX. "The Ivory Statuettes," by Sir Boar, p. 164, No. 26, pi. xxvi. 3 cf. p. 177, Ibex, p. 163, No. 23, pi. xxi. 5, xxiii. 2. f. My best thanks are due to the Trustees of the British 33, bronze ibex and boar from the Troad. Museum and to Sir Cecil Smith for leave to reproduce these objects, and to Mr Dalton who called them to my notice. The pictures came too late to go into their right place in the text. The resemblance of these animals to the Scythic is exceedingly close. In the Ibex the attitude of the feet and the way they are con\'entionalised is just that of the Scythic deer. The manner in which its head is turned round is a Mycenaean survival Sir Cecil Smith compares the ibex on the Enkomi casket in the British Museum, but in the Scythic area it can be paralleled by a plaque from the Kuban (p. 279, f 205), and a cheek-piece and a plaque from Zhabotin (p. 188, f 80, Nos. 540, 539). On this last a mare with her foal bears upon her shoulder a star applied in the same way as the circles upon the ibex. Both star and circles may go back to a swirl of hair such as is just visible upon the shoulders of the lions flanking the tip of the Melgunov sheath (p. 171, {. 65, cf. a rosette in the same position, Layard, Mo7niments 0/ JMineveli, I. 31). More probably it is due to the practice of adorning the plain surfaces of figures with various decorative motives, a practice common to the Ionian (Sir C. Smith, p. 156) and Siythic styles, and pushed to its furthest in the Kul Oba deer and Vettersfelde fish and in the Siberian plates (e.g. p. 273, f 197). The boar is also very like Scythic work especially about the feet it has some resemblance to a gold boar from Alexandropol {KTR. p. 244, i. 22^ = ASH. VI. 3). Gold work like some of that from Ephesus, particularly the repoussd plates (Hogarth op. cit. PI. viii. ix.), more especially a roundel with a griffin (vill. 3) in which Hogarth sees a Central European look, may have served as a model for similar work in Cecil Smith.
;
;
:
Scythia.
26l
CHAPTER
X.
SCYTHIC ART AND GREEK ART IN THE SERVICE OF SCYTHIANS. ScYTHic
art
has a character of
its
When we
own.
have made
all
there remains something unlike anything else, the basis of the whole develojiment, that to which imported elements This had to conform or else quickly degenerate beyond recognition. native element is at its purest in the art of the basin of the upper Jenisei Until the true date and and its centre may be reckoned Minusinsk. art have been made clear the Minusinsk Scythic problem cannot affinities of be said to be solved. Unhappily we are not yet in a position to frame even plausible theories on the subject. In the last chapter I have given the few data available: The objects there figured give a fairly but they do not take us far. sufficient representative collection of the different classes of Minusinsk work to judge of its character, sufficient to let the reader see for himself affinities Mr Seebohm's Siberia in Asia is, with the products of other lands. believe, the only English book in which any of them have been figured. I The few specimens he brought home are in the British Museum. Otherwise these things are inaccessible to British archaeologists. Almost all the types are peculiar. The knife seems to be a local development, at least we seem able to trace it through many stages but this type was not spread over the Scythic area, and in China only, as The dagger does not seem has been said, seems to have its counterpart. Its less perfect form also to have attained its development at once. but its fully developed type spread westwards as far appears in China Tbe mirrors also spread to China and to S. Russia likeas Hungary. The arrow-heads appear nearly all to be of the four wise the cauldrons. The axe heads seem a final faceted' as against the later triangular shape. improvement of the socketed celt, having a peculiar second loop (p. 243, This also spread over the Scythic area (p. 190); later would be f. 151). that with one loop in the middle of the broad side (p. 243, p. 245, f. 158). Finally we have the beautifully shaped head with a transverse hole for the All these types suggest that bronze casting was haft (in. 5 on p. 251). further than in most countries that an out-of-the-way longer and developed district was left undisturbed to let its bronze craft evolve independently. Something similar seems true of Hungary. ^ But the ornament has the chief claim to interest and is the greatest whether animal not quite clear which way it is going is puzzle. It forms are being degraded into easy curves or curves have suddenly been To me this latter seems the case. The seen to have animal possibilities.
allowance
for
foreign
influence
:
:
;
:
:
;
'
More
or less similar to Nos. 203 to 18 on p. 190,
f.
82, but without side spurs.
j
262
Art
Scythic
[ch.
loops of a mirror (p. 244, f. 152) or the ring of a knife handle (ff. 150, 165) suggested, perhaps at first owing to the chances of casting, the shape of an animal with its head down, or of two heads neck to neck the loop of an axe-head (f. 151) joined to another small ring looked like a beak and eye and was improved to bring out the resemblance. So the ends of pommel and guard struck the imagination as being ready to make beak-heads, and beak-heads became the regular decoration of the dagger (fif. 169 171). The wrong end of an axe became a beak-head or an argali schematically Animals so derived from loops and knobs and rendered (ff 152, 150). The eyes remain handles remained simple and geometrical in their lines. the beaks are always curved right round, the bodies lumpy and ring-like Sometimes pure line was sufficient, zigzags in the knife the limbs thick. handles (ff. 153, 155), even spirals as on the ornament and mirror from The ornament from Bijsk (ib.) shews a favourite pattern Batteni (f. 152). When this eye for chance resemblances was turned for incrusted jewelry. on to representations of animals it saw them also in antlers or tails in which it was ready to fancy a likeness to other creatures' heads but this development seems subsequent to the introduction of iron and the conquest It is the disof the metal workers by nomads who exploited their skill. tinguishing mark of the Scythic style. There does not seem to me to be anything in the earlier Minusinsk art which need have come in from outside, except perhaps the socketed celt\ It was the nomads who brought beasts and monsters from sw. Asia, M. Salomon Reinach has and perhaps from the coasts of the Euxine. seen resemblances between Siberian art and certain points of Mycenaean. If there be such they are in the later Minusinsk, which is identical with Scythic. But this had received Mediterranean elements into itself; archaic Greek art as practised in Ionia had penetrated to it at an early period, and before that there may have been other influences from the Aegean region. These affected Scythic art from the first and would account for any resemblances. So that there may be truth in M. Reinach's fascinating theory that the representation of a flying gallop in which the animal sticks his legs out in all directions at once, spread from Mycenaean art to some lost Central Asian art and hence through Siberia as far as China, to return to the West and English sporting prints with the Chinoiseries of the xviiith century^ ;
—
;
;
Influence of Western
Asia and
Ionia.
Whatever the ultimate origin of the Minusinsk style, whatever influences it may have felt in spite of its remoteness, upon the coming of the iron people it became the foundation of their taste and was spread by them over all the steppes. Thereby it emerged from its isolation and 1 Sophus Miiller, Urgeschichte F.uropas, brings the style up from S. Russia. '^
dans
S.
p. i6i,
Reinach, "La Representation du Galop ancien et moderne," ^^z^«^.(4r^/«/i5i/(7^/^«f.
I'art
XXXVI. (1900), pp. 216 and 440; xxxvii. p. 244; xxxvill. (1901), pp. 27 (Scythic style) and 224; xxxix. p. i, and BCH. 1897, pp. 5 15, " Un Monument oublid de I'art Myc^n^en."
—
;
Minus i7isk
x]
Style.
Assyria7i^ Ira7iiaii cuul Io7iia7i
Arts
263
became exposed to the influences of the arts of south-western Asia. But it is beyond us to disentangle these influences, because we are not yet able to clear up the mutual relations of these arts, Assyrian, perhaps N. Syrian and finally Iranian on the one hand, on the other Mycenaean (in survivals) and If, for instance, we take the Ei)hesus' and the Nimrud'' ivories early Greek. viiith and ixth centuries. Sir Cecil Smith'' is inclined to make the referred to Mr Hogarth^ finds the former Greek under Assyrian Greek: both groups through the N. Syrians, the latter N. Syrian. Seeing that exerted influence very similar ivories come from Sparta^ i)erhaps rather too much has been made of the Orientalism in the Ionian finds, though the very material suggests the East: that Greeks should have had a hand in the Nimrud ivories seems thereby less probable. The difference touches the Scythic question nearly, inasmuch as one or two of the Ephesus beasts (v. p. 260) are in a style almost With the P^phesus Lions" may be classed the identical with the Scythic. But it is precisely in the beasts that lion-head from Vasilkov (p. 193, f. 85). Assyrian influence appears most plausible at Ephesus yet the features which recall the Scythic do not seem to extend to the basreliefs of N. Syria^ and Assyria, though the small figures in the round are not so very unlike". It seems therefore justifiable to distinguish two quasi-independent strains that \ met in Scythic art, the Assyrian to which the Iranian succeeded and the Ionian which never quite gave way to the Attic. The earliest objects from Scythia that we can date, the Melgunov and ^ Kelermes sheaths, referred to the viith and vith centuries B.C., are under V overwhelming Assyrian influence, yet their general forms are Scythic and v in the sheath from the crouching deer upon the side projection is Ionian In the Oxus sheath y' the Don (p. 270, i. 186) the two strains are blended. Pieces of Iranian work are few in European \, the Scythic element is weaker. ;
"'
y
:
Scythia, the hilt of the Chertomlyk sword is the best e.xample" further east we can name the better specimens from the Oxus and one piece of Siberian treasure (p. 272, ff 188, 189), but its imitation is universal in the Asiatic In the viith and steppes and is carried by tribal movements into Europe. and Oriental art Greek were still B.C. closely allied, and even centuries vith seem of objects to stand classes between the two, especially later certain engraved cylinders and gems such as those from S. Russia illustrated in ;
Ch.
XI.
silver
§
13,
work
f.
298,
and others
like
them from western
Asia'",
and certain
(v. p.
265). Greek influence
we must distinguish two periods, that of the and that of the fully developed Attic art afterwards There is something almost barbaric practised throughout the Greek world. In the Ionian archaic
art
about the Ionian art that makes us barbarians think of our '
Hogarth, Excavations at Ephesus, pp. 155—
185, pi.
xxi.— xxvii.
ft".
ft".
^
I.e.
*
Ionia
''
BSA. XU.
—
p. 184.
and the
Exc. at Epii. XXI. i, 3, xxni. 3, xxv. 12. deer at Sindzherli, K. Humann u. O. I'uchstein, AV/jtv/ /« A7. y4j/
^ Cecil Smith, ib. p. 182, pi. xxviu. XXIX. Perrot and Chipiez, C/uildaea, &c. i. pp. 212, 301, 56 59; 80, 129, 130; 11. pp. 119— 122, 363, Dalton, Arc/taeologia, Lvni. pp. 246, 247.
East, Oxford, 1909,
p. 59.
— 328, XIH. pp. 70 — 107.
pp. 320
own mediaeval
e.g. the
* e.g. many with the Nimrud Ivories in the British Museum, cf. Perrot and Chipiez, op. cit. \\. p. 3t5, f. 193. " Yet cf. for the hilt Perrot and Chipiez, op. cit. I. p. 334, two calves' heads addorsed from Nineveh. '" Furtwangler, Anlilic Gemmen, in. p. ii6sqq.
y
264
Scythic
Art
[ch.
work, a decorative quaintness which does not demand for its appreciation so high a level of aesthetic development as that required by the perfect art of the vth century. Hence its easy adoption by neighbouring Asiatic nations and the employment of Greek craftsmen by the Achaemenians. Hence too its spreading among the Scythians. Prepared by the Minusinsk culture and perhaps by some contact with survivals of Mycenaean art, the Scythians made the Ionian archaic style as employed for the representation of beasts their own, and continued to practise it with much spirit, but too The elements that little restraint, incorporating into it Minusinsk feeling. they thus joined were not hopelessly incongruous, but combined to make a whole, with a distinct character of its own and no small decorative merit. Moreover, even when the Pontic Greeks had left it behind, the Scyths having made it their own kept to it fairly consistently when their models were not beyond them they were capable of assimilating them. So this descendant of Ionian archaic art lived on until after the Christian era and spread from :
Siberia to Hungary. The story of Aristeas and the account of the trade route running northeast from the Euxine shews us that there was every reason why products of Ionian art of the viith and vith centuries B.C. should quickly penetrate into the interior of northern Asia, and their style become the property of all Hence we can readily admit the possibility that objects the nomad tribes. of this date found as far north as Minusinsk should recall details of ivory carvings found at Ephesus, and that the Scythic crouching deer itself should be originally Greek. Accordingly in the older period it is very hard, strange as it may appear, to distinguish between Greek and Scythic. Herodotus (iv. 79) bears witness to a Scyth's use of Greek style by mentioning the griffins and sphinxes in the palace of Scyles in Olbia we may picture them as like the griffins from Olympia'. ;
Archaic Greek Objects in Scythia.
Greek
which penetrated to the Scythians They have with them and called forth their imitation only the Assyrian work at Kelermes and Melgunov's Barrow, in cases such as Vettersfelde and the Seven Brothers they make up the greater part of the Mostly the older pieces find, though there are already some later things. Their interest for the are few compared to the products of the later art. moment being the effect they exercised upon the native style we may leave such are the Greek pots, technically aside such as produced no imitations as well as artistically inimitable (Ch. xi. § 7), and some of their bronzes Furtwangler long ago pointed out that the (Ch. XI. § 10, fif 278 281). Vettersfelde objects (v. p. 237) were of pure Greek work, and shewed that the details, especially the Triton on the fish, the friezes of animals rather quietly attacking and flying, the convention by which quadrupeds seen from the side have only two legs, the use made of the graver to put in surface details, the eyes on the sheath so suggestive of Augenschalen, and
Specimens of
this archaic
art
are not infrequent.
;
—
1
Olympia
IV. pi.
XLix.,
cf.
Hogarth, Excav. at Ephesus,
pi.
xvi. 4; Delphes, v.
pi.
X.
I
Archaic Greek Art
265
the whole spirit of the three chief pieces, belong to Ionian work of the late ^ The earring is put clown by Hadaczek to an earlier period archaic period. and is purely Ionian the dagger sheath just like the one from Tomakovka But the chief (p. 158 below) is perhajis later, but likewise entirely Greek. pieces, as shewn by the shape of the sheath and perhaps by the use of small animals to decorate the big fish, mark the interference of the Scythian customer. The Kul Oba deer (p. 203) has only this last point to make it Scythic, its general character is just like the Ephesus ibex down to the details of the feet, which might strike one as barbarous. The Kostromskaja deer (p. 226) represents a decided conventionalising of the same type, and in spite of the grace of line and skill of execution must be native work. \ The Seven Brothers also yielded much archaic Greek work. Almost all ^ the gold plates on p. 20S are of this class such an array of animals would delight a Scythian, and the Asiatic element in Ionian allowed monstrous forms which were not less welcome. On two of the triangular plates, that with the eagle and hare (a well-known design, e.g. the coins of Agrigentum) and that with a lion and ibex, there is only just a touch of archaism (p. 211, f. 112 and p. 209, f. 108); whereas upon a third (p. 213, II. 6) we can see an archaic model through barbarous execution, and upon another (p. 211, f. iii) though the execution is skilful the incongruous monster suggests barbarism. The breastplate with a gorgoneion (p. 213, II. i) offers a type which is very popular on the small plates of gold: the Scythians could attain to such a grotesque. The great silver rhyton (p. 211, f. 1 10) with a winged ibex from the same tomb, like the lesser golden dog' rhyton and those from Kul Oba (p. 197), is a fine specimen of Graeco-Asiatic art, having decided Ionian affinities both in its main lines and in its decoration compare that from Erzingan in Armenia figured by Dalton'-. The figure of a sow engraved in rock crystal (p. 208, No. ^^ is typically Ionian, as Furtwangler points outl Altogether the Seven Brothers give us Greek things just as they best suited Scythic taste without going The gold saucer (p. 204, f. 99) from Kul Oba out of their way to meet it. appears to me Greek work almost as early, but calculated for a Scythian The general scheme of rays or petals v purchaser, witness the bearded heads. dish from the tomb at Nymphaeum which agrees in so much with the recalls Brothers iii. or dish found with the Erzingan rhyton''. V" VII a the (p. 213, 5), in which the rays are filled is ingenious archaic Greek art The manner but the various shared with the barbarians a natural abhorrence of void elements are rather incongruous, and the leopard-heads upside down shew a disregard of the fitness of things which would hardly have pleased a Greek. Kul Oba had one or two early gold plates for sewing on to clothes, but just these patterns occur also at Alexandropol >' these are hardly archaic
^
:
;
:
.
V
:
:
:
KTR.
p. 318 f. i^b^CR. 1877, I. 7. He calls it PersoOxtis Treasure^ No. 178. Greek. Much the same technique is exemplified by the great vessel of uncertain provenance with two hanclles, each a winged^bex or antelope, one of which is in the Berlin Antiquarium (Furtwangler, Arch. Aiiz. 1892, p. 115), the other in the Louvre (W. Froehner, La Collection Tyszkiewicz, Munich, This is referred by Furtwangler to 1892, pi- III.). 1
2
M,
the vth century, but a slightly inferior ibex (No. lo in the Oxus Treasure) of the same style has a
palmette on its lower attachment which Ualton puts in the ivth century. All these have the musclemarkings brought out in gold (v. p. 268). ^ Vettersfelde, p. 23 (v. inf p. 270). * Dalton, C.r//.f Treasure, No. 180; cf. Les Arts, I.
(1902), p. 18;
cf.
No. 18 of the treasure
itself.
34
2 66
Scythic
Art
[ch.
In and the Seven Brothers; probably the dies were in use a long time. others produced the general the Medusa-head plates were best imitated poor result we see at Volkovtsy (p. 184). The Ryzhanovka earrings (p. 178) shaped like dumpy griffins with curled-up wings are called by Hadaczek' they look masterpieces of Graeco-Scythic work of the iiird century B.C. Sphinxes from to me earlier, and certainly go back to archaic originals. Alexandropol (p. 158, xxx. 24) and from Deev Barrow near Seragozy' In the case of one or two types we have not found have similar wings. actual Greek originals in the Scythian district, though they are familiar enough elsewhere: such is the winged goddess from Alexandropol (p. 154, and the animal on the mirror from Romny (p. 178. f. 73). The ivory f. 40) from near Smela' are, at any rate that shewn on p. 193, good heads lion The mounting of the mirror from the orientalising Greek style. of examples identical with a mirror-mount from being Ionian, looks quite also Prussy and perhaps not original\ very Scythic are beak-heads the Olbia, though :
:
Scythic Beast-style.
When the Scythians set to work for themselves one way of attaining decorative effect was the reducing of organic curves to abstract ones as we see on such mirrors as that from Romny or on the Kostromskaja deer. Another was to imitate the practice of the makers of the Vettersfelde fish the Kul Oba deer and cover the beasts with secondary ornament or turn and ^ This we see on the Axjutintsy deer extremities into heads of other creatures. the belly has afforded space for a bird's eye which the curve of on (p. 181) and beak, and the antlers end in griffins' heads. The extreme case is seen in the gold plate of another reindeer from Verkhne-udinsk (p. 275, f. 197) which ^ is all over small animals fitted in to cover every space. And the addition especially claws (which extremities, give such a good excuse of incongruous impossible for us to define the species for stone settings), has rendered it However for sheer incongruity nothing of some of the Siberian beasts. can surpass the gryllus from the Seven Brothers (p. 211). In the adorning of men's things, especially in horse trappings, this older naturalised style remained supreme. It seems as if the Greeks recognised its suitability, for in what was apparently a purely Greek grave at Nymphaeum there were many psalia quite similar to those from the Scythic Seven Brothers So too the hilts of the characteristic Scythic swords and knives (v. p. 214). are almost all worked in this style, and again are sometimes the only objects of the kind in the tomb^ or else they are Assyrian, as in Melgunov's Barrow and Kelermes, or Iranian as at Chertomlyk, never as it seems Greek. r Besides the absolutely bizarre and apparently meaningless combinations which seem merely due to the desire for decorative detail or the impulse to complete the chance resemblance which an antler or tail of one animal may bear to the head of another, we also find the well-defined monsters which go back to the symbolic creations of western Asia, sphinxes, griffins "
'--
J
j
I
{
'
^ •
Dcr OhrscJunuck der Griechen
Wien, 2
3
1903, p. 41,
BCA.
f.
16
;
Sin.
il.
u?jd Etritsker,
p. 143, xvi. 4.
XIX. p. 170, pi. xiii., V. p. 170. Frontispieces of Sm. i. and 11.
* '>
p.
No. 351, cf. CJi. 1905, Mirza Kekuvatsk
191,
e.g.
Reinach,
p. 21, pi.
xxvu.
9.
p. 34,
f.
32.
X]
Decorative Degeneratio?i
Beast-Style.
267
and such like. The Greeks were prepared to su[)ply these, already themselves sharing them with the East, and they became the stock decoration of objects destined for the Scythian market, and were in hii^h honour among the colonists themselves who put the griffin on the coins of Panticapaeum. Besides going to the extreme of making an animal more decorative by adding to him the attributes of another, the Scyths were inclined to insist on surface details and use them to make a pleasing pattern. There is this element in one of the little silver gilt vessels from Kul Oba', and on the dagger sheath from the same grave inscribed flOPNAXO"; in spite of the Greek model, still archaic though already too far advanced in style for satisfactory imitation, the native taste comes out in the way that the line which 'indicates musculature on Ninevite sculptures is represented by a volute or
.>,
-i'-«5S3?«5afc'»^Hi^>>. •;.•.•>?
(iold plates.
P'IGS. 183, 184.
S curve. We when carried
see the
K'TR. pp.
Ak-Mechet.
284, 285,
same thing on a gem from the
249, 250.
ff.
Crimea''.
This tendency
Karagodeuashkh 123) or Berestnjagi^ without looking into them one is not sure that (p. 219, animals are really intended, so far have they degenerated into mere decofurther leads to designs like the plates from
f.
;
The deer from Ak-Mechet is tending this rative arrangements of curves. way, but on the other plate vegetable forms are taking the likeness of a snail. A more interesting example of this conventionalising of animal forms Here the design is shewn by certain horse trappings from Krasnokutskl most clearly foreshadows the northern European beast-style. Very similar are designs from Siberia". 2
ABC. XXXIV. ABC. XXVI. 2
3
Ch.
'
Gemmen, *
Sni.
XI. xi. III.
i^
I
on
on
13,
p. f.
198. 203.
X.
p.
298,
on
Furtwiingler,
A/it.
;
Radloff, Alts Sibirten,
"
11, xi.\. 2
= Khanenko,
li.
3,
LX.
f.
78.
ASH.
xxiii. 4 on
p. 158.
26. xviii.
so V'olkovtsy, p. 185, p. 191 pp. 167, 168, ff. 56, 57 and
'
xii.
I
—
II.
p. 128, v.
on
p.
6.
34—2
251,
— 268
Art
Scythic
[ch.
the Oxus treasure we have the muscle markings emphasized decoratively though without entire disregard of natural modelling But when the beast came to be felt as merely (p. 256, Nos. II and 12). part of the pattern, there was no reason why this line should not be brought out in colour as well as in form, and on the ibex (No. 10, v. p. 265, n. 2) gilt is used, and finally it became the custom among the Asiatic nomads to adorn the flanks of creatures with blue stone or coral inlaid, and the round or pearshaped forms suggested by the prominence of the muscle were combined into one motive of a dot between two triangles, which has suggested to some writers an eye, to others a beak-head doubled for symmetry \ All these modifications and departures from naturalism were due to horror of empty space, which also led to the creatures being twisted about in every way so as exactly to fill the space available. ^ The species represented in Scythic art are many". The lions and other \ felidae preying upon deer are after Asiatic or Greek models. Their species '^ are hard to define, because the artists did not care to be accurate as to spots v^ and manes and tasselled tails, such details they delighted to add even to ^ lionesses. Chief of the true Scythic beasts is the reindeer who is constantly occurring, mostly in a crouching position with his legs bent under his body he figures upon quiver covers, breastplates, shields, standards, gold plates for sewing on to clothes, mirrors, bridle cheek-pieces and other trappings, upon the one Scythic gem, and in Siberia upon a wood-carved saucer and V So too a bird of prey is a favourite (v. p. 251) and another wooden fragment. with wings deployed to form a gold sometimes subject, clothes, more often a mere plaque for sewing on to CK.(S72.in:9 Taman?ef^ head and beak, upon standards, horses' cheek-pieces, no
On
statuettes
in
more than beak and eye
at
Nymphaeum
""
(p.
215,
f.
116),
^^ ""'^
ending the horns of the deer or the tail of a monster, the hilt of a sword or the handle of a mirror, second but He even occurs double-headed (doubleto the deer. fig. 185. headed eagles seem natural in Russia) on a bronze plaquel Besides these the ibex is common, especially on Siberian things, and mostly in the round, as an adornment to edges, as it were upon the sky line, e.g. on the Chertomlyk cauldron (p. 162, f. 50) and the Novocherkassk crown (p. 233, f. 138) side by side with the deer. Characteristic are the bell-like objects with an ibex perched upon them (p. 249, ff. 166, 167); such The horse is rare except on a one serves also as a mirror handle (p. 193). his own cheek-pieces, which so often end with a hoof at one end and an admirably conventionalised horse's head at the other (p. 189). The hare is
not
uncommon (p. 186). In we get many different
varied, for
the Siberian plaques the fauna is yet more beasts of prey, serpents, eagles, oxen and the
yak, as well as horses, dogs and boars, and even human figures. There is in the productions of this adopted style a unity in the design an adaptation of the ornament to the form of the object to be execution, and ' a.V)7\\iQn\x\Archacologici^\N\\\.^.2},~l;Oxiis Treasure, p. 30 sq. ^ Cf. Ch. de Linas, Origines de rorfcvrerie
Vol. li. p. 158, on the Fauna of the countries where Scythic and Siberian ait prevailed. cloisonne'e, ^
p. 178, cf. Z>'J>Vi. Xlll. p. 85,
f.
21,
Spartan ivory.
x]
Beasts represented.
Limitatio7is of Scyt/iic Style
269
makes ([uite rude things satisfactory. It shews that the had become the natural expression of the people who had developed
decorated, which style
the characteristic forms of the objects themselves. It is far otherwise with the occasional attemj:)ts to apply the fully developed Greek style to these same objects. The things begin to lose their original shape, and at the same time violence is done to the Greek design which is being borrowed from elsewhere and applied to a new field hence the shortcomings we shall have to notice in some of the more ambitious pieces of Greek work from S. Russia. When an actual Greek form suited their purposes the Scythians used it readily enough, as in the case of various pieces of armour and some decorations for horses (e.g. at Tsymbalka and Chmyreva barrows, pp. 166 169, This was always the case with women's belongings which ff. 54, 58 61). served for pure decoration, so that their forms were not conditioned by Hence we find plenty of later Greek work at the necessities of use. women's sides, e.g. at Kul Oba and Ryzhanovka. But at the latter we see the miserable attempts of the natives to imitate the higher style, corruptio Other examples of the same failure are the second frontlet optimi pessivia. from Tsymbalka (f. 55), and that from X^olkovtsy (p. 185), and the plate from Berestnjagi (p. 191, Khan. lxx. x.) in which one can just trace the elegant ivth century griffins. Especially in representations of the human form did the Scythians fail. They did not do so badly with masks because these derive from the gorgoneion which they received in the archaic phase (v. p. 208), but the Ionian decorative art was not specially fond of the human figure, and the attempts to imitate later models are grotesque without being spirited. Such The badness of the figures on are plates from Geremes' and Kurdzhips'. the Karagodeuashkh headdress (p. 218) may be due to the treatment the plate Most of the thin gold figures in the Oxus treasure, though has received. they are not exactly Scythic, are equally bad'', but one is fairly good (p. 255,
^
;
—
—
f-
'74).
As
I urks so with the Scyths, gold is the favourite of hardly anything but their gold work. certain number of similar objects in bronze, a few silver cups and horns, their iron sword blades, sonle bits of carved wood from Siberia, and the interesting carved bone work from the Kiev and Kuban districts, make up all that is left can well believe that their tents were spread in any other materials with carpets of their own make, and their garments may have had other but of this we decoration more suitable than the innumerable gold plates In the western district, where pottery had been suchave no remains^ cessfully practised before the Scythic period, some of their earthenware was pleasing in shape, with a dark ground and incised patterns filled in with white (p. 82, ff. 24, 25), but native work could not compete with Greek for a nomad with close communication with the Ural and the pottery Altai gold was the special medium for artistic work, accessible, portable and
with
material.
We
the
early
A
know
We
:
;
instantly effective.
»
2 3
p. 253, f. 212 = ASH. xxu. 223 = CA'. 1895, p. 62, f. 140. Ualton, Nos. 49 to 100.
KTR. p.
9,
and
p. 33.
pp. 188, 189, ff. 80, 81, and p. 223. woollen Sin. I. p. 73, No. xxvi. embroidered in red, blue and yellow. ••
•'
A
garment
'
:
Art
Scythic
270
Scytltic Style in
[cH.
Northern Asia.
In the borders of European Russia the place of discovery makes very There may be a rather greater proportion of difference as to style. pure Greek things about the Bosporus, but as pure a Greek style occurs round Kiev or on the Dnepr bend, and some objects even at Kul Oba are As against the Asiatic steppes there is a difference absolutely Scythic. there the Iranian influence is much stronger, and objects made in Iran, so rare in the West, can be quoted from the Oxus treasure and the Siberian finds whereas actual Greek work has not been found beyond the Oxus, though we have seen that Ionian art made its influence felt far to the North East. Still the first art, to which we can point and say that we have actual examples which found their way into the possession of the Scyths and therefore This contact must have taken place could attract them, was the Assyrian. and Kelermes finds must have travelled westwards, Asia, the Melgunov in and Iranian, eastwards. which may be The mixture of Assyrian the Oxus sheath, intimate upon the sheath from the Don. and Scythic motives is much more As regards form it does not seem to have possessed the characteristic projection by the hilt, but agrees with the other early specimens in its shortness Upon it are three beasts a boar, whose muscles and ear are and broadness. rendered in a way which will soon let them degenerate into merely decorative curls his mane has not the gap seen upon the Vettersfelde hog is pursued by a lion. The lion's mane is represented as though it were a separate cape put on his tail looks like a string of vertebrae ending in a beak-head (on Melgunov's sheath we have cape-like manes and scorpion tails, pp. 171, 172, his muscles have the S curve and similar mannerisms. ff. 65, 67) The last beast is a lion, just like the other, save that his hindquarters are twisted round so as to bring the feet against the top margin a most Siberian attitude and M. Reinach would say most Mycenaean\ In this sheath, which cannot be later than the vith century B.C. because of its closeness to Assyrian models, little
:
;
—
—
;
;
—
CioU
6cat»bair^ci. Fig. 186.
we
£rom
tt\«
My thanks
Don
—
.A»x:Vlao^.c)g<"Scl^e^•Anwtfi^»- i90i..p.+rr
are due to
Dr
A. Conze for leave to copy
this.
the Scythic style already sufficiently independent to introduce considerable modifications into the model provided by a higher art, modifications dictated by a spirit we can trace for another eight centuries. The Iranian art was a more permanent neighbour than the Assyrian, In Europe just so much higher than the Scythic as to encourage imitation. its direct contributions are limited to the Chertomlyk hilt" and a seal cylinder .see
' Cf. inf. p. 276, f 1<)?> = KTR. p. 391, f. 351 Reinach, Rev. Arch, xxxvni. p. 39. ^ p. 163, f 51, but see the photographic repro;
duction in Pridik, Melgunov, pi. V. i, and compare the round silver plaque from the Oxjis Treasure.,
No.
24.
:
/;/
and
Asia^ Assyi~ia7i
Ira?iia?i
l7ifltie?ice
271
but to the eastwards Iran is 85) found at Kholodnyj Jar near Siiicia' can see what part it played by merely looking at the pictures Here, discovered on of the Oxus treasure. the borders between Iran and the steppes, we have an ensemble of objects which includes, on the one hand, the most considerable, Morgan's find at Susa, almost the till de only collection of ancient Persian goldwork known on the other, barbarous imitations of the Persian style strongly coloured by the Scythic character, shading off into the the Greek regular Scytho-Siberian work (p. 193,
f.
supreme.
;
We
:
:
things are as it were intrusive, isolated other objects are unfamiliar in style, and cannot be referred to any known school, though there is no reason to doubt their comparison of these objects genuineness. from Susa with Nos. 117 and 118 of the
^k^^:m
A
Oxus treasure shews their identity in Lad af Tomuc'.ouStS^.p.gy. general composition and even in style, allowing for the rough treatment suffered P'lG. 187 from J. de Morgan's preliminary publication (Paris, 1902), belter in Minisby the latter. Everything in the Oxus tire de r Instruction piibliquc, Dt'li'gation It almost treasure has lost its stones. en Perse, Manoires, T. viii. (1905), p. 44, looks as if the things had been prepared 70, 7i.pl- IV.; p. 48, 76, pi. V. The mutilated necklet for melting down. from Kul Oba (p. 197) with enamel in place of stone inlay shews the same scheme as treated by a Greek the original model was Assyrian'. ff-
f-
;
Siberian Goldwork. purely Persian style, identical with that of the great Oxus griffinbracelet which Dalton puts in the vth century B.C., is one piece from Siberia acquired in the same way as the generality of Siberian plates (v. supra, It is hardly needed to prove that Persian originals penetrated far p. 253). northwards, we could deduce that from the imitations, but its presence makes It is a necklet^ in the shape of an overlapping ring, 19 cm. quite certain. across, made up of two hollow gold tubes, each of which ends in a winged The picture shews the hollows prepared to receive precious stones, lion. turquoise or lazulite they mark the lines of the face, the ridges of the horns the shaggy mane, to which is applied a scale ornament which is so effective in any cloisonne technique, the shorter feathers of the wings, the curves Here of the ribs and, specially typical, the muscles of the hindquarters. already the intelligible lines of such a figure as the Oxus deer have given rise to a roundel representing the projection of the hip bone, flanked by hollow triangles that only distantly recall muscle lines (v. above, p. 268). Perhaps the true origin of this pattern is in the purely inconsequent decoration
Of
;
' Perhaps it is rash to call this or Nos. 8 and 30 below on p. 208 specifically Iranian. 2 Layard, Mon. of Nineveh, XXiv. li. ii cf. ;
Perrot and Chipiez, Sardinia, etc., il. p. 243, N. Syrian bracelet. ^ ff. 188, 189, cf. Oxus Treasure, p. 28, f.
f.
370,
18.
Scythic
272
Figs. 188
(*),
189
Fig. 190.
Fig. 191.
Golden necklet from
{\).
Gold
figure of a reindeer
Ends
CH.
Art
Siberia.
Hermitage.
from Siberia.
of a torque in gold from Siberia.
Pridik,
Hermitage.
Hermitage.
Melgunov,
KTR.
KTR.
p.
p.
381,
383,
V.
2 a,
335-
f-
f.
339-
c.
X]
Siberian
Goldwork
273
of the Zhabotin horse or the Ephesus ibex but the deer here fijrured (f. 190) has markings which might well develope into such as adorn the lion. Another tonjue is not far removed from the Persian style of the first, but in spite of their spirit the lions that form its ends are distinctly inferior to it, especially in fineness of execution (f. 191). A similar falling off is noticeable in a great figure of an eagle' with a Esj^ecially coarse are the cloisons kind of reptile head devouring an ibex. They were once filled with red stones. on the neck, breast and upper wings. The tail feathers seem to have been supplemented by real feathers slipped in. The ibex has the ornament. His hindquarters are slewed round in a way that can be better seen on other examples (e.g. [). 276, f 198). :
•
1
J1
^f^jP^i
"^^^^Jkf^^^
•*-
BPP%
:
\mmmSjM iWrmjitf^'
Fk;. 192.
*
•
*
l^l^^^^lViBP^^^^H
Gold Plate from
From an
Hermitage. Siberia, probably a crest. in S. Kensinf,'ton Museum.
Klcctrotype
unusual form is a buckle (p. 274, f. 193), of which the pierced recalls the late Roman pierced work figured by Riegl', and distincdy work This, with the Novocherkassk treasure and Chersonese'. from a buckle Younger Han, confirm the belief that this and the Gordian the coins of of the Roman empire. time the on into well style lasted
Of
• P'irst figured in Archaeoloi^ia, il. pi. xv., also 1 have to thank him Dalton, ib. i.viu. p. 255, f. 19. and the Society of Antiquaries for an electrotype of KTR. p. 379, ff. 332, 333 De Linas, his block. ;
M.
Ori^ines, -
II.
196.
p.
Die Spatromische Kunstiitdustric nach den
Ftiitdcii in Ofsiern-ich- Utii^ttrn, 3
Ch. xvu.
f.
3^Z^C/\.
jil.
xil.
1894, p. 74,
f.
107.
35
Scythic
274
Art
[CH.
Another curious form is a strap ornament formed of a lioness, bent right round until she has almost lost the shape of a beast. Yet exactly the same pattern in bronze and with less complete conventionalising comes from Sympheropol, and another example of still ruder workmanship from Ananjino (p. 258, ff 180, 181), shewing how even the less important Scythic types spread just beyond the borders of the steppes.
Gold buckle 193. Herfrom Siberia.
Fig.
mitage. f.
342.
KTR.
p. 385,
Fig. 194.
I.
Gold^beast from Siberia.
Hermitage.
KTR.
p.
398,
f.
362.
has been remarked (p. 253) that the typical plates of this style are kind of oblong frame or of a oo shape. As a specimen of the former we have a combat between a boar (bear.-^) and a great serpent The boar has claws, but all animals in this style have claws, they (f. 195). In this case there are comparatively give such a good excuse for inlaying. few stones. The next (f. 196) is more typical; upon it a griffin and another monster, as it seems a carnivore with horns ending in beak-heads, attack a tiger whose stripes give excellent excuse for inlays. Of the C3Q shape a simple instance is a figure of a deer with antlers ending in beak-heads, a tail ending in the same and with the fore part of its body covered by a whole bird, and its hinder parts decorated with an Some sort of small carnivore is attacking it entirely inconsequent head. in front. Attention has already been called to the analogies offered by this This particular example is interesting to the Kul Oba and Axjutintsy deer. it was brought from Verkhne-udinsk because its provenance is known specimen much like it found its way to China and is figured in Kin-shih-so as a coin with the type of a hind suckling her fawn\ It
either in a
;
A
1
p. 251,
f.
172,
cf.
S.
Reinach, "Representation P. Reinecke,
du galop," Rev. Archdol. 1900— 1901,
"Ueber
einige Beziehungen, u.s.w.," Zt. f. Ethnol. p. 161 ; Odobesco, Petrossa, p. 512.
xxix. (1897)
Siberia?i
^1
Fio. 195.
Fig. iy6.
Fig. 197.
Cold
i)l;itc
from Siberia.
Gold plate from
Siberia.
Goldwork
Hermitage.
Ticrmitage.
Gold plate from Verkhne-udinsk.
275
A'/A'.
KTR.
Hermitage.
386,
p.
p.
387,
KTR.
p.
344.
f.
f.
345.
389,
f.
348.
35—2
276
Scythic
Art
[cH.
we have
a good instance of the hindquarters are decorated with a pattern of a circle between two triangles, and of another by which an animal is represented as having twisted its hindquarters right round in the In the combat of griffin and horse favourite mannerism, by which creatures'
Fig. 198.
Fig. 199.
Gold
plate from Siberia.
Gold plate with coloured inlay from
Hermitage.
Siberia.
KTR.
p.
Hermitage.
391,
f.
KTR.
351.
p.
393,
{.
354.
— Sibei'icui
-] agony of combat.
Goldwork
277
The
ibex in the grasp of the eagle above exhibits both wings are becoming rudimentary. Next we have an eagle and another creature attacking a yak whose presence shews that these plates must have originated in the higher parts of Asia. Very decorative is another version of the combat between boar and serpent. The fellow to this was brought to Holland by Witsen, but is now lost'. features.
The
Fu;. 200.
griffin's
Gold
pl.itc
with coloured inlay from Siberia.
Hermitage.
KTR.
p.
394,
357.
f.
—
Interesting for its subject is the following plaque (f. 201) a boar hunt a perfect illustration to Herodotus (iv. 22, v. p. 107) and his account of have the man ambushed in the tree with his horse waiting the lyrcae. quietly below him and the dog in the corner, and then later we see him
We
pursuing his quarry at full gallop. In the last (f. 202) we have a representation of the people for
whom
these
were made and of their horses. They are not much like representations of They had real saddles with hanging straps that might serve for Scyths. The bow-case is still much the same the figure that may well be stirrups. a woman wears a tall cap, like the Karagodeuashkh queen (p. 218, f. 120) or the Chinese pictures of T'u-huo-lo (v. p. iio, n. 2). There is a small statuette {?i. 203, 204) of a mounted horseman of this race, but the only clear point about his dress is the heart-shaped panel on his back, shewn also on the boar hunt. ;
The
style of these Siberian plates with coloured stones does not penetrate Europe. On the Kuban it occurs most generally on circular plates On a larger scale we or bosses with an animal twisted round upon itselfl far into
' Figured in his Noord en Oost Tartnrye, Amsterdam, 3rd ed. 1785, pp. 748 sqq., and copied by Radloff, Siht-rian Antiquilics, Vol. I. Ajip. p. 130. - Kurdzhips, v. p. 223, f. 126; Zubov's Barrows,
230, f. 132; Kazanskaja, CR. 1901, p. 71, f. 137; Lado/.hskaja, CR. 1902, p. 77, f. 161, and UstLabinskaja, ib. p. 78, f. 164, p. 82, f. 177 v. p. 232, nn. 4, 6. p.
;
278
Scythic
Art
[CH.
see it on a plate of which the exact provenance is not given. It shews us a most typical Siberian griffin with rather ill-developed wings. To judge from the photograph the gold lacks the extravagant solidity of the Siberian The griffin is no longer upon his native gold mountains (f. 205). work.
X]
Siheria?i
Fig. 202.
Gold plate from
Siberia.
Goldwoi^k
Hermitage.
KTR.
279
p.
397,
f.
Figs. 203, 204. Mat. xv. = Si7>. Ant. vol. i. p. 123, Appendix. Siberian Horseman. KTR. p. 383, f. 338.
Fig. 205.
Gold plate from the Kuban
district.
KTR.
p. 486,
360.
Gold.
f.
440.
;
2
8o
Scythic
Art
[ch.
we have
In this the the Novocherkassk treasure (v. p. 233). The animals along the great crown shews a strange mixture of elements. upper edge and the birds between the great stones on the hoop are typicallythe idea of the whole Siberian, even recalling early Minusinsk productions is perhaps Asiatic, the beading along each edge and the pendants below are debased Greek, and in the middle of the front is a Graeco-Roman bust of an empress, shewing that the whole must be of about the iiird century a.d. Finally
;
On
the collar, shallow box (p. 234, ff 139, 140) and bracelet' we have the Siberian style, but it has not the expression of ill-regulated vigour that even The animals are rectilinear, and the rudest of the former plates presented. In spite of the settings for stones are nearly all of the simple pear shape. The bottle the complications there is no more the same play of fancy. (f. 141) is interesting because it also offers some indication of date, for a bottle of just the same shape and of similar technique, though not covered In with animals, was found in the tomb of the queen with the gold mask. it was also found a dish" inscribed with the name of Rhescuporis, and it is This would ascribed to the Rhescuporis who reigned from a.d. 212 229. agree with the date assigned to the Novocherkassk treasure, but it does not go for much as there were so many kings called Rhescuporis (v. Chapter Among the Novocherkassk objects some (e.g. p. 235, f 143) presented XIX.). the usual technique of the well-known jewelry inlaid with garnets that has This is the been called Gothic, before which the Siberian style gave place. final stage of its development under predominant Iranian influence. The remarkable art of which the examples have been discussed in the One specimen preceding pages evidently flourished in the Asiatic steppes. (p. 251), generally similar to the plate from Verkhne-udinsk, found its way to China and is figured in the Chinese archaeological work Kin-shih-so. There is some resemblance in character between Siberian and Chinese art or perhaps one may have init may be due to some community of race, Or fluenced the other; the connection may go back even to Minusinsk days. again, the resemblance may be due to both having borrowed from Iranian in each case we seem to have an intrusion or some other central Asian art of monsters ultimately derived from Mesopotamia, the great breeding ground And so they finally penetrated to the borders of China, just as of monsters. the Aramaic scripts twice traversed the same stretch in the cases of the Turkish and Uigur alphabets. The early Chinese bronzes and jade earrings, figured in such books as Po-ku-fti-ht and Kin-shih-so, are very much conventionalised we have the face T'ao-fieh, or else the patterns are for the most part merely The Dragon, Tiger, and Phoenix only come in under the Han geometrical. Dynasty and decidedly recall Persian types, e.g. the Simurg', but the way in which their bodies are twisted about is rather in the Siberian spirit^ The westward movement of the central Asian tribes, described above, brought the users of this style into Europe, but here there were neither the gold nor the precious stones, nor perhaps the skill to make the things. For we
—
:
;
1
KTR.
p.
^
Bottle
and Dish, ABC. xxiv.
Ch. XII. •'
ff.
Hirth,
492,
f.
444. 25,
xxx.
11,
see
325, 326. F.,
Ueher frciiide Einfliissc in der
Chiiiesischen Kiuist, p. lo. * e.g. Jade roundels figured 20 pp. from the
of
Huang
Hsiao-feng's K'ao-ku-t'u.
end
x]
Siberian Style.
must suppose
that the
Riegl
nomads employed some other
281
race, either their original
from Minusinsk or, very possibly, Tadzhiks, men of Iranian blood from the borders of Iran and Turan, if one may still speak of Turan. Through all their history the nomads have been ready to borrow or rather seize their neighbours' tastes. In Europe the objects are decidedly decadent both in material, size and style. For the evolution and decay of the art we have to allow many centuries. The description of the panther from Kelermes (p. 222) sounds as if it was either an early specimen or a direct model, and that is referred to the \ith century is.c. The Novocherkassk treasure belongs The names of the peoples in the steppes change to the iiird century a.d. many times during these eight centuries: it is clear that we cannot connect the style with any single historical name. Kieseritzky thought that the objects belonged to the Massagetae, of whom Herodotus says that they wear gold upon their belts and headdresses (i. 215): others have mentioned the gold ornaments of the Aorsi', and the gold ornaments of the Turks as seen by Zemarchus". The latter are of course too late in date, but both the former attributions may be right. A nomad has no other use for gold but to make of it personal adornments. The Scyths of Herodotus presumably used the Scythic style which shews traces of Ionian archaic art; in time they or the earlier Sarmatians imported much made in the fully developed or Hellenistic styles but towards the end of the imd century B.C. the intercourse of coast and hinterland became less friendly, and the new tribes which arrived lazyges or Alans brought with them their own things and had less to do with the Greeks. These Alans came into close touch with the Teutonic tribes pressing down from the north-west and the latter acquired from them a taste for gold and jewels, which they could not have developed in their own country, and some new elements oi a beast-style. Hence a decided resemblance between the art of the Great Migration period and the Scytho-Siberian. Riegl (op. cit.) maintained that this art of the western barbarians was really an art of the Roman provinces developed according to a new "colouristic" principle. By this he meant that taste had shifted away from an appreciation of the delicate gradations of light and shade, the subtle modelling and the absolute disregard of the background which mark Classical art with its essentially plastic basis, towards strong contrasts either of light and shade (obtained by deep undercutting in plastic work) or of opposed colours, and towards a care for the shape of the background as well as for the subject or pattern, so that vv^hen the evolution is complete one cannot say which is background and which pattern. Modern decoration has shewn a very similar tendency. This is true of Roman art and to a much greater degree, especially as regards colour, of barbarian art of the period, so that the change of taste in the Graeco-Roman world prepared it to receive the foreign elements that came in from the east and north. But Riegl wanted to make out that the character of the barbarian things was the result of the Roman change of taste. Hence he had to make the Siberian style, in which if anywhere the " colouristic " principle is predominant, late enough to be an effect of a process which betran about the Christian era. How he would have done it we cannot 'to' helots
:
—
—
:
'
M,
Strabo, xi.
v. 8.
2
Menander,
Fr. 20 in Muller,
FHG.
iv. p. 228.
36
282
Scythic
Art
[ch.
for the volume in which he was to have treated of the barbarian arts has never appeared and now it never can. This much seems clear: that the Siberian art as exemplified in the Novocherkassk treasure would naturally lead on to the "Gothic" style, the ornamental style of the barbarians that overran the Roman empire. Specimens of this work are distributed from Stockholm to Spain and from Ireland to the Caucasus, but there seems good reason to suppose that it arose in southern Russia, where alone could be a meeting point for the various The chief characteristics of the style are influences of which it shews traces. tell,
:
great love for beast-forms especially those of birds of prey, whose representations, reduced to a hooky beak and an eye, persist when all the other lines have become purely geometrical, and a way of incrusting the surface of an object with fiat plates of stones or pastes, especially garnets or their equivaThe beast-style seems to derive from lents, separated by cloisons of gold. the Scytho-Siberian, the bright stones from the east, probably from Persia: but the mixing of these streams was not effected without Greek help, probably that of the goldsmiths of Panticapaeum who under oriental infiuence had long moved in the direction of a prodigal use of various coloured stones, especially almandines. That the origin of the style is to be sought in the east is shewn by the regular degradation of form, material and technique as we go westward, until in Anglo-Saxon graves we have stiff rectilinear designs, mere beak-heads, red glass and gilt bronze instead of conventional but spirited animals and garnets or emeralds upon gold. The beast patterns already foreshadowed by the horse trappings from Krasnokutsk held their own longest as "Island varieties" in Ireland and Scandinavia, where they came to be thought autochthonous and characteristically Keltic or Northern. The way in which the handle of a bell from Llangwynodl Church, Carnarvonshire \ is treated might be Scythic. It has a head at each attachment just like the mirror from Sajansk and the ornament from Nicolaevskaja on p. 244, whereas the ornament on the same page from Bijsk has a pattern of right angles which is a very favourite one on the Teutonic cloisonnd work".
Scythic Copies of developed Greek Style.
Thus the Ionian style or an adaptation of it survived in Scythia for many centuries after giving place in its own country and among its own people to the style of the great Attic masters. The Greeks in S. Russia followed the fashions of Hellas, so the productions of the finest period and later of the Hellenistic found their way to the Scythians who evidently admired and valued them.
But here was something too high
1 J. Romilly Allen, Celtic Art in Pagan and Christian Times, London, 1904, p. 210. - Ch. de Linas, Origines de Vorfevrerie cloisojtn^e, Paris, 1877, 8; A. Odobesco, Le Trcsor de Petrossa, Paris, 1889-1900; N. P. Kondakov, Geschichte icnd Dcnkmdler des Byzantinischen
Emails; Sammlung A. W. Swenigorodski, Franka/M. 1892 (also in Russian and French); Hampel, Der Goldfiind von Nagy Szent Miklos, J. furt
them
for
to
make
their
own,
Budapest, 1885; O. M. Dalton, "On some points Histoiy of Inlaid Jewellery," Arc/iaeologia,
in the
LVIII. (1902), p. 237
Treast/re 0/
(bibliography,
Oxus, London,
t/ie
p.
239, n. b.);
ic)o^, p. 24.
Finds
E. R. von Stern, "On the question of the origin of the ' Gothic' Style of Jewelry," TVrt'wj'. Od. Soc. XX. p. i D. MacPherson, Kertch, pi. v.; A. A. Spitsyn, 5C/?. xvn. p. 1 15 N. I. Repnikov, BCA. xix. p. i Caucasus, supra, p. 260. in S.
Russia
;
;
;
:
"
x]
"Jewelry.
Gothic''''
Greek Art
hnitatio7i of later
2
S3
and when they tried imitation the result was, as we have observed, hopelessly barbarous and made no approach to style, even the Kul Oba sheath' shews something of this. Fairly good specimens of the more advanced style in barbarous versions are the quiver-cover from Prussy", the Karagodeuashkh head-piece (p. 218), and many of the small gold phujues, e.g. the griffins from Darievka'', others from Oguz\ also perhaps the gold band with dancers, a native interpretation of two of the Neo-Attic types', and the necklace from Ryzhanovka (p. 179, f. 74), and the plaques from Dort Oba near Sympheropol". The two horse frontlets from Tsymbalka (p. 166, ff. 54, 55), one of Greek work, the other an imitation of a very similar design, let us gauge the differThe Volkovtsy frontlet is another such curious perversion of ence precisely. But mostly the Scythic interthe gorgoneion and two griffins (p. 185, f. 78). pretations of Greek motives are beyond words barbarous. Sometimes perhaps they were produced, like the indications from coins so common on Bosporan gold wreaths, by laying a slip of gold upon a relief, and so taking an Such very thin leaves are peculiarly liable to crumpling in impression. the earth, and when they are crumpled photogrcq:)hs do them even less than justice, so that they may not have looked as bad as the pictures of them do now. Also such flimsy work may well have been done just for funeral purposes, yet, all allowance made, the later Scythian craftsman made astonishingly bad copies of Greek originals of the free style. Nothing could be worse than some of the gold strips from Chertomlyk", Kul Oba'', or Ryzhanovka", and some of the plates for sewing on to clothes, more especially the masks'". So too nearly all other things from Volkovtsy (v. p. 183 sqq.) shew a singular miscopying of Greek originals. The wearers just wanted the sparkle of This rudeness makes the gold and did not much care about the design. it particularly difficult to detect forgeries of Graeco-Scythic work. The forger and the ancient barbarian copyist were so much in the same position towards All such work is infinitely their models that the results are much the same. inferior to the barbarous but spirited productions of the old native art, marked by a distinct and constant style, or its adaptation of archaic Greek work.
/
Greek Work for Scythian Market. In sharp contrast with the Scythic attempts to copy Greek work come the objects which, be they never so Scythic in shape and purpose, were evidently executed by Greeks on purpose for the Scythian market. Though some of them are disappointing on closer examination, yet they bear witness to the facile skill of Greek craftsmen and the energy of the Greek trader who studied the necessities of his barbarian customer and secured for him what would be a delight to his eyes, and at the same time useful and fitted '
•^
^
p.
101
= ABC.
Khanenko, Urn.
*
CR.
5
Sm.
Barrow,
XXVI.
op.
\\. xii. 2,
cit.
on
p.
2.
11.
2, viii.
•>
217.
178.
—
124, V. p. 170. 1894, p. 80, ff. 114 xvi. 3, Hausei-, Xos. 26, 29, from
\\.
BCA.
xix.
Deev
CR. 1892,
^
p. 157,
*
ABC.
9
Sm.
'"
e.ff.
\\.
f.
p. 9,
ff.
44 and
4
and
KTR.
5.
p.
309,
ff.
269, 270.
\\. 2.
xviii. 14.
Sin.
11.
pi. xi.
and
xxii.;
ABC.
XXii. etc.
pi. xiii.
36—2
y
X
Scythic Art.
284
Greek JVork for Scythians
[ch.
Some of the finer things may well have been presented by the Dynasts of the Bosporus or the governments of other Greek states to important chieftains among the natives, such presents as the tiara of Saitapharnes professed to be; some were probably executed on the spot by craftsmen who had tried their fortune in the service of native chiefs; but the greater part probably found their way through Bosporan middlemen from the workshops of Asia Minor or Panticapaeum to the treasures of Scythian chieftains. The details of such pieces as the Chertomlyk and Kul Oba vases and the Kul Oba necklet, as well as of several minor representations of Scyths, shew that some Greek artists must have been familiar with people and country, and the presence of Greek workmen in the interior of Scythia is /^evidenced by the existence of such tombs as Ogiiz (p. 170, ff. 63, 64) with But that objects were ^carefully fitted stones and characteristic Greek clamps. exported from Greece itself on purpose for the Scythian market, is shewn ^by the occurrence far in the interior of the productions of Attic ceramics, ^ and the disproportionate frequency upon them of griffins and such like subjects supposed to be specially suitable. for the necessities of his Hfe.
~
Chertomlyk Bow-case and Sheath.
X
The most famous object made by Greek workmen to a Scythic pattern the gold plaque from Chertomlyk that once covered the king's Gorytus Stephani\ (v. p. 164, f. 53 for the style, ff. 206, 207, for the compositions). workmanship it, took it be Attic and first wrote about to who interpreted This opinion was usually the scene by the obscure Attic legend of Alope. accepted", until Furtwangler, in treating of the Vettersfelde find (op. cit. p. 47), pointed out that its true affinities are rather with Ionian work than with Attic, previous critics having been led astray by the evident reminiscence of the Parthenon frieze seen on the left of the lower tier of figures. Furtwangler, and after him F. Hauser^ were unnecessarily hard upon the composition, the first accusing the maker of having merely filled up a given space with perfectly meaningless and unconnected figures from his sketch book the latter making out that he did not even draw the figures himself, but that both they and the is
;
V
ornamental members were produced from ready made dies. A. N. Schwartz * quotes Furtwangler and Hauser, and agrees with the latter, and at the same time points to the peculiar squat proportions of the figures, the prudish arrangement of the drapery^ and the luxuriance of the ornament, all of which can be matched in later Ionian art, while the reminiscences of Attic compositions remodelled according to Ionian taste remind him of the treatment of Attic themes on the coinage of Cyzicus". 1
CR. 1864,
-
e.g.
p. 144 sqq. Beule, Foiiilles et Decoiivertcs, Paris, 1873, Vol. U. p. 378, makes all ABC. Attic, so hir C. 1'.
Newton,
373 sqq. Beaitx Arfs,
Aji-rtj'.f, p.
p. 22,o=(j'iz- des
;
ci.
O. ik^y&i. Etudes,
]iva. 1882.
Die neo-attischcn Relief:, p. 126. Drevnosti (\.t. Ti'ans. of the Moscow Aixhaeological Society), Moscow, 1894, Vol. XV. Pt i, pp. 3
*
—
17 34, "On the History of ancient Greek reliefs on gold objects found in S. Russia." " Cf. B. Graef, " Die Schamhaftigkeit der Skythen," in Hermes, x.xxvi. (1901), pp. 86 94. Graef is very hard on the composition and even on the patterns, which he makes out to be very late. He quotes Canon Greenwell, "Coinage of
—
''
Cyzicus,"
Numismatic
C/ironicle, 1887, p.
i.
Chertojulyk Bow-case
X
285
More recently Prof. C. Robert' has, to some extent, restored the reputation of the artist by proposing a new interpretation of the subject, He suggests that it is the discovery of Achilles among the daughters of Lycomedes in Scyros, only that the scene has been snipped in half so that the figures of seated women ought to come on the right sitle of the girl rushini: to the right. So we have Achilles, with his hair done like a woman's, sei/iny^ a dagger and restrained by Uiomede, while an elderly nurse holds back Deidamia. This latter, her secret discovered, is rushing towards her mother who sits between her other daughters attended by another maid-servant. Further to the right we have Lycomedes in a chair and by him two other men of Scyros examining arms brought by Ulysses, who has disguised himself as a crutched pedlar. More arms are justifiably used to fill in vacant sjjaces. The corners of the design are taken uj) with a scene of teaching a boy All this goes back, to shoot, and with the nurse bearing away Neoptolemus. according to Robert, to a picture of Achilles in Scyros painted by Polygnotus',
Fic. 206.
Mat.
XIII. p.
57,
and such episodes would be just
f.
35
in
= C/v'. the
1864,
pi.
iv.
manner of
Archiiol. Ansci^cr,
li
p. 151.
j
'
j
'•
Chcrtomlyk bow-case.
that artist.
Hence
coinci-
dences with the Gjolbashi Heroum well known to reflect his school. But the craftsman who made the relief was singularly awkward in his manner of adapting the design to the space he had to fill. He did not use ready made dies, traces of their edges would have shewn on the plate, and the ornamental strips narrow towards the left side, so that no arrangement like a bookbinder's roll could be used. But he has cut the composition in half at '
X
Fausanias,
I.
xxii. 6.
<
2
86
Greek
Scythic Art.
critical point, so that the women are looking at nothing at all and he was quite at a loss to fill in the The best right hand acute angle. he could do was to repeat the re-
>4
;
young Scyran from below
clining
and put
inconsequent on a camp-stool
in a perfectly
man
elderly
sitting
with a staff against his right shoulno right arm whatsoever. So again the left end of the animal frieze is very clumsily managed; and yet through all the imperfections of the copy the grace of the single X^ figures of the original shines clear. Robert's interpretation is fully accepted by W. Malmberg^, who shews also that enough of the Karagodeuashkh cover (pp. 220, 221, ff. 124, 125) is left to make us sure der, but
that
was
it
identical
in style
and
similar in disposition to the perfect
Chertomlyk specimen. He suggests it is derived from the Iliu Persis of the same master, but there is not enough left to judge by and certhat
tainly Robert's restoration of that
picture does not endorse his view. Malmberg takes the two as a text for a detailed study in the
whole class of oband accordingly deals with the Chertomlyk sheath which is of much
affinities of this
jects
same character. He begins by pointing out that the subject of the latter is not, as has been supposed, a combat of Greeks and Scyths, but of Greeks and Persians, and refers it likewise to the school of Polygnotus, to the Marathon the
painted
in
Athens by
the his
Sroa pupils
iroiKiKr]
at
Micon and
Panaenus. Here again the craftshas not arranged his material with much skill. For instance the
man
1 Af«/.xni. Karagodeuashkh,pp. 122 sqq.; cf. also Th. Reinach, "Le goryte de Nicopol et la Tiare d'Olbia," Rei'iie Archdologiqtic, XXIX.
1896,
p.
144.
Work for
Scythians
[ch.
Chertojnlyk Bow-case
x]
and
Sheath.
Kui Oha Vase
287
the left are known elsewhere, one at Gjolbashi, the hut the of an Amazon on a vase which he figures Greek is calling forward his men, and his attitude has no meaning if there be no men on that side, whereas he pays no attention to the Persian who is about to cut him down, for he does not belong here- but to a scene of So too the single combat with an antagonist in a corresponding position'. Persian horseman farther along has no lower part to his body, his shoulders His horse can be paralleled from Gjolare immediately above the saddle. bashi. The horse at the end fills the space rather well but the helmet The two griffins at the hilt are not very does not come in satisfactorily. happy, and in the original, which must have been something like the group on the Chertomlyk vase, the griffin upon the characteristic projection could not have been occupied merely with the head of a deerl In a review of Malmberg's essay'' S. A. Zhebelev enters a protest against his tendency to assign everything to Polygnotus and warns us not He does not to attribute everything to Ionia and nothing to Athens. however offer any definite valid reasons against putting these pieces down
two
first
other
figures
the
in
on
guise
;
as Asiatic.
The whole question receives fresh light from the discovery made by General Brandenbourg of an almost exact replica of the Chertomlyk cover Kieseritzky^ says in a Scythic grave near Iljintsy (government of Kiev). that the quality of the gold is much differences are that the only inferior application of dotted work. He maintains that and that there is different the two objects were made upon the same die, instead of being repousse This argues that the Scythian trade was important enough for it freely. to be worth a Greek's while to make not merely isolated specimens of objects for specifically Scythian use, but to prepare for producing several It emphasizes the distinction between the first-rate replicas of one pattern. works of art destined for the Scythians, works which may be taken to be presents from Greek rulers, and the mere trade productions exported for barbarians whose critical faculty was not too highly developed. It does not touch the question whether the designer of the die had heaped together absolutely unmeaning figures or spoilt a ready-made composition in adapting Kieseritzky rejects Robert's interpretation and to fill a strange space. regards the design as disjecta membra of various cycles of representations. it
Kill Oba
Vase.
Of quite another character is the work on the well-known electrum"^ vase from Kul Oba (p. 200, f 93). The form of the vessel is apparently It can be paralleled by three others from the same tomb, two Scythic. others from near Kerch^ one from Ryzhanovka", and two from V'olkovtsy^ It may well be developed from such round bottomed pots as are figured ' op. meister,
cit.
p.
2000,
188,
f.
30 and
p.
185,
f.
28
= Bau-
2151. 2 Yet cf. CR. 1898, p. 69, f. !I7, carnivore and ram's head on a copper plate from Jenisei. ' TRAS. Vol. IX. (1897) p. xlvii. H. V. Pharniacovskij, " Vase-painting just before the Persian p.
f.
;
Wars," ib. X. (1899), p. 114, supports Malmberg. ^ Arch. Anz. 1903, p- 83; BCA. Ml. app. p. 51. " p. 198, f. 91, ABC. xxxiv. and xxxv. "
Svi.
"
Khanenko, n.
\\.
xvi. 7. 2,
xxx. 451 and 452 on
p.
186.
—
Greek Work for Scythians
Scythic Art,
88
2
[ch.
by Bobrinskoj*. An intermediate stage is furnished by a wide-mouthed vessel from Galushchino (p. i86, No. 450), resembling the rest of the ones
in material,
but decorated
much
in
the
same way
as the clay pots.
silver silver
One
scheme of ornament is common to almost the whole class, a simple fluting and a guilloche which may go back to Assyrian models the more elaborate examples have a friexe with beasts, and this one specimen genre scenes There can be no question but that these were executed from nomad life. by a Greek in the ivth century, when the tendency to realism had succeeded to the period of ideal art. The artist must have enjoyed pourtraying a subject so full of local colour, and he has taken pleasure in representing :
Characteristic of the stage of art is the accuracy with which every detail. Of the the expressions of pain, care and effort are rendered on the faces. other vases of the type, one with a beast frieze is of Scythic work as has been seen, the other Kerch examples seem rather Greek, those from The technique is always the Little Russia apparently of native execution. same, repousse and parcel gilt.
Chertomlyk Vase.
Not
less
than the
artist
of the Kul
—
Oba
vase, that of the
Chertomlyk
—
49'") vase must have studied the (often called Nicopol, pp. 159 161, ff. 46 But in this case there has been no native influence Scythians at first hand.
upon
either form or doubt that the (70cm.) high with a of an amphora with little
Only the purpose is Scythic, for there can be It stands about 2 ft. 4 in. vase was meant for kumys. greatest breadth of about half as much and is in the form In the neck is a fine a base instead of a point below. design.
and there are strainers in the three outlets. Of these the principal the midst of the main front of the vase is in the form of a horse's head, in itself treated realistically but surrounded by a kind of frill taken from the rayed comb {St7^alilenkamin) of griffins, flanked by great wings. The side outlets Each outlet was furnished with a plug are rather conventional lion-heads. This arrangement suggests that the vase was meant attached by a chain. strainers are for some liquid with scum or dregs, most probably kumys common in rich Scythic graves. Below the neck, which is left plain, the shoulders of the vase are decorated by two bands of reliefs. The upper strainer
:
one, slightly repousse and heightened with gilding, offers on each side a The band below this goes conscene of two griffins attacking a stag. tinuously round the vase and bears the well-known scene of breaking in the technique is curious. a filly, or whatever it may be (v. p. 48) The figures have been separately cast solid, gilded and soldered on to the Lassos and reins were in silver wire now broken away but ground. remaining in the grasp of some figures. It is not necessary to insist on ;
^
17
—
p. 82,
f.
2$=BCA.
IV. p. 31,
f.
3;
Si/i. II. vii.
20.
pictures of this vase (e.g. KTR. pp. 296 256 258) all go back to the same outline drawings in CR. 1864, pi. i. ill. and ASH. It would be well if photographs could be reproduced, '^
298,
The
ff.
—
—
we must await the Hermitage catalogue. This appHes to most of the Scythic antiquities found about that period. MaskeU's figure {Russian Art, London, 1884, p. 44) is independent but unsatisfactory, better in Rayet, op. cit. p. 225. but for this
x]
Kill
Oba a7id Chert07nlyk
Vases.
Neck-ri7igs^
etc.
289
the ethnographic importance of this scene, nor on its artistic perfection. Its exactness is shewn by the care with which two different breeds of horses are distinguished. These cast figures are in equally high relief on all sides, but the repousse work is higher at the front and shades off so that behind forms are only indicated by engraving and gilding. Below the band of Scythians the whole surface of the vase is covered with arabesques made up of palmettes, flowers, tendrils and leaves of acanthus with storks and other birds about the branches. Some have found this a reminiscence of the luxuriant vegetation of the steppe The whole work is perhaps the finest extant example of toreutic at the moment of its most consummate mastery, when it was ministering to the suddenly blown luxury of the newly founded Hellenistic kingdoms. An artist of such skill could hardly have been under the necessity of seeking his fortune in the perilous chances of nomad life. Shall we not rather see in it a gift ordered of some Asiatic master by a ruler of the Bosporus or of Olbia, who gave him opportunities for studying the natives, whom he wished to delight with a suitable present ? This is no mere botching for commercial purposes such as we have already discussed. This is a masterpiece produced when the very highest art was no longer flourishing, but such decorative work as this was at its very best. Prof. Furtwangler in an obiter dictum^ assigns the vase to the end of the vth century, but he gives no grounds and it is hard to think that either figures or ornament can be anything like so early. It corresponds with the naturalistic treatment of barbarians characteristic of the Pergamene school, as in the statues set up by Attains at Athens, e.g. the motive of the Scyth with one shoulder bared which recalls the Persian at Aix^ !
Other ornaments made for Scythians.
We
something similar of the Kul Oba king's necklet ends in Scythic horsemen. The artist had probably seen Scyths and worked in their country also in his design he has probably The ordinary ending is a lion's head but improved upon a native model. This cannot fail to recall the disposition as with the broken specimen'. of the inlaid Persian necklets and bracelets above illustrated (p. 271), and the resemblance is increased by the occurrence of colour, blue enamel in the palmettes, in the Kul Oba example, though enamel is not unknown m Greek work outside South Russia. The queen's necklet with a whole and similar lion and the simple bead ornament also suggests native models^ treatment occurs on the necklet from Karagodeuashkh'* with its particularly spirited treatment of a lion and boar. Very like the Kul Oba lion-head Identical design and execution are seen necklet is that from the Salgirl on the w^hetstone mountings, for instance one from that same tomb', from Kul Oba** and others, all no doubt made for Scythian use (v. p. ']'^.
may
202, f 97)
(p.
say
that
:
:
'
Arch. Anz. 1892, p. 115. Dr C. Waldstein and Mr A.
light
Wace
con-
^
Mr A. B. Cook compares firm me in this view. the patterns on Apulian vases, e.g. Furtwangler u. Reichhold, Gr. Vas<-nmalerei, Ser. II. f. 52, pi. 88— 90; so too Riegl, Stil/ragen, p. 235. F"or fresh
*
'•*
M.
J.
B.
*
« •*
on Chertomlyk, esp. the gorytus, v. Addenda. vni. 3 on p. 197 cf. p. 205, n. 2. vni. 2 on p. 197. n. 5, 8, 9 on p. 217. ^ I.e. f. 57. CR. 1891, p. 78, f. 58. ABC. XXX. 7 on p. 197.
ABC. ABC.
;
37
Greek Work for Scythians
Scythic Art.
290
[ch.
Another ornament which could not very well have been made
any
for
curious three-storied tiara from Besleother than barbarian use is rather mechanical and the use of work its neevskaja (p. 58, f. 11); but only a Greek could have made it. date almandines suggests a late back yet go to underlying Scythic ideas, which may Greek design, whatever may or it be, from No. 11 of the is that of the silver pectoral, the hind with the golden VII Brothers (p. 207, f. 105). Above we have for horns, which must have come into Greek mythology from the North among deer only the reindeer female has horns suckling her fawn, below This latter is conventionalized an eagle displayed with gilt wings and tail. in the archaic spirit which recalls the Scythic manner, and the horns are but we cannot be sure that it was definitely treated much in the same way made for Scythians the like is true of the rhyta from the same barrows
the
is
:
A
—
—
;
;
210, n. I, 2), from Kul Oba (p. 197, f. 90, p. 196 h) and archaic in feeling. The three rhyta from Karagodeuashkh are in the free style. They are not in very good preservation but appear to have been of excellent work. One of them bears figures of barbarian horsemen which would Malmberg makes a indicate special preparation for its destined owners^ great point of the particular species of deer represented on one of them, a deer with palmate antlers (Trpof) confined, he says, to Asia Minor and unknown to the European Greeks. Hence the artist must have come from This argument would apply to the Chertomlyk sheath and gorytus. Asia. curious example of Greek work made on a purely Scythic model is the unique cauldron found by Prof D. I. Evarnitskij in a barrow called Raskopana Mogila (the dug-out tomb) near Mikhailovo-Apostolovo in the It is more regular in shape than any district of Kherson (p. 79, f 21). (p.
211,
f.
no,
from Tanais\
p.
all
A
other and has three bands of ornament produced by applying thick wire The upper band has conventionalized bucrania to the surface of the vessel. and roundels, the lower is a simple zigzag, between them runs a row of The superior workmanship of the whole proves a Greek palmettes. artificer. The palmettes and especially the bucrania suggest a comparatively late date. As it weighs more than forty pounds this can hardly have been It may have been made in the country under the an article for export. direction of a Greek adventurer. As has been already remarked the Greek style influenced horses' gear least of all, but one horse's frontlet of Greek work from Tsymbalka has already been mentioned in connexion with a very similar design of Scythic execution from the same tomb, and it is accompanied by a cheek-piece also apparently Greek'. These are quite elegant, but are far surpassed by the set found in Chmyreva barrow in the same district by the bend of the Dnepr \ Here we have a curious forehead ornament (purely Scythic examples of the same type were at Alexandropol, Krasnokutsk, Chertomlyk and Oguz°) that has a distinctly eastern look, and one or two pieces are barbarous imitations of Greek originals but we have round and oval plates embossed :
1
p.
Arch. Anz. 1910,
p.
204,
f.
5,
BCA. xxxv.
86 sqq. 2
p. 76,
219, f. 121; Mat. xui., Lappo-Danilevskij, and Malmberg, p. 140.
p.
2,
^
p
*
v. p.
°
p. 158,
,55,
and KTR. p. 270, f. CR. 1898, p. 27 sqq. ff. 27 45=^6"//. Xiii. 6, 7 ib. vn. 54, 55
ff.
i68 f.
3; XXViii.
;
;
5,
6;
BCA.
xix.
p. 159,
242.
— 5
Nos.
34. ;
xxni.
9, 10.
:
Various Or?ta?nents
291
and then finished with the his lion's
in
skin,
burin, large ones representing the head of Hercules smaller ones with Medusa and cheek plates both of the
common wing shape
Tsymbalka and Volkovtsy) and of a special All are executed in the manner of the best early Hellenistic style. Interesting is the treatment of the gorgoneion. As has been seen, the Scyths had long been accustomed to the archaic round-faced type with the tongue out, and here we have the same type translated into (as
at
singularly elegant pattern.
the less naive forms of later art without approaching the refined beauty of the Rondanini type'. Finally one cannot but think that the great mass of gold embossed plates was consciously intended for the Scythian market such a large proportion of them bear Scythian scenes (pp. 158, 197) or the monsters connected with Scythia in the popular mind, that it is fair to say that most of them were always destined thither, l^y these plates alone we could trace Greek art from the late archaic stage, to which belong some of the Medusa-heads and others'' recalling early vth century coin types down to the Hellenistic times. Those found in Scythic graves are of precisely the same style as most of the others and all were probably prepared by the same set of merchants trading with Scythia''. Strips of gold", popular as they were with the natives who largely imitated them (p. 157, f. 44), were also worn as head bands by the Greeks themselves and occur in purely Greek graves both in Kerch and near Olbia (p. 392, They did not require to be made specially. ff. 288, 289). more difficult question is raised by some pieces that have nothing barbaric about them except that they were found in Scythic graves and shew a certain prodigality of gold that hardly agrees with our idea of Greek But this taste for heavy ornaments, were it in its origin barbarous taste. was certainly shared by inhabitants of the Greek coast cities. or no, The weight of the Kul Oba temple-ornaments with the medallions of Athena does not far surpass those with Nereids carrying the arms of Achilles found in the Taman Bliznitsa, the tomb of a priestess of Demeter and this lady's calathos and other head-gear were heavier than anything in Kul Oba Other large ornaments have been found in un(pp. 425, 426, ff. 315, 316). Greek graves at Theodosia (p, 401, f. 294) and in the tomb under the town wall at Chersonese (pp. 397, 422). The Kul Oba Sphinx bracelet in spite of its massiveness seems too elegant to have been made for a barbarian king much more the Peleus and Thetis bracelet with its reminiscence of archaic art, and perhaps the queen's bracelet of griffins in spite of its subject. The same is true of the more delicate jewelry from Karagodeuashkh and Ryzhanovka. Here a curious example of Greek art work, produced with no thought of Scythians' taste, yet appreciated by them, is afforded by the Panticapaean In general the Greek things found in Scythic tombs are staters set in rings". just those which were in use among the Greek coast population and so were on the spot to be offered in barter to the natives and to attract their Of such the next chapter treats. taste. :
'
A
:
' f.
9, 2
p.
Yet
this
was not unknown,
v.
CR.
1892, p. 20,
Chersonese. e.g.
ABC.
XXI. 17; CR. 1877, in.
9,
208. 3
ABC.
XX.
I, 2, 3,
on pp.
158, 197, 208.
10 on
^
The British Museum has platesfrom Kul Oba(?),
M arshall, Cat. ofJewellery (v. p. 386, n and Oguz(?),
i.xix.,
ABC.
^
e.g.
«
p. 180, cf. PI. v.
II.
.
6),
X L. 2 04-7, 1
LXX. 3073—3080, 3085.
3.
16;
.S';«.
11.
xviii. 5,
11.
37—2
Greek
292
Fio. 208.
Hygiea(?).
Olbia.
\.
BCA.
Art
xiii.
PI.
[CH.
II.
v.
p.
297.
Nose
restored.
XI
293
CHAPTER ART §
IN
XI.
IHE GREEK COLONIES.
General Characteristics.
I.
ScvTiiic art has a s[)ecial interest because it is one of the most important sources of information as to tiie orig^in of the nomads of South Russia, and its productions are all that is left us of a great nation accordingly its remains have been examined in some detail. The specimens of Greek art found in Scythia or in the coast settlements are, on the contrary, but a small part of the total mass of Greek art-work known, this small part being selected from the greater whole by the taste and commercial connexions of the three or four chief colonies. Still, this comparatively small part has yielded what is absolutely an enormous number of works of art, and it will be impossible to treat these as fully as the Scythic objects. It might be thought safe entirely to ignore the finds made in such obscure towns as being unlikely to tell us anything which would not be more satisfactorily attained by investigations at the great centres of Greek art and civilization, but it just happens that certain crafts of the ancient world have left better specimens in this region than in any other. Whereas we shall find hardly any architecture or sculpture worth serious attention, decorative painting in its latest form is represented almost the only Greek carpentry, inlaying and drawing on wood and almost the only textiles preserved have been saved for us in South Russian graves the later styles of ceramics can be well studied, and some special developments observed, and terra-cottas without attaining to a high level shew how the Bosporan artists followed at a distance the movements of taste and fashion in the main centres of life. In bronze work also we have artistic specimens of mirrors and mirror cases, horsetrappings and various vessels with relief work dating from the early vth century onwards. But it is in the precious metals that the South Russian discoveries are richest. In silver, besides the peerless Chertomlyk vase, we have vessels of all kinds of shapes and very varied decoration dating from the late archaic to Roman times. In gold work not even Etruscan tombs have furnished such perfect specimens. In their own way the necklets from Kul Oba, from Theodosia and the Great Bliznitsa, the earrings from Theodosia and Chersonese, one or two of the gold wreaths, the calathi from the Bliznitsa, the Nereid temple-ornaments from the same tomb, and those with Athena Parthenos and the Sphinx bracelets from Kul Oba, have never been surpassed as triumphs of the goldsmith's art. It is possible to guess at some of the causes that determined the character of the finds, at least that of those made about the Cimmerian Bosporus. Here we had Greeks living under strong barbarian influence, their archons were of barbarian extraction, and ruled as kings over neighbouring barbarous :
;
;
— .
294 Greek Art. General Characteristics. Architecture
[ch. xi
The Milesians themselves were largely crossed with Asiatic blood the barbarians both of Asia and of Scythia had very strong beliefs in the necessity of providing the dead with a permanent dwelling and with all that Hence the Ionian colonists in Scythia they could want in the next world. were especially likely to raise solid memorials to their dead and fill the well-built sepulchral chambers with precious things, more likely than the home Greeks, whose notions of the next world were more exposed to scepticism. The Bosporans, too, were rich with the riches of a commercial Moreover, class and had a taste for ornaments of gold upon their apparel. their land produced little fine stone (hence the wooden sarcophagi), but easily worked coarse stone (hence the vaults that often kept all these things in good preservation). Further, we must not forget that the most precious things of all come from frankly barbarian graves. The combination of circumstances is best paralleled by the state of Etruria, where the wealthy lucumones had a taste for Greek art, and fitted up their everlasting abodes with beautiful But the time of Etruscan wealth, things of Greek, or imitation Greek, style. though in all it lasted longer, came to an end sooner than Bosporan and Scythian prosperity, and the one region yields products of stiff archaic art, the other, mostly objects which shew the most delicate and fanciful, if rather overblown, art of the times succeeding Alexander. In this the resemblance is rather to Grecian Egypt, from which many parallels will be quoted. tribes.
:
Architecture
§ 2.
It is difficult completely to account for the lack of monumental art. doubt it existed to some extent, but nothing like what there must have Had there been many great buildings been in most Asiatic Greek towns. adorned with sculpture they could not have perished entirely, troublous though the history of Panticapaeum and Olbia may have been. So the general results have in this respect been disappointing throughout the whole
No
coast,
but
new
the
systematic
excavations
at
Olbia give
hope.
us
The
Prytaneum (?) (pp. 455 457) do present considerable and interest, there is a good Hellenistic anta capitaP also one or two fragments, The city walls too are e.g. a marble cyma^ date from quite early times. Hellenistic house and
:
reported to be of impressive solidity, but city walls are rather engineering than architecture. So too the great tombs, whether ancient as the Royal Barrow^ and others near Kerch, or of the Roman period like those at Olbia (inf. pp. 417^420, ff. 308, 309), are also rather engineering works, though some of them have architectural embellishments, e.g. the first tomb in the Great Bliznitsa near Taman had an elegant cornice, but painted only
—
(v.
p.
423,
312,
ff.
313).
Chersonese stands on a different footing. As a Dorian city it has singularly little in common with the other Scythian colonies. Also the greater part of its site having rock just under the surface, buildings were more likely 1
BOA.
XXXIII.
1909, p. 174, f. 36. 2 CR. 1905, pp. 1906, p. 122, f. 7. 3
Supra
p. 194,
p.
14,
127,
ff.
47,
15,
ff.
13,
4?,
\i\
= Arc/i.
Anz.
= Arch. Anz.
vivals in their disposition and the real place they take in the history of architecture, v. R. Dunn in Jahreshefte dcr k. Arch, histituts zu IVi'e/i, x. (1907), p. 230.
ff.
86, 87.
On Mycenaean
sur-
VI.— V.
B.C.,
He seems
but Kul
to put
Oba cannot
them too
be so
old.
early,
§§
I
—
Artists
Sculpture.
3]
Sig?tatures
295
The first to be cleared away and their materials worked up into new ones. attempt at a city wall is well preserved because it was treated as a mere retainincr wall to support a road across a piece of swampy ground, and Now that it is uncovered it accordingly earthed up in Roman times. Of strictly architectural work we have produces quite an imposing effect. but fragments, a few bits of cornice (one in painted terra-cotta)' and architrave, an Ionic capital and some late poor pillars built into Uvarov's basilica^. The Byzantine remains are another matter, and because of their definite The cave churches interest will be treated briefly in their place (inf p. 508). at Inkerman and other sites in the Crimea are beyond my scope^ From Panticapaeum we have a few pieces in the Hermitage, and some bits lying about Mount Mithridates or stored in Melek Chesme barrow*. Ashik figures a few more, now lost''. The temple of Artemis Agrotera* has the building in which the inscription was found at Akhtanizovka left no trace cannot have been a temple'. So too with the other temples of whose At Anapa a coffer with a Medusa-head from the ceiling existence we know. Baths have been excavated at of a large building has been dug up*. ;
Panticapaeum
inf p. 566, f 345)
(v.
and Chersonese
(v.
inf p. 506).
Sculpture.
§ 3.
As with architecture so with sculpture. statue has ever been found in South Russia.
Not
No
a single
good
large bronzes are
life-size
known
and the few marble statues are of very little value, so I have felt it my duty to enumerate fragments that would scarcely claim attention elsewhere. On the other hand, we have any quantity of funeral bas-reliefs varying in quality from bad to a badness such that there might be some doubt whether they represent the human form at all". Yet it is but just to say that comparatively few gravestones have survived from before the ist century B.C., and hardly any of these bear figures. We have evidence in a signature of Praxiteles'" that at any rate the Olbiopolites tried to secure good work, but of the work itself we have not a fragment. We know from Pliny that an Eros by the same hand existed as near as Parium on the Propontis". We have in an inscription from Chersonese the name of another well-known artist, Polycrates, who may well be the Athenian famous for representing athletes''. We can better spare the various statues of whose former existence we know by the whole series of inscriptions from Panticapaeum and Phanagoria, though portraits of the at
all,
1
BCA.XX.
2
Dubois de Montpereux,
p. 47,
f.
23.
Ser. ni. PI. xxxii. i>/s. Od. Soc. XIV. pp. i66
—
IV. vi. Trans. A. L. Bertier-de-La-Garde, "Remains of ancient Erections in the neighbourhood of Sevastopol and the Cave-towns of the Crimea." * ABC. Frontispiece; losPE. iv. 202. '
ib.
:
279,
* ^_
Bosporan Kingdom, App. 2() = IosPE. )I.
"
Ashik, op.
*
CR.
cit.
I.
1903, p. 78,
f.
f.
MI. p. 56,
ff.
cix.
—
cxvii.
344.
X.
162.
Goertz, Tainan,
p.
156.
9 G. von Kieseritzky und Carl Watzinger (A'W^.) Griechische Grabreliefs aus Sudrusslanci, Berlin,
1909,
v. inf. p.
299.
losPE. \. i^^. " NH. xxxvi. 22 (4); Latyshev, TRAS. iv. p. 146 Loewy, Inschr. Or. Bildhauer, p. 383, No. 76a. '* losPE. iv. 82, Pliny NH. xxxiv. 91 (19). Cephisodotus who made the statue of Ariston, App. i() = IosPE. I. 199, is thought by Loewy, op. cit. p. 237, No. ly], to have been an .A.thenian but ^^
;
only of the
Roman
period.
296
G?^eek
Art,
Sculpture
[ch. xi
Spartocid kings would have been interesting, especially as the heads are gone from the bas-relief above the Athenian decree in honour of the sons of
Leucon
'.
Of
the figure subjects actually preserved, the oldest is a little bit of back work like the Croesus columns at Ephesus%- second seems to rank a piece of a sepulchral relief from Kerch with a youth's head and Next come more fragments shoulders, Attic work of the early vth centuryl from Olbia, a bit of hair and brow in the style of the Parthenon ^ a mutilated head of the end of the century ^ and a larger piece now in the Historical Museum at Moscow", part of a ivth century grave-relief in Pentelic marble with a mistress like the seated figure of Demetria and Pamphile' and a maid behind her chair, but the heads are gone and the stone split, after which the back was used for losPE. i. 64, a dedication to Apollo Prostates, with a figure of extraordinary barbarity so that of the good work hardly anything Something similar happened to the stone of losPE. iv. 36, also is left. from Olbia, and bearing reliefs of young men. To the ivth century belonged the monument of Comosarye^ with its statue of Astara, which is figured by Ashik^ but has since been lost. still have from Chersonese a girl's torso at Odessa'", of which Zhebelev says that after the manner in which the zone and diploidion are arranged and the folds treated, it would seem to go back to a good ivth century original he suggests as its nearest analogue a statue at Corfu", which recalls the middle period of Praxiteles. O. Waldhauer publishes a torso of a draped woman from Theodosia, which he dates between 470 and 460 B.C. (he means 370 360) 'I In the same collection we have a female head from Olbia in very poor preservation, but also of ivth century date" and to the same period seems to go back a sleeping Eros with a torch, similar but inferior to one at Vienna". bearded male head from Olbia in the Historical Museum at Moscow, in type not unlike Asclepius, is referred by O. Waldhauer^'' to Scopas himself, but it looks later in his picture, and is in any case very fragmentary. To the end of the ivth century belongs the most interesting statue from South Russia, the replica of the Phidiac Athena Parthenos in Pentelic marble dug up at Olbia in 1903. Pharmacovskij'" judges it Attic work, though rather careless and mechanical, placing it between the Somzee and Patras replicas". Another piece in Pentelic marble is a Hellenistic head from Kerch 'I From Olbia, from the Hellenistic house at ix on the plan (p. 450, f. 331), come the most attractive of sculptures from these parts, the three heads, of hair from Olbia, Milesian
;
We
:
—
;
A
1
BCH.
^
CR. 1906,
^
441, * ''
f.
ABC. pi.
V. PI. V. p. 194, V. inf. p. 32,
f.
App.
28.
24.
Frontispiece, 15, Reinach, p. 40;
KW.
XXXI.
ECA.
xxxiil.
ib. p.
126,
ff.
p. 125,
41
f.
45.
— 44 = ^/r/^ Anz.
1908, p. 183,
KW.
'
Conze, Attische Grabreliefs, 109,
**
'•'
156, pi. XI. pl.
XL.
''^
i«
App. T,o=[osPE. n. 346. Bosporan Kingdom, i. f. ix.
i"
A. Zhebelev, "Monuments of Classical Sculpture preserved in the Museum of the Odessa Society," Trans. Od. Soc. XXU. p. 66, f. i for Furtwangler's account of the same collection, v. '^
'*
ib.
p.
69,
f.
cf.
3,
Sacken
antiken Sailpt. d. kk. Miinzin Wien, 1866, PI. V.
17. "
Philologische Wochenschrift, 1888, p. 15 16. 11 Arndt-Amelung, Photogr. Einzelaufn. Ant. Sculpt. 11. 603. 12 Trans. Od. Soc. xxvi. p. 203, f. i. 13 Zhebelev, op. cit. p. 70, f. 4.
S.
:
refer
'*
u. Kenner, Die Antiken-Cabinets
BCA. xxni. pp. 76—102, PI. BCA. xiv. pp. 69—93, PI. i.— ni. O. Waldhauer in BCA. xvn. p. 99 i.
it
wishes to 250 B.C., but 109, successfully defends his
to the school of Philiscus
Pharmacovskij,
own
u.
ib. p.
view.
Arch. Anz. 1910,
p. 210,
f.
8.
c.
Earlier Fragmefits.
§3] about half
He//e?iistic
dug up by Pharmacovskij
297
He
has no difficulty conies to the conclusion that it is Alexandrian work of the middle of the iiird century, recalling as it does the style of Bryaxis, e.g. his Serapis, but shewing some influence of Lysippus. The expression is mild and compassionate, without the exaggerated passion of Pergamum or Rhodes. The wonderfully beautiful in
life-size,
shewing the
Fig. 209.
first
CK. 1899, p. 23, f. Bearded Hermes.
female head
to be that of Asclepius,
33.
Kerch.
Fig. 210.
in
1902'.
and
finally
.)/
Hermes,
.Marble
21. is.
Head
of Arcliaistic
Chersonese.
f. 208) has less defined characteristics, but agrees with only reason for its being named Hygiea is that it was found with the Asclepius. The third head is that of a child, but shews only the beginning of that accurate study of infant forms which reached its perfection in Boethus one hesitates to give it a name, but it may be an Eros. To the nnd century belongs a pair of Herms from Kerch, one headless, representing Heracles, another with the Bearded Hermes (f. 209). Another such Hermes (f. 210) in marble, of a more archaistic character, was found at
the
first.
(p.
292,
The
:
'
M.
BCA.
XIII. pp. 191
— 215,
ff.
151, 153, 155, 156, PI.
I.
—
III.
38
29^
Greek Art.
Chersonese
Sculpture
[ch. XI
very closely related to the original from which whose moulds were found there that same year had taken his cast'. It distinctly recalls the Hermes of Alcamenes from Pergamum". To the class of the late Hellenistic genre subjects belongs a statuette from Akkerman, now at Odessa. The It represents a hunter in a chlamysl execution is rough, belonging to the last century B.C. To a model originating in the same sort of taste goes back a statue dedicated by the Olbian strategi to Apollo Prostates in the nnd century a.u. a boy with a wine-skin, from which the water of a fountain is to gush*. Of the Odessa collection perhaps the most pleasing specimen is a bas-relief from Kerch, with Artemis, Apollo Daphnephoros, Hermes and Peitho or Aphroditel Reinach sees in it Attico-Ionian sculpture of about 470 B.C. But the figure of Peitho in its transparent dress seems to betray the taste of a later time, and the relief would more likely belong to the archaistic class its poor preservation makes it hard to be quite sure. It recalls the lost Corinth puteal", which was almost certainly Neo-Attic. So Hauser says, and in
1890, and
is
the artificer
—
;
Kondakov would seem to agree. Of whole statues perhaps the
best are those of a man and a woman of the century a.d. discovered at Glinishche, near Kerch'. They are rather over life-size and of regular Roman work. The woman generally resembles the well-known woman from Herculaneum the type also occurs in terra-cotta. At Odessa is a female head from Theodosia bearing some relation to this group, but earlier in execution*. From Kerch comes an elaborate sarcophagus on which recline the mutilated figures of a man and a woman" the position is that so common on Etruscan sarcophagi on the sides are interesting reliefs with scenes from the life of Achilles. There is also a statue of Cybele in poor preservation'". Both these are also illustrated by Ashik, who gives some other fragments, but his drawings are so bad as to be almost worthless". A good Roman portrait head at Odessa comes from Olbia. It belongs to the iiird century a.d., and Zhebelev'' sees in it Paulina, and von Stern, in a note to Zhebelev's article, JuHa Maesa. Animals have not fared better than men. There is a very stiff lifeless lion from Kerch in the Hermitage (f. 211), rather a better one from Chersonese", and a pair of rather worse ones from Olbia, chiefly interesting for the mysterious marks scratched upon them''. A griffin's body at Odessa might have once adorned the palace of Scyles". In the little museum at Theodosia is an elegant bas-relief of a griffin, but it came from Kerch a marble table-leg in the form of a lion from Chersonese is good as mere decoration'l The British Museum has some specimens from Kerch, sent home by Colonel Westmacott in 1856; they include figures of a lion and lioness, a relief of Tritons and some typical grave stelae'\ ist
;
;
;
;
Mat. VII. p. '20. Akad. 1904, p. 69: Ath. Mitt. W. Altmann, p. 179, PI. xvili.— XXI.
V. p.
367, f. 267, Sitzbcr. Berlin.
'
1904, 3
Zhebelcv, op.
*
CR.
cit. p.
68,
f.
1905, p. 15, f. \6 p. il9,ff. 5, 6. Inscr. App. ii
2.
= Arch. Anz.
= 5C^.
No. 3
;
Kondakov, Trans. Od.
S.
Reinach,
Stern, C^/. 6
»
:
13
5.
s
V.
1906, XVIII. p. 103,
JHS.
Monuments
Mus. Guide,
p.
Soc. X. p. 16 and PI. I. Piof, II. p. 57, PI. vii. 102,
makes
it
VI. (1885), p. 48, PI. LVI. LVii.
ivth cent.
ABC.
Frontispiece 7, 8, Reinach, p. 39. O. Waldhauer, Trans. Od. Soc. XXVI. p. 191 Reinach, Rep. de la Statteaire, II. p. 613. 4, 666. 8. » ABC. Frontispiece '» ib. 12. 9, Reinach, p. 38. ^^ Bosp. Kingdom \\\. ^. Q.ii.\'\\\. xcx-x.. c.—c\\\\. '^ op (-it. p. 71, f 5. 7
" i^ i" 17
CR. v. p.
1905, p. 46, 317, f. 227:
Museum
f.
43.
CR.
1872, Text, PI. xvii. 19.
No. 9, cf. Her. CR. 1890, p. 31, f. 16. MacPherson, Kertch, pp. 48—51. Guide,
p. 17,
iv. 79.
Later Work.
§3]
Grave
Stelae
299
These
stelae have been comprehensively studied by Waizinorer'. His consists of those without figures. Besides the plain stelae or those with a simple horizontal moulding along the top, referred to any century
first class'-'
between
vr b.c.
and
rosettes or weapons,
i
a.d.,
— we
— these
may have
the further adornment of two the ivth century n.c. a sim[)lification of periods a pedimental top. more interesting
have
in
A
a cornice with eaves, and at all termination is the palmette in its varieties. Here belongs the oldest piece of carving from Kerch, not later than the vith century B.C., an arrangement
rv*
and volutes, recalling early Ionian pottery or even CyproMore ordinary forms were at first probably painted the favourite variety is. a palmette rising from a pair of od volutes commonly not lying horizontally as in most Attic work, but set vertically back to back, an Between the volutes there gradually grow up acanthus East-Greek form\ leaves and flowers until the palmettes are disintegrated into sprays of volutes". About the middle of the ivth century Attic fashions come in again e.g. an anthemion from Chersonese in Pentelic marble (f. 212), and imitations from Kerch, All these types are copied unintelligently in the ist century a.d. and of palmettes
Phoenician work^
:
;
caricatured in the nextl The figured stelae Watzinger^ first classifies by their architecture The actual relief is usually offer curious examples of degradation.
KW. (v. p. 295, n. 9) is mostly his work He though he has used Kieseiitzky's materials. describes over 800 reliefs and illustrates some 350, '
but often older cuts, e.g. in in
some
in
CR., Latyshev's
losPE. IV. and BCA. X. and MacPherson's Kcrtch are clearer. KW. I- 155, PI. I.— X.
••'
KW.
*
^
KW. KW. KW. KW.
they in
1.
PI. V.
PI. VI. VII. PI. IX.
pp.
a
O. Montclius, Die iilUren Nos. 319, 323, 371, 381.
87, PI. IV., cf.
Kulturpcriodcn, s
:
22—28.
38—2
Greek Art.
300
Sculpture
[cH. XI
rectangular panel frequently flanked by pilasters above is a kind of entabAbove this, again, the lature, often with three rosettes on the frieze. iind centuries a.d., finished off composition is in a few cases, in the ist and with acroteria, occasionally with an anthemion more usually by a pediment Far more commonly above the pediment is giving the top a gabled outline. another horizontal moulding. The acroteria are sometimes left flat as it were for painted palmettes (Figs. 214, 216), later they degenerate into shapeless lumps more often an attempt at a palmette is carved upon them, usually without the base volutes (Fig. 215). Between the acroteria and in the pediment we generally have rosettes. The most elaborate composition (11 century B.C.)' has to flank the relief Ionic columns supporting an architrave ;
;
:
Fig. 212.
Anthemion from Chersonese.
KW.
128, pi. vni. (cf. ib. 129
from Olbia).
above this is an Ionic portico, with rails and with circles incised upon it five columns, a bust of Demeter in the pediment shields the large between Instead of the rectangular field we very often and large rosettes above. find a niche with an arched top, and the treatment of this arch in conjunction with the pilasters and architrave shews how early the Eastern Greeks began to try and reconcile the two principles, for these rude imitations follow more accomplished Hellenistic models but we have all the combinations which elsewhere play a greater part, the arch rising from the pilasters themselves as on Fig. 213, or from an inner order or else from brackets in the spandrels we have long-stemmed volutes or rosettes. Above the arch come the same upper members as above the rectangular fields. The reliefs themselves sometimes there are two on one stone offer the ordinary types. The feminine figures, which occur singly or in all possible combinations, are all represented on Fig. 213, the lady sitting or standing ;
;
;
—
—
1
KW.
407, PI. XXVIII.
Grave
3]
301
Steiai
an attitude of dejection and the basket-bearing maid often on a smaller The man appears as taking leave of the woman, at other times he In Fig. 214 he is resting his is standing alone, and then is usually armed. elbow on a pillar against which his shield leans while his gorytus hangs At other times we see him riding out to war with his groom behind him.
in
scale.
M./® k:4^-i^A
HCfNOAuGinr PIHPCANr WIAPA eoNKAh NArujr ONMIk'AK.^AlilAA
-^AAEEANAPOYXAIPE-
kAinARi4iAArAeo
XPHnHN(CAiroITJ\NAIJ^>AOK-MTt I^ETOr' i
rA0ON(YFH.M(Ju'H
\
..
NHAlN^^Al^^A^/'\A
fir.(.tH
tan4>apnai
aeYNMACTOY MNH/AHCXAflN^
losPE.
¥\G. 213.
A'/K
391 = Cy?. 1890, p. 29, f. 15; Stele of Chreste. ^\ Kerch.
IV.
201, PI. XIV.
.
Xf»iaTr]v Kal y[^vya (1.
2
Ka\ (nrohlrjv f'XniScis e^txefu. brotiiers and a father.)
= four
CA\ 1876, p. 2i4-yM7'A. 11. 62, A' IV. Kerch. Stele of Mastus. 1^. 454, PI. XXXIII. 'H crvvoSos f) TTfpl rjpiav TlavTuyadov Ka'i (rvvaywyov
Fig. 214.
MiKav Koi (f)i\('iya6ov ¥,vpr]fi(j)va xal napafpiKdyadov 'HXif Kal Trpayparav
^dpiu. {fjpfav
= iepta.
)
following on foot or on horseback (Fig. 215). Both these stelae have been The set up by the society to whom the deceased belonged (v. Ch. .\ix.). When galloping type like Fig. 218 is rare; usually the horse is walking.
Greek Art.
302
Sculpture
[CH. XI
there are two reliefs they may represent two different aspects of the dead man's Hfe, e.g. on the stele of Gazurius (p. 507, f. 339), above the relief of arms typifying his warlike side, is a group shewing him with his wife, a boy
i
Uaphnus
in
coarse local stone. ^^.
yAA\.=IosPE.
II.
65.
Fig. 215. Kerch. Stele of
KW.
627, PI.
KTR.
Adcj)v€ "ifvxapiwvoi
\
p.
217,
f.
197:
(tt\ ttjs avXfis \
CR. 1872 (Text), XVll. "' crvvodelToi.
x"'/JfI
3:
Grave
3]
5
Stelae
303
and a child. In the case of Fi^. 216 the name of Dionysius and his relief have been added after that of Diophantus. The armed horseman is often combined on one st(;le with the so-called I-'uneral Feast" {Tolcnma/d), •'
kOtOY XAIPE
Fk;. 217. Mat. Xi.x. p. 49: Selections from the most huinble Report on Arc/taeo/oi^ical Investii^ations made in 1853 (St 1'. 1855), p. 168: KIV. 734, PI. "liv. Latyshev,
A10l\|YZfE YIE'
:
Inscr. Christ,
used again
p. 23,
in
No.
Tombstone from Chersonese
12.
Christian times.
\.
(f>OS
Cor]
KVprjf
fiorjdr]
Tov VKOU TovTov i.e.
Fig. 216.
CR.
1890, p. 26,
f.
14
300: KW. 624, f. 15. Diophantus. Kerch. IV.
l.inr).
Ku/Jif, jiorjdd
afirjv
TOV olkov tovtov.
'A/ii^i'.
losPE.
:
Stele
of
we have a man reclining on a couch, a woman subject' end of it, a servant offering him a cup, a three-legged table The scene is universal throughout the before him, and other minor figures. Greek world. Besides Panticapaeum, where it also occurs painted on the walls of "catacombs " (pp. 312 321, ff. 223, 224, 229, 231), we meet it at Tyras a very
common
;
sitting at the
—
'
KIV. bij — 737,
PI.
L.
— LlV.,
cf.
Kulakovskij, Mat. XIX.
"Two
Kerch Catacombs,"
p.
44 sqq.
— Greek Art.
304
Paintmg
Sculpture.
[
CH. XI
(iiird century B.C.)', 01bia^ and Chersonese (Fig. 217); this last in Christian times was let into the walls of a basilica, hence the crosses and inscriptions. Originally the type exhibited the dead man as a hero, as in the well-known but the specimens on the Bosporus have become purely Sparta reliefs' if they represent anything it is rather the dead man in his conventional Soracus, for instance (p. 321, f. 231), holds a lyre instead of family circle. The idea the usual cup or the bunch of grapes that often takes its place. of the deified dead man still survives on the tombstone with elaborate on it the man is being architecture, quite an aedicula, described above** crowned by Nike, and his wife appears as a goddess (Aphrodite ?). Unusual subjects are those on the stele of Glycarion and Polysthenes' two men in red in a blue and red boat upon a blue sea and the memorial of a poet with a lyre and book-chest". ;
;
;
—
Fig. 218.
Tanais.
Votive Relief.
\.
KTR.
p. 14,
f.
12
:
ABC.
Vol.
I.
p. 278, v. inf. p. 369.
Rather
like a grave relief is Tryphon's dedication from Tanais (Fig. 218), type recalls the coins of Cotys II (PI. viii. 4), terra-cottas from Kerch', and a clasp in the form of a horseman from Sympheropol *. From this latter site come reliefs of Tauri (.-*), one a trousered rider, early ivth century, the other with two fields, in one a horseman, in the other a spearman in a doublet with a small target The ordinary stelae with reliefs date from the iind century b.c. to the iind century a.d. Two, clearly among the latest in style'", bear the actual date Flardly one 426 of the Bithynian, Pontic or Bosporan era (a.b.) = 130 a.d. of them has any artistic merit the great majority come from Panticapaeum,
The
;
1
KIV.
687, PI. L.
Kulakovskij, p. 50, ff. Uvarov, 13, 14; Recherches, PI. XIII. takes the ,.._ dead man for „. Asclepius, cf Furtwangler, Ath.Mitt. 1883, p. 368. ^
^
pp. the
Tod and Wace, Catalogue of Sparta Museum.,
102 -113, cf J. E. Harrison, Prolegomena Study of Greek Religion, pp. 350 360. ^
p. i'X>
= KW.
—
407, PI. XXVIII.
to
^
losPE.
"
ABC. ABC.
''
8
I.
IV.
LXiv.
CR. 1889,
''
10
p. 81,
KW.
238;
p. 279,
2, V. p.
p. 26,
550, PI. XXXVII. p. 96, not in
KW.
Reinach, f
369, n.
3.
II.
KW. 557, PI. XXXVIII. 442, PI. XXXII. KW. 272, PI XV HI.; 614, Flxhu. = BCA.x. No. 94; losPE.
11.
301.
3)
§§
Grave
4]
Stelae.
of
Coffin
Kul Oba
^uee?i
305
a few from Olbia and Chersonese. I cannot detect any local distinction of The very last stage of degradation would seem to be reached in the stones set up by Roman soldiers at Chersonese, e.g. to Aurelius Victor and the son of Aurelius Viator', if it were not for rude plates in the shape of head and shoulders'- something like Muhammadan tombstones but Hat. There are a few attempts at sepulchral effigies', but they are very poor. The stelae from Kerch not only crowd the Hermitage and the Kerch, Moscow and Odessa Museums, but are preserved, many of them, in the Royal and Melek Chesme Barrows some twenty-five are in the British Museum. MacPherson^ tells us how two statues, one of an orator, the other of a woman, both double life size and of marble and so presumably imported work, were lost in the Volga on the way to Petersburg, and we may regret their loss, as that of Astara mentioned above, but they were probably of style.
;
late date.
§ 4.
Painting.
Of painting we have more remains than of sculpture. It is to this rather than to its carpentry that the coffin of the Kul Oba queen', the most elaborate early example, owes its interest. The top plank (PI. i-xxxiii. i^:) is much the most important for colour and composition the ground colour is not clear, but beginning from the left we have a mass of green for the chariot, whiteygreen horses with red straps, a man's figure with reddish-brown flesh in a red chiton, pursuing a girl in a green dress a second girl (on b) has a yellow dress, then comes a man in a blue and white chiton with a red border running after a yellow and brown swan the next figure, green and brown, is rather being attacked by a swan there follow a figure in green and brown, and one in a red chiton with a blue border; finally, on the last division (i<^) a grey female figure, pursued by a brown-fleshed man in a white and blue chiton, and beyond him another chariot, brown, with whitish horses. The hunting scene on the plank below (lxxxiv. \b and \e) has a primrose ground, the chariot is neutral tint, the driver green, the two horses grey in front a red-fleshed man runs after a bird with a neck outlined in red and wings of white and green. The lowest plank ( c, \f) has a red ground upon it are yellow griffins with white wings, yellow lions and other yellow beasts. Below is a plain yellow band. The end fragment {id, ig) is brown, with a kind of red panel upon it are a griffin and a lion, both yellow. I have given this colouring at length as the original ABC. is very rare and Reinach's reprint ;
i
;
;
;
;
i
;
;
accessible, so his plates are
more
for this is a richer and worth supplementing we find elsewhere in ivth century work". ;
subtle range of colour than
'
losPE.
*
KIV.
^
KW.
IV.
120, 122.
*
Kertch,
''
ABC.
irt,
p. 85.
pp.
10,
127,
PI.
i
:
i
:
reproduced on a larger scale at the top of PI. LXXXIII., and on a still larger scale, so that it had
M.
be taken lb, \c;
in
it
i
LXXXni. LXXXIV. We have four planks of it left shewn in their mutual relation in LXXXIV. i. Three of them \a, \b and c came one above the other along one side d was part of the framing of an end i a is Reinach,
three pieces, on the same plate represents the rape of the daughters The other two long planks (with of Leucippus. b and i c of PI. I.XXXIV.) are a hunting scene, repeated on a fairly large scale on PI. LXXXIV. as \e and \f. The end piece \d of PI. LXXXIV. is cf. Dubois de Montenlarged alongside as \ g p^reux, iv. xxv. xxvi. ^ For a discussion of the drawings on ivory, 103, and the polychrome pp. 204, K—D, ff. 100 decorations of other sarcophagi, v. p. 330 sqq. to
LV. LVi. Liv. LV.
;
—
39
:
Greek Art.
3o6
Painting
[CH. XI
Simpler in every respect and therefore presumably earlier in date is the stele of
Athenaeus (Fig. 219), January 1887 on the way from
Apphe, wife
found
in
to
The
Kerch
to the Quarantine.
lightly
incised on the stone, and the spaces
lines are
with colour, since vanished. to Gross's drawing, here reproduced, we have a life-sized picture of a woman looking down at an infant that she Her cloak which holds in her arms. covers her head is brown with a red border the child wears a red cap and a white-sleeved shirt. In front of her stands a Herm with a wreath painted on it, but Kieseritzky saw therein a woman with a Above is the inpine-cone and a box. scription traced in red upon a brown the whole was surmounted by a band wreath of bay leaves in white, now mostly broken away. The work cannot be later than the first half of the ivth century even as interpreted by Gross it is a
were filled According
in
:
:
nothing else like it charming drawing has survived on Scythian soil. The architectural patterns on the stele :
of Apaturis, wife of Thynus', are painted, a cymation in green and blue upon red, and a bay wreath blue and green with a red stalk and dark berries both go round to the sides of the stele. The inscription is in red. The stele of Xeno and Xenopeithes^ has at the top a red cymation (?), under it the inscription, incised but filled in with red, and below this a red fillet tied in a knot with its ends hanging right down. Both stelae are of the ivth century. have no good wall painting from houses the Hellenistic house^ at Olbia, which had an interesting design in the pebble-mosaic of its peristyle^ and the baths at Panticapaeum" only yielded architectural patterns and marbled plaster. ;
We
:
1
2
losPE. IV. 363 BCA. xvni. p.
Mat. xvn. Coloured Plate. No. 47, KW. 34, PL n.
130,
457, BCA. xni. p. 62, pp. 40—43. ff- 22—25. CR. 1898, p. 14.
3
V. p.
*
ib.
6
;
f.
34.
Fig. 219. Painted Stele of Apphe. Kerch. CR. 1882-8, p. 20; 284, f. 6; losPE. II. 217.
KW.
Height
I
m. 98 cm.
Stelae.
§4]
Tofnb-chajnhers
307
But it was on tlu; walls and roofs of fjravc chambers that the greater part hence loosely calletl frescoes in South Russia have of ancient paintings The earliest seem to be in the Tanian Peninsula. In the second survived. chamber of the Great Bliznitsa there were elegantly paint(;d cornicc^s (v. p. 423, the middle of the roof a woman's head on a dark blue ff. 312, 313), and in ground. About her neck was a string of gold beads, and behind fell a light Her hair, eyes and brows were dark brown, and about and dark red veil. her head and in her right hand were leaves and flowers, red, yellow and white. This is one of the very few examples of late ivth-century painting. The head is probably that of Persephone'. In the same district, about a mile and a half to the west, Tiesenhausen found in Vasjurin hill the next term in the series of S. Russian wall paintings. In the outer corridor (for the tomb was in two parts) a pattern representing blocks of masonry went almost to the top of the wall, and was crowned with a very realistic cornice shewing a row of oves and dentels, with lions' heads for gargoyles, and above them the line was broken alternately by swallows and ornaments representing meagre conventionalized antefixes. Within the chamber the masonry courses only went up to a dado, above which there was Other colours used were red, grey, a broad brown band below the cornice. black, blue and green". To this early class the traces of fresco at Karagodeuashkh (v. sup. p. 216)
—
—
seem
to
have belonged. •&'
'^Catacombs'' at Kerch.
The
sepulchral chambers of
Kerch
curious specimens of the from the centres of Hellenistic art,
itself offer
later stage of wall painting as practised far
in accordance with its traditions. Something of the same kind was universal in the Graeco-Roman world and is most familiar to us from the wall paintings of Pompeii. Other well-known examples have been found in Rome, the discovery of some of them being of importance in the history of the
but yet
The
fashion has long been supposed to originate in Alexandria, examples of the fully developed architectural style are two graves lately found there^ in which the architectural motives being logically worked out produce a much more satisfactory decoration than the rather mechanical architectural style and later baroque extravagances of the Pompeian examples. It is, however, just as likely that the real birthplace of the style was one of the magnificent cities of Asia Minor. There is no doubt that in each case the tomb reflected as faithfully as convenient the local style of house decoration and even arrangement. We must, however, never forget that these paintings were hurriedly executed by artificial light under unfavourable conditions and that it is hardly fair to judge them as if they were the highest of which their makers were capable.
Renaissance.
and the
earliest
Coloured Frontispiece, Cy'?. 1865, Text. CR. 1868, p. xiii. 1869 Text, pp. 174-5, with illustrations reopened in 1907, BCA. XXXV. p. 47. ^ H. Thiersch Zwei Antike Giabanlagen '
^
:
:
;
Alexandria, Berlin, 1904: but cf. Wiegandp. 308 and M. Bulard, " Peintures Murales et Mosaiques de Ddlos," Mon. Piot, XIV.
bei
Schrader, Prient\ 1908.
39—^
Greek Art.
3o8
Painting
[
CH. XI
The closest parallel to the Kerch tombs is a great sepulchral cave at Palmyra\ where the mixture of Greek and Oriental races offered some analogies to Bosporan conditions, but the whole being on a much larger scale than anything in Kerch gave much greater scope for the artist who distinctly foreshadows some of the typical effects of the Byzantine style. Another very close parallel is offered by the decoration of a tomb in the northern necropolis of Cyrene here the flat pattern on the walls resembled very much the carpet-like pattern of the later Kerch examplesl At Kerch the sepulchral chambers, generally called " catacombsV' occur on the north side of the ridge running west from Mount Mithridates where a bed of calcareous rock overHes one of stiff clay. A perpendicular shaft was From the shaft sunk through the rock and the chamber dug out in the clay. a passage usually leads into a main room from the sides of which open out recesses with couches on which the dead were placed. In the walls there were generally one or two niches to hold lamps or vases. In most cases there was no attempt at decoration and the contents of the catacombs are not often very interesting, since all date from after the Christian era. Moreover nearly always they have been plundered, because it was so easy to violate a whole series of them by breaking through the partition walls. How they stand to one another may be well seen by the section given as MacPherson's frontispiece. In one or two examples of sepulchral vaults the walls which are adorned with paintings are of real masonry the usual practice was to cover the natural clay with plaster to afford a satisfactory ground, only in a few late cases very simple decorations or crosses and inscriptions were traced directly upon the clay. The decoration of the chambers may be classified into three styles according as the walls are treated mostly to represent masonry or marble lining or embroidered hangings respectively^ The styles succeeded apparently in this order, though Rostovtsev in his last article asserts that the textile style came between the masonry and the marble lining and overlapped both. In all there persists a low band of plain colour or uniform marbling running along the base of the wall and representing a plinth. ;
;
' Bulletin of the Russian Archaeological Institute in Constantinople, Vo\. viii. Pt 3, Sophia, 1903, B. V. Pharmacovskij, "Painting in Pahnyra," an account of the Megaret-Abu-Sklieyl. J. Strzygowski, Orient odcr Rom, p. 11 sqq., Leipzig, 1901, has less satisfactory illustrations. Both refer to
0strup, Historisk-topografiske-Bidrag til Kendskabet til den syriske "^rken, Kj^benhavn, Lunos, I copy the title just as they give it. 1895 Smith, R. M. and Porcher, E. A., History of the recetit Excavations in Cyrene made duritig the Expeditio7i to the Cyrenaica in 1860-61. Pl.'xxi. ;
''
p. 31.
,
term was
them by the early explorers and has clung to them ever since, although they are not really like the Roman Catacombs there is sometimes a fortuitous resemblance, owing ^
This
given
:
to
having broken through from chamber, so making a kind of passage
grave-robbers
chamber
to
instead of sinking a fresh shaft. * A. Ashik, yintiquities of
Kerchj a Panti-
capaean Catacomb adorned with Frescoes, Odessa, 1845, ^^^^ the first to publish a Kerch catacomb; Stephani, as occasion offered, described or illustrated found from year to year, but V. V. Stasov was the first to go into the subject in CR. 1872, 328, his xviii plates are in the Text not pp. 235 the Atlas of CR. J. A. Kulakovskij after publishing "A Christian Catacomb of 491 A.D. at Kerch," in Mat. vi. (1891), made a fresh survey of the question in Mat. XIX. (1896), "Two Kerch Catacombs with also a Christian Catacomb opened in Frescoes 1895," upon this my account has been mainly based, M.I. Rostovtsev reviewed Kulakovskij in TRAS. ix. (1896), Pt II. p. 291, and added much of his own he has made a new classification and given
in CT?. those
—
;
;
;
fiesh details mfoicrn. Min. Pub. Instr., St P. 1906, May, pp. 211 231," Decorative Painting at Kerch,"
—
and
it
is
this article that
refer to him.
He
work on the
subject.
is
I
have
in
mind when
I
preparing a comprehensive
" Catacojnhs " First Class
§4]
309
Amoncr the very earliest vaults are the two with a masonry lining. Of did know only by MacPherson's very untrustworthy sketch', but we one Rostovtsev describes a drawing j^reserved in the Hermitage. The stones below the dado were jointed in black with red rustication, one course was sham marble, another had birds on sprays, above were horsemen with red and the figures outside the door, shewn by MacPherson as lionblue cloaks The other headed, were probably Hermes and Calypso, typical of parting. The description is frescoed masonry tomb was opened by Kareisha in 1832. very vague and it is hard to trust the published j^ictures" the date seems to be the 1st century a.d. the chief subject was the contest of Pygmies and Cranes. :
;
;
Fig. 220.
CR. 1868,
p.
114.
\'iew of
tlie
Catacomb
of Alcimus.
Kerch.
In an ordinary plastered tomb of the first class, which corresponds in some degree to Mau's first style at Pompeii, we have above the dark plinth an imitation of four or five unequal courses of big blocks of stone treated a little decoratively. This reaches almost to the height of the lowest spring of the irregular roof and is finished off by a broad band representing a cornice and '
Kertch,
p. 76.
'*
Dubois de Montpereux,
S<5r.
iv. FI. xviii. 2.
3IO
Painting
Greek Art.
[ch. xi
leaves but little space above itself where the roof is low, but considerable This space above the cornice is at lunettes or spandrels where the roof rises. the free disposal of the artist. To this class belongs the tomb of Alcimus, son of Hegesippus, found in 1867^ The free wall space opposite the entrance was adorned with the rape of Core. Four brown horses draw a red chariot with blue wheels the driver above may be either Eros, who should have On the car stands Pluto wings, or Hermes, who usually leads the horses. in a short red chiton and flying chlamys holding the blue-draped figure of Persephone whom he has seized from among four women. Of these one with a blue veil falling back is probably Demeter, the others, Persephone's usual companions. The cornice is adorned with swags of foliage and birds. In the :
Fig. 221.
CR. 1868,
p.
116.
Catacomb of Alcimus.
Ceiling of
Kerch.
middle of the roof was a woman's head surrounded by green leaves and red, white and blue flowers (f. 221), recalling the head in the Great Bliznitsa (p. 307). Another catacomb (Zaitsev's) with the rape of Core was opened in 1895. its frescoes have stood well and one can still see a head in the middle of the ceiling labelled A]H MHTHP, and a side scene of Hermes and Calypsol Of much the same date as the catacomb of Alcimus is the vault opened in 1891^; above a plinth treated as a perfunctory imitation of marble are four courses of large stones, the joints marked with blue lines and the outline followed in brown. The top course has the thickest stones and each of them is treated as a panel filled with a garland hanging from two hooks. The garlands are alternately simple brown fillets and swags of fruit with flowers, the remainder of the oblong being filled with fluttering ribbons, the whole having a very graceful effect. Above the broad brown cornice band, we have peacocks and other birds on the long walls, on the entrance wall Hermes and Fortune and a deer under a tree. The principal wall opposite the entrance is divided into two by a niche, above which is the familiar motive of two peacocks drinking from a standing cup. On the right of this, but not well preserved, are the frequent scenes of a horseman and his companions and a sacrifice with a man and woman (Rostovtsev calls them Serapis and Isis) wearing calathi. On the left we have the familiar "funeral feast" with the unusual addition of a cradle with children, and beyond a picture of a tent. The whole is flanked by decorative trees and beasts. Something similar must '
^
f 220, CR. 1868, pp. 114 and 116. Trans. Od. Soc. XIX. Minutes, p. 56.
Fig. 222 viii.— xi.
^
PI.
;
Kulakovskij, Mat. xix. pp. 34
— 43,
^
4]
^
Catacombs
"
of Alcitmis^
^^95)
1891
311
Greek Art.
312
Painting
[ch. xi
have been a catacomb opened in 1852, of which the only account is in an He mentions two article by P. Becker on " Kerch and Taman in July 1852'." horsemen and birds above, and birds painted on the stones of the wall-pattern. Here seems to belong one opened in 1908 the walls were covered with broad stripes, yellow, dark red and yellow again with a narrow white band between and a white cornice all round were painted alabastra, round vessels, garlands, olive crowns, Hercules clubs, and embroidered cloths represented as hanging from nails". But much the most interesting of this class, though perhaps the latest, Whether is that of Anthesterius, the son of Hegesippus, discovered in 1877^ this Hegesippus was the same as the father of Alcimus cannot be decided, but there is sufficient resemblance in style between the tombs to make it ;
:
Rostovtsev makes this vault earlier than that of Alcimus. the plinth we have four courses of stones separated by black lines and outlined in brown, the whole suggesting rustication. The stones of the top course, which are far the largest, are treated as panels, two of them bear figures with leaves in their hair and caducei in their hands, one (Fig. 223, No. 3) wears brown, the other (No. 4) green and red. Above the black and brown cornice is the chief scene (No. i) Anthesterius in a blue and white shirt (conceivably steel mail) and brown trousers on a black horse with white patches is shewn receiving a blue cup from a boy in a brown shirt and red hose. Behind this latter is a woman shrouded in red sitting upon a high wooden chair with a blue cushion at her back on each side stands a girl, one with a long blue dress and white shirt over, the other with these colours Next we have the tent, brown with reddish people within and reversed. apparently a blue floor against it leans an inordinately long spear, brown with a blue head. Beyond stands a conventional tree with a gorytus hanging on it, and round the corner on a side wall are a brown and a green horse flanking a similar tree (No. 2). With the exception of the green horse the objects seem coloured according to nature. Here we evidently have a contamination of the funeral feast and the scene of the horseman's departure, so the slave and the three-legged table with vessels on it have been supplied on one of the top stones beneath the cornice band. On the right-hand side of a niche we have a man clothed like Anthesterius, but with a blue (steel) cap and a long spear riding a light-brown horse and leading a black one. Behind follows another lightish-brown horse. In the shaft of the catacomb found in 1891 was found a coin of Mithridates VIII this goes towards dating this class any time in the second half of the first century a.d. transitional stage in which we miss the imitation of a wall built with solid stone blocks, but still have the high cornice, is exemplified by a fine not
unlikely.
Above
:
:
:
;
A
specimen discovered in 1841 and published by Ashik\ Unfortunately the drawings then made were anything but exact, and it is hard to see what we may take as authentic in them. Attempts to reopen the chamber have hitherto ^
Propylaea,
A
Russian Classical Magazine,
in. p. 362. 2 Arch. Anz. reason it is put
B.C.
1909,
down
p.
to
149,
where
for
some
the early ivth century
^ f. 223, coloured in CR. 1878-9, PI. Frontispiece.
I.
f.
i
and
^ op. cit., his most important drawings have been reproduced in KTR., pp. 211, 212, ff. 193, 194 and in Stasov XVHI. 35.
§
" Catacombs''
4]
^1852,
1908,
A?2t/iesterius
Z^Z
y.
o y.
o
2
o y.
M.
40
Greek Art.
314
Painting
C
CH. XI
In this case the wall surface below the cornice was divided up by Ionic pillars, between which were various scenes, while there were more scenes Accordingly more space was taken up with figure-work above the cornice. There were also purely decorative panels with than in any catacomb known. The scenes represented sprigs, peacocks, masks, and architectural adornments. included a specially full version of the funeral feast and a cavalry engagement wherein some combatants wear short scale-coats, sometimes partly hidden by a surcoat, others coats of mail so long that they have to ride sideThe surface of these latter is not indicated with typical scale saddle. pattern, but with oblongs just like masonry, perhaps they were quilted and failed.
\
^^^^,
5L_..
m
tmkw il
^ ^ p
^Xi% if i i ^i^il i 1 if r wit ^ ml M 1
__
Fig. 224.
Wall Painting from catacomb
y^i.
ii^
^^'^-
at
Kerch (1841)
after Ashik.
KTR.
p.
211,
f.
193.
not covered with scales at all. Which are Bosporans and which barbarians is not clear. Other scenes shew the funeral, the dead man carried high in a covered litter, also various scenes from daily life and even gladiatorial combats. All with a Roman touch which may be genuine or may be due to the training of the copyist. Typical specimens of the second class were those discovered in 1872 and They are characterized by the disappearance of the plain wall of 1875. apparently solid blocks in its place we find an imitation of as it were high wainscoting made with panels of many-coloured marbles rendered architectural with pilasters. similar change of taste is observed at Pompeii. The favourite pattern for the wainscot panels seems to be a rayed circle within a larger circle inscribed in a lozenge in its turn inscribed in the oblong of the :
A
5
2
§
4]
' '
The
panel'.
A
Cataco7nbs^'"
more space
sink's,
wainscoting
is
1872,
1875, Sarcophagi
3
1
not as high as the former wall pattern and leaves
for free decoration above.
Judging from the description a good early example of this style was a in 1902 on the way to Katerles'. It is interesting for the painting of Medusa's head on the inner side of the door slab, and for a very pretty and natural design of a vine with grapes that adorned the long front of one sarcophagus. These give an idea much higher than usual of the skill of Bosporan painters. It is a pity that the decoration of the other original sarcophagus and of the vault itself has only left very small traces. Another sarcophagus' had interesting painting on its inside: upon one end was depicted a garland, upon the other a table with vessels and two comic dancers each side was divided by Composite pilasters into three panels, bearing (i) a man with a horse and arms hanging behind him, (2) a painter at work in his studio, (3) the funeral feast, {4) a lady seated and two servants,
tomb excavated
;
Fig. 225.
CR. 1872,
PI.
iii.
(Text).
Section of Stasov's Catacomb.
the lower face of the (5) two horsemen opposed to each other, (6) musicians cover was adorned with roses. Thus the interior of this coffin presented all that a catacomb could do it is referred to the ist century a.d. The richest specimen of a catacomb and the best illustrated was found in 1872 and published with very full treatment by V. V. Stasov. This author is too much inclined the fact is to see Oriental influence in every detail that there is nothing but what can be paralleled from Hellenic sources, save the actual portraits of barbarians and the barbarous costume of the Bosporans themselves. The greater part of the surface of the tomb above the panelling is taken up with trees, birds and beasts, among which the peacock, boar, dog, deer, ;
;
:
'
Stasov,
PI.
like this pattern f. 118.
xn. a photograph of something on an actual wall, CR. 1901, p. 58,
"•
BCA.
3
CR. 1900, pp.
:
IX. p. 151, Pi.
27, 28
;
IX.— XI., coloured. Arch. Anz. 1901,
40
—
p. 57.
3i6
Painting
Greek Art.
[
CH. XI
and leopard can be distinguished, also two winged Genii or Erotes, one of has an orthodox Greek chlamys, but the other is arrayed in a brown coat and knickerbockers\ The background of walls and ceiling (op. cit. PI. xiii.) is sem6 of an ornament in the shape of a light and dark pink heart associated with pairs of green leaves (apparently a conventionalized rose), and has besides long yellow things like centipedes with ribbons at each end and sometimes leaves sticking out of them these appear to be garlands of a kind or rather bags stuffed with flowers worn as garlands. These two motives occur in all the late Kerch catacombs and can be paralleled from Sicily and from textiles made in Egypt under Greek influence. For this habit of strewing a background is certainly derived from textiles, and the whole scheme of decoration was influenced by the custom of hanging tapestries on the walls of rich roomsl To us the chief interest of Stasov's catacomb consists in the pictures of combats between what we may take to be Bosporans and natives. In these the difficulty again arises that the Bosporans had so far adopted barbarian arms that it is hard to say which side is which. First we have people with long coats of steel mail and buff jerkins under them, with loose brown trousers and conical caps on their heads^ When on horseback these ride astride, have long spears and saddles with a kind of tail sweeping back on each side, and resemble Anthesterius. Their footmen (f. 227) bear round shields and two spears apiece, but not all have the coats of mail. In front of them goes a standard-bearer with a standard which recalls both the labarum and the standard on Parthian coins^ The principal personage, probably the owner of the vault, always has a red chlamys flying behind him. These people have round faces and no beards. Against them fight folk on horseback who do not wear the clumsy mail but coats and trousers. They use short nomad bows, but so did the Bosporans to judge by Anthesterius and the grave reliefs. Finally, we find the principal figure in all his glory fighting a bearded fellow Fig. 226. Mat. xiii. 3P- 30, in coat, knickerbockers and stockings, with a short sword Coin with Standard and a lozenge-shaped shield he would seem to be a and Candy s^. rude mountaineer. That there was not much difference in armament between Bosporans and Sarmatians or whoever their enemies may have been is evident probably they found that the best way to combat nomads was to adopt their ways, and so they suffered the same outer assimilation that has made the Terek Cossacks so like their hereditary enemies among the mountaineers^ In one place the surface layer of plaster with its painting had cracked off and disclosed signs scratched on the wall just like those on the Olbia lions" and (occasionally upside-down) on certain gravestones', all idle scribbles, Similar separate signs or modifications of but thus proved to be ancient. these, occurring one or two at a time on coins, slabs, buckles and strap-ends, lion
whom
:
f-
;
;
cit. PI. V. VII. VIII. XI., V. f.
1
op.
2
Rostovtsev,
TRAS.
IX.
the embroidered sheet from
" Beitrage zur
227.
pp. 296, 297, e.g. Akhmi'm in the British ii.
Aramaischen Miinzkunde Erans." J. F., The Russian Conquest of the Caucasus., London, 1908, p. 11.
Museum, 2nd Egyptian room, No. 3 *
29771. vni. = KTR. p. 210, f. 192. ZMDG. XXI. 1867, p. 460, PI. I. 2;
PL
PI.
Levy,
*
Baddeley,
8
f.
vi. '
227, ;
cf.
p. 298,
Trans. Od. Soc. III. p. 247, XV. pp. 504, 505.
IX. p. 191, PI. xiv.;
losPE.
II.
219, 232.
Siasovs " Catacombs
§+]
Tamgi
317
must have had some real meaning analogous to that of the tamc^a or brand of One particular device ft, that to the left possession among Caucasian tribes'.
Fig. 227.
Paintings from Stasov's Catacomb.
on Fig. 227, almost seems '
Trans. Od. Soc. XV.
p.
to
Various Tamgi.
have been the Bosporan "broad arrow," as
50 sqq.
:
cf.
the
marks on Kushana and Crim-Tartar
coins.
it
heads
:
3i8 an
Greek Art.
Painting
[
and appears crowned by Nike upon sometimes used in conjunction with it look the marks of individuals, kings or citizens. Very similar to Stasov's is a catacomb en-
official inscription
CH. XI
bas-reliefs'; other pat-
terns like
(f. 229)"; it has much the same sham wainscoting and the same rose background the scenes include Apollo in green with a lyre riding upon a blue-grey griffin facing Artemis (?) also in green and sitting on a bull, the conventional funeral feast and the horseman's stirrup cup.
tered in 1875
;
^'''-
^^^'^ ^Pa.-t'?/'b?onze'buck?e with Tamgi, ft and another. \.
.^.-.^:.
Fig. 229.
A styles
vault (Feldstein's) the first chamber
:
CR.
Catacomb found
1876, p. 218.
in 1875.
opened in 1906 shewed both the first and second was poor and only had the masonry pattern, the
second had sham marble incrustation, the top of the wall offering squares with garlands and flowers or circles and rhombs, and the roof, coffers with birds and rosettes the third chamber was much spoilt, but its plinth bore columns with purple curtains between them. Rostovtsev classes with this a vault that Lutsenko found in i860 but did not record very clearly^ It was the burial place of the Ulpii who were well known in the Bosporan kingdom, being eVt Tr}<; vijaov and eVt ^ao-tXeta? (v. Ch. XIX.) about a.d. 107. ;
^
V.
V.
Skorpil,
BCA. xxxvn.
pp.
23—35,
examples of this mark (which I denote by ft ) it is hard to tell mere varieties from true species so many, like mediaeval merchants' marks, have the same top. Official inscrr. with different marks, each except ft personal to a king losPE. 11. 423 (App. 52), Sauromates II (those on 428 seem private); 431, Rhescuporis 433, 434 (App. 59), Ininthimaeus (cf. mirror, CR. 1904, p. 75, f. 115); IV. 447 ft Eupator v. f. 227. Reliefs on which Nikai flank the mark, Inscr. Chr. No. 99, PI. xi., ft with another mark both defaced, and Skorpil, f. i, ft, alone less careful carvinfrs on stone slabs ib. collects
:
;
:
;
,
;
:
shew
ft and another mark, the same two as gravestones losPE. 11. 84 ft (cf. KW. 626, f. 16), 219 (ft ?), 232 (ft?), IV. 237, 283, 359, BCA. X. p. 36, No. 28 (ft?); buckles etc.: f. 228, ib. xxv. p. 14, f 5 ft, xxxvii. pp. 31, 32, ff. 4—12 ft, ABC. XXIX. 4ft (f 227), XXXII. 19 (ft ?), 20 ft the four strap-ends have the same tip, it may be a mark cf TRAS. Slav. Sect. iv. (1887) p. 519, Orient. Sect. I. (i886j p. 304: I.e. calls these marks "Gothic." ^ Stephani in CR. xxvi, 1876 1875, pp. xxiv ff. f.
2,
3
228
:
;
;
KW.
—
218—222; KTR.
pp. 3
CR.
i860, p.
vi.
p.
y],
ff.
37—39-
;
''^
§4]
Catacojnhs'^ of
I'^'j
1906,
c^^
1873, Soracus
319
— — —
In the 1902 catacomb were coins of Cotys II (123 131 a.d.), and in that Rhoemetalces coins of and Hiipator of 1875 153 170 a.d.), so as far (131 goes this chissof through evidence tomb went right the iind century a.d. as our is found in third class represented the tomb The by 1873 and that of In these the architecture is reduced to a mere [)hnth and all the Soracus. In the former (hig. 230)' the style wall space given up to fancy [)atterns. have of these patterns differs little from that of those in the second class. new are figures of the same roses and peacocks and garlands as in Stasov's There is the usual four women dancing and three people under a tree. The enemy is represented as combat, but less well drawn than in Stasov's.
We
;
^ rs
V''
''%:^^CR.
Flo. 230.
1874, p.
115.
almost identical with the victor.
Combat from Catacomb found
On
the roof
is
set as a medallion within a flower-sack gfarland
in
1873.
Hermes head with blue wings brought round to form a circle There is a kind of cornice
a
:
a brown dog with a green collar. pattern, but that is the only concession to architectural feeling. The tomb of Soracus son of SoraA[r]Ae[H] TYXH (». -m cus (f. 231) published by Kulakovskij" CWpAKOC B' AlKOiN npAKTOip, comes last in the series a painted tabelOIKOAOMHCAC TO iepOOION la ansata (op.cit. Pl.vii.)bore an inscripTOYTO eKX OCMeAlCjON KAINON tion in lines alternately red and black, KAI MHAeNAN CiO BaACON eTCpON a curious specimen of Bosporan Greek TiN(k. eNGA'Ae katoikcJonocTeoN 5 TA Me mhAci'c moi HApyBpicei mhboth writing and language point to the Ae moi' tic CKyAe? TA'dcTCA" ojc an iiird century a.d. and can tell us a good Ae Me TIC TTApYBpicei, a'i ckyAc? ta ()CTe'deal as to the pronunciation of that A, a1 eico BAAe?, MHTe er rnc KApnoN time and place e.g. at = ^ and UpwLov 10 AaBoito, MHTe ey GaAachc, mhtc appears to be for -qpaiov, so that Soracus -^ Ganoon eic aAoy X">P'^colT()^ regarded himself as joining the ranks Yet that did not prevent a of heroes and his sepulchral chamber as a shrine.
near by
is
:
;
* ff.
C/^.
1
874, pp.
32—36. ^ Ma^. XIX. pp.
112
118
;
ATA", pp. 34—36,
on Fig. 231. Spelling unchanged, but accents etc. supplied so Kulakovskij Latyshev, losPE. IV. 342, /SciXfi.
to these, but the details can be seen ^
16
— 33,
PI.
I.
— vn.
:
references
1.
9,
:
;
Greek Art,
320
Painting
[ch. xi
might be plundered and his heroic bones cast and the inscription contains the usual comprehensive curses to guard He seems to have amassed some wealth as an exactor of legal against this.
justifiable fear that the shrine out,
fines.
regards the decoration, except for the brown plinth which goes right The whole wall is covered architecture left (PI. ii.). is no irregularly with the heart-shaped rose, whose leaves are not quite so much conventionalized as usual we also have the brown garlands sometimes pecked On the at by a pair of birds; a fresh pattern is one of crossed palms (PI. iv.). pedestal with (PI. iii.) on a money-bag and Hermes stood entrance left of the the buttress or pier supporting roof. To this correof kind caduceus painted on a sponds on the right an actual square pier which bears on one side the inscription and below it two Erotes (PI. vr. d)\ on another a dancing Satyr with flutes (PI. v.). At the back of the Hermes buttress, looking towards the couch on which no doubt was placed the body of Soracus, we have the inevitable funeral feast with some apparent attempt at portraiture of the principal figure (PI. vi. k). This is the latest catacomb with frescoes, but that method of burial went on for another two hundred years. To this interval belong such as have In unadorned rude drawings or patterns executed directly upon the clay". catacombs have been found coins of a whole series of sovereigns from Sauromates I (92 124 a. d.) to Valentinian HI (424 455) and later still a silver shield with a splendid figure of Justinian on horseback'. Sometimes in Christian tombs crosses and extracts from the Psalms and hymns covered the walls. Such a case was published by Kulakovskij in his first monograph [Mat. vi.) and was important for the definite date 788 a.b. = 491 A.D. The names of the dead pair Sauagas and Phaeisparta are clearly of the same Iranian or Ossetian type that we have said to be characteristic of This and the continued use of the Bosporan the earlier Bosporan citizens*. era proves that there had not been such a break-up as had been hitherto The greater part of the walls is covered with Psalm xc, but supposed. the writing is so inaccurate that it is of no importance for the Greek text the presence of m is so much against that form being Egyptian. In another Christian catacomb, discovered near by in 1895, we have the same Psalm xc. (but written much more correctly), the Trisagion and various crosses but no names; the writing again points to the vth century a.d.° At Chersonese, with the exception of three Christian vaults", only one chamber with frescoes has been discovered, and that in such bad condition that it is hard to judge of date, style or subject. It was only possible to distinguish the figure of a woman, half nude, turned away from the spectator, and a group that suggests the winged figures bearing away a dead man, so common upon At Olbia practically no remains of painting have survived*. white lecythi^
As
round there
:
—
—
;
The
and
tomb
paintings near Tripoli, Arch. Atiz. 1904, p. 118. 2 Cf. CR. 1890, pp. 28, 29; 1894, 1873, p. xi p. 89, f. 148; 1907, p. 76, f. 63. 3 J. Strzygowski and N. V. Pokrovskij in Mat.
amulet, Trmis. Od. Soc. XXI. Minutes^ p. 8. ^ Kulakovskij in an appendix to iT/rt/. Xix. p. 6i. Mr N. McLean kindly informs me that the text ofifers no points of interest. ^ BCA. xvi. p. 98, No. 1494, xxv. pp. 166 169,
VIII.
Nos. 2086, 2114.
•
figures
inscription
recall
;
*
Sauagas seems actually to occur in losPE. Ii. App. 66), 389, Phaispharta, in a Christian
49'* (inf.
—
<
^
CR. 1894, pp.
Two
71, 72,
rude figures
ff.
BCA.
103, 104. Xiil. p. 26,
f.
16.
§
^ ^
4]
Catacombs,
Soracus^
Christian,,
C/iersonese
321
1
Woodwork
Greek Art.
322
§
5.
Woodwork.
CH. XI
Coffins.
The solidity with which the tombs were built about the Bosporus has preserved for us a large number of coffins which rank as among the best They are mostly constructed in a specimens of Greek woodwork extant\ manner suited to the material, with framing and panelling the enrichments are like those used in stone architecture, which had itself borrowed some from wooden construction, but are applied with due regard to the material. Only rarely do we find an instance of a wooden coffin clearly imitating a stone The sarcophagus in its turn designed after the pattern of a small temple. Niobid coffin (pp. 332 334, ff 241 244) is evidently put together on the pattern of such a stone sarcophagus as the well-known one from Sidon^ called Les Pleureuses, and both reproduce the columns round a temple or mausoleum, :
—
—
!
1
CR. 1900,
p.
103,
f.
183.
Wooden
Coffin
from Olbia
Odessa Museum.
in
(e.g. the Nereid monument) and the railings put Simple wooden treatment we have in that from Olbia, In this already we have the a little more elaborate in that from Jiiz Oba. Panels and frames application of colour which is such an interesting feature. were painted with figure subjects, enriched with elaborate marquetry, and even had applied to them wooden, plaster or terra-cotta figures and adornments coloured and gilt, until the more splendid coffins when fresh must have presented a magnificent combination of colour and form. The plain chest from Olbia (f. 232), probably made to hold clothes, is very like an old English hutch, except that the front has such broad framing that the single panel bordered with beading that runs along the middle of the side is not half the breadth of the enclosing frame, being in fact not an inserted
the Statues between them
from column
to
column.
' C. Watzin);(er, "Griechische Holzsarkophage aus der Zeit Alexander's des Grossen," Heft 6 der Wis<;eiisthaftlicheii VeroffentUchuui^en der Deutschcn Orirnt-Gesellsc/iaft, Leipzig, 1905, has treated the whole subject thoroughly in connexion with the coffins found in 1902-4 at Abu Sir in Lower Egypt. He enumerates over 60 coffins, of which nearly 50 come from S. Russia. I have only noticed those of which there are published drawings or con-
W. gives many illustrations siderable remains. and a most interesting analysis of technical and his work has rendered decorative development this section almost unnecessary, cf Catalogue Genirale des Antiqiiites Egyptiennes dn Musde du Caire. C. C. Edgar, "Graeco-Egyptian Coffins," Cairo, 10, Nos. 33101— 33123, PI. I.— V. 1905, pp. I 2 O. Hamdy Bey et Th. Reinach. Une Ndrropole Royale a Sidon, Paris, 1892, PI. iv. XI. p. 238 sqq. ;
—
—
2
§5]
Cqffi?is.
Olbia.
Oba,
yicz
Tainan
;
323
panel hut one with the frame. The \\(\ had two slope.s and there were bronze handles on it' the end view was very like I'ig. 233. Simple also, but very effective, is a coffin (f. 233)-' found in a splendid stone chamber under one of the Jiiz Oba barrows to the south of Kerch. The sarcophagus took the form of an immense chest crowned by a roof of two slopes with a cornice alonj^ the sides and pediments at the ends. In each side and end of the chest was a panel of bright red set in the framework of dark brown and surrounded by a carved and gilded cymation all the other mouldings were equally carved and gilded, and the whole produces an effect perhaps all the better for the loss of decorations stuck onto the panels. There was an inner coffin with simpler mouldings. Within this was found among other things the curious ring bearing on its bezel a serpent drawing a bow^ and vase fragments of the end Fu;. 233. CR. i860, VI. 2 and p. iv. Coffin from Jiiz Oba. Brown of the \ th century^ mouldings and pegs, white panel, Of similar general construction, with a long red. narrow panel down each side, was a coffin discovered by Ashik in the barrow of Mirza Kekuvatskij near Kerch in a chamber with an " Egyptian " vault. The framing of the panel was of cypress and the panel set in an egg-and-dart border of red and gold. On the ground of the red panel were gilt wooden figures of griffins attacking various animals. These have mostly come off the one panel that has been preserved, and we have A B r A E I © incised on the places from which they came, as a guide to the workman in fixing them on. Stephani suggests that the noi'mal Ionic alphabet had not yet come into use, hence the absence of H. This would argue for an early date, but the style can hardly be much before the middle of the :
:
;
ivth century".
A
more elaborate and better preserved example of somewhat the same design was found by Tiesenhausen in 1868 in the stone chamber of a barrow, about a mile and a'half from Taman on the way to Tuzlal The coffin was built with three long panels in the sides one above the other, each surrounded with beading, but only the centre one, the narrowest, was decorated with wooden groups of griffins and panthers attacking deer. As usual the ground was red and the animals coloured and gilt. The framing was further adorned with inlaid arabesques and the corner posts with rosettes representing pegs. The cover was of two slopes with cornice and at each end a pediment one of the latter is preserved it has a winged figure and arabesques in marquetry, and is surmounted by acroteria on the gable and at each angle. ;
;
' Watzinger, p. 38, No. 15, ff. 67, 68, shews its relation to No. i coffin from Abu Sir, which appears actually to have been used as a chest cf. Edgar, op. cit. Fl. I. HI. ;
-
Watzinger,
^
CR. 861, VI. 8 on lb. H. ui.— V.
^
1
p. 35,
No.
10, f 63.
p.
427, f 318.
^ ABC. LXXXIV. 2 shews the panel and griffins, a part of the cornice cf. also p. 21 of Reinach's Watzinger, p. 38, No. 14. For I perhaps reprint. we should read X-
3,
;
"
178
No.
f. :
234,
KTR. 13,
fir.
Ck.
1868,
pp. 40, 4>, 65, 66.
p. X, ff-
and
44, 45-
1869, pp.
177
Watzinger,
41
—
and
p. 37,
Woodwork
Greek Art.
324 In
[CH. XI
1882 the same explorer found the best specimen of this type near
Anapa towards Vitjazevo and Blahoveshchenskaja'. The Hd nothing is known of it. The framing and panels, of which there
is
lost
and
are two one above the other, have been left uncoloured, but the architrave, the cornerposts and the broad horizontal band between the panels have as it were
rix»winm^ujMKm.]WimmimuLfCTT
@
^»
"'miimii
i i
m
iii i
iii
minj
IHIHIlllHIIILLI,TIH [| n
ii i
'""'
ni,llUI,ll,ll]
%
Mll
l
.
.IfTTTT J.
;
\\\W\\W^
Fig. 234.
CR.
1869, p.
177.
Taman.
Wooden
®
®
\ Coffin,
v.
p.
323.
subsidiary panels with a dark red ground sunk into them (Fig. On the 235). corner-posts these are filled with beautiful arabesques of acanthus leaves, tendrils and palmettes of carved and gilt wood. Under the cornice the red band forms a kind of frieze and bore small figures of barbarians in combat (Fig. 236). '
LR. 1882— 1888, pp. xxi— xxvi,
PI.
vi.
5,
p.
71 sqq.
Watzinger,
p.
36,
No.
12,
f.
64.
§5]
Coffi?is.
Tajnan.
Anapa
25
326
G7^eek Art.
Woodwork
CH. XI
§s]
FlOS. 237, 238.
Cqffi7ts.
CR. 1882-8, pp. 50 and
61.
Aijapa
Wooden Nereids from
327
Coffin found near Anapa.
},
Woodwork
Greek Art.
328
[CH. XI
The broad band half way up each side has a row of Nereids bearing the arms These were adjusted by letters of Achilles and riding upon sea monsters'. of the alphabet. This band is enclosed by the usual cymatia and beadings, made separately'. Among- the lady's belongings found within was a coin of Lysimachus, dating the find as of the iiird century B.C. which just agrees with the style of the Nereids ultimately derived from Scopas.
Fig. 239
CR. 1882-8, pp.
74, 75, A,
Mouldings from Anapa
B, C.
Coffin.
\.
Of more com.plicated design, though scarcely more rich in execution, is a great coffin found by Ashik in the Serpent Barrow (Zmeinyj Kurgan) near Kerch in 1839' (Fig. 240): Stephani took the design to represent a house with a flat roof enclosed by a kind of railing and with many windows in the side walls. Accordingly the chief horizontal moulding, made up of a large bead moulding, then egg-and-dart, another bead and another smaller egg-and-dart, all enriched with red and gold, does not run along the extreme top, but some eight inches down a smaller top moulding has alternate squares of red and brown and a cymation with reversed palmettes in red and white on a black ground. Between is a kind of chessboard three rows deep chequered red and green, The main order, so to speak, has panels filled all forming as it were an attic. with varied blind trellis patterns between grooved styles almost like triglyphs. Below is another row of egg-and-dart and a base moulding. At the ends the trellis gives place to three jaanels of brown ground colour, bearing gilt figures Hera with a sceptre balanced by Apollo with a bay branch and between them a panel of acanthus arabesques with palmettes. Watzinger^ is probably ;
:
ff. 237, 238, CR. 1882—1888, and Text pp. 48 sqq.
1
18,
2
f.
3
f.
239, 240.
I.e.
PI.
HI.— V.
IS, 17,
pp. 74, 75. A, B, C, D.
ABC.
PI.
Lxxxi.
6,
7
Reinach. Coloured Kerick, PI. viii. *
and
p.
22 of
op.
cit.
p.
40,
in
No.
Sabatier, 18.
Souvenirs
de
§5]
Afiapa^ Serpe?it Ba?^?^ow^ R/te^en
Coffins.
329
right in thinkino- this to be an ortiinary box-coftin which has lost its end-posts (the feet shewn are not original), has a kind of triglyph frieze instead of its
main long panel and an extra board framed above it. The main body of the sarcophagus is of cypress-wood, the carved parts are of yew.
Fig. 240.
Of
Mat. xxiv.
p.
20,
f.
Wooden
26.
Coffin.
Serpent Barrow, Kerch.
^.
was the outer coffin of the Kul Oba king, box about nine feet square and eleven inches high (v. the elaborate inner coffin belongs to the p. 202), with one side left open coffin', which Dubrux calls a catafalque, had turned class. The queen's next otherwise se(tms pillars at the angles, but to have been quite simply made. Its paintings have been noticed already (sup. p. 305). Of unusual type was the ornament of a sarcophagus found in 1876 between Churubash and Eltegen (Nymphaeum)"'. Instead of the architectural patterns derived from stone, the framing was ornamented with inlaid rosettes and stars at intervals in quite an original style. So in mediaeval times ornament applied to wood occasionally escaped from the tyranny of stone forms and suddenly shewed a certain independence and designs adapted to the material. Watzinger regards the marquetry as preceding the application of figures in relief and this as the earliest coffin extant. He illustrates a very elegant example of inlay from Kerch'* with a simple olive-wreath pattern. The coffins with more ambitious architecture being built up of a very large number of small pieces whose forms were not dictated by the simpler necessities of construction have on the whole suffered more than the Fhe application of strictly stone forms to the artistically framed boxes. decoration of the coffins had to struggle against the important place that construction gave to the corner-posts, and this prominence was never quite got over. The simplest way to use stone forms was just to plaster them on We have such an to the frames and leave the wooden panels between. arrangement in the coffin found on Cape Pavlovskij as mentally reconstructed Here the ends were left much as on the box coffins, they had by Watzinger^ The long sides had at each a panel with particularly rich marquetry work. it
was
perfectly plain construction
just a great
;
>
p.
'
Watzinger,
2
V. p.
214,
f.
No. 24. 115, C/?. 1876, pp. .wii
p. 44,
221; Watzinger,
M.
p. 39,
No.
17.
'
—
xi.\,
1877,
•
p. 39, p.
45,
No. 16, No. 26,
Text: inside
(if.
it
69, 70. ff.
81—85.
a coin like
I'l.
CR. 1859,
V. 14.
42
p.
29
Greek Art.
30
Woodwork
[ch. xi
end and in the middle an elegant Ionic column with inlaid palmettes on the neck and glass centres to the curls of the capitals. These columns must have stood on some sort of base and had above them some sort of entablature to which belonged sundry pieces of moulding enriched with marquetry. In the wide intercolumniations were panels similar to those in the end walls. The roof has left very little but seems to have had acroteria and a sima-like ornament along the eaves. Watzinger (p. 56, No. 41) has shewn with some ingenuity that the beautiful ivory veneers from Kul Oba would suit such a coffin very fairly The wood seems all to have perished and the ivories were not noticed well.
The
until late in the process of collecting the finds.
unfortunate history of the
exploration (v. p. 205) prevented the possibility of seeking any more fragments\ The discoverers thought that they had found parts of a box or of a musical instrument, but the size of the capitals with their glass eyes° shews that we have to do with a large composition, for corresponding pilasters must be more than a metre high. We may suppose that there were two The subject of the Judgement of Paris (pp. 204 pilasters at each corner. A, B, ff. 100, 10 ) would take the main panel on one side, and the correspondOr if there were a ing panel would have the meeting of Paris and Helen I pilaster in the middle as on the Pavlovskij sarcophagus, the two incidents of The pieces with Herms'* the Paris story would be one on each side of it. would do for the end- or back-panels. The narrow strips with the rape of the daughters of Leucippus and the preparations for the race of Pelops and Oenomaus (pp. 204 C, D, ff. 102, 103, lxxix, 13, 14) may have run along the frame above a broader panel. The short thick pieces with a Scythian dragged by his horse and a hare pursued by a dog rather like a Russian borzoi would fit in across the breadth of the corner-posts (ib. lxxix. 9, 10). To the posts and frames rather than to panels would belong such decoratively treated pieces as the sitting women (ib. lxxix. 7, 8), Hermes or a Boread (lxxx. 16), the lion"^ and such mere decoration as the candelabrum (ibid. 14) with patterns like the egg-and-dart and the quatrefoil border". The main pieces here regarded as panels are engraved with the point upon ivory hardly more than a millimetre thick. They are delicately tinted, the colouring, which is chiefly noticeable at the outlines, being in very subtle greys It must have been brighter once but was probably always and browns. restrained, as the drawing is before the time of a varied palette. The drawing is very like that of red-figured vases of the finest style save for one or two mannerisms (e.g. the treatment of the hands) which suggest Still more like these ivories because of a similarity in the ivth century^ technique are the engraved silver cylices from the VII Brothers^ but if we 1
to the great kindness of Mr E. M. have reproduced on pp. 204 A D, ff. 100—103, photographs of the most interesting of They do better justice to the the fragments. originals than even Piccard's beautiful drawings in ABC. to which all other pictures of them go References to pieces which I have not back. eproduced have been enclosed in square brackets. '
Thanks
Pridik
—
I
1
2
p.
205,
f.
104,
ABC. LXXX.
[i, 5, 18,] 19.
^ * ^
ABC. LXXIX. II, 12.] ABC. LXXX. II, 12, 15.] "ABC. LXXX.
17.]
e
[ibid. 8, 13.]
This was pointed out to me by Professor Waldstein, who referred me for an example of early archaistic treatment, such as we get in the Hermes, to a relief at Epidaurus (Defresse et '
Lechat, »
V.
p.
87).
pp. 206, 210, 382, CR. 1881,
I.
1—4.
2
§5]
PavIovskij\
Cqffi?ts.
Kid Oba^
Bliznitsa
331
are to judge of these too, photographs are a necessity, for the drawings fall far short, as Stephani complains. There is considerable difference of style between the fragments, but perhaps it is not more than is to be explained by the more ambitious role that The prcisence of the the panels would play in the original composition. Scythian looks as if the work was done either at Kerch or definitely for the Scythian market, but he is so spirited that we cannot regard him, though Watzinger (p. 91) thinks different, as inferior to the more finished panels. the work Milesian because of the Asiatic look of the capitals, the fame of Milesian furniture and the resemblance to a sarcophagus found at Gordiimi but in the ivth century Miletus had lost its commercial predominance and it In any case these fragments are is at least as likely that we have Attic work. unsurpassed as specimens of Greek drawing. The coffin of the Priestess of the Great Bliznitsa by Stebleevka has left but fragments including the capitals of two pilasters once curiously adorned with inlaid work, one with a palmette, the other with a group of two griffins and a deer' and also an Ionic fluted column, another shaft not fluted, thirteen greenish glass roundels from the eyes of Ionic capitals and a large number of Also various pieces of moulding, cg^,pieces of ivory or bone for inlaying. and-dart, etc. with traces of red colour. These would make up into something not unlike the Pavlovskij coffin. Also from the same Bliznitsa come the fragments of a man's coffin which was utterly destroyed by the falling in of the vault above it". They include a very large number of pieces of ivory for inlaying, having the forms of human figures, male and female, parts of Fauns, Erotes, birds, horses, deer and three figures of Sirens playing the drum, the cymbals and the flute, also a butterfly, leaves, grape bunches and palmettes, and purely architectural pieces with traces of colour, egg-and-dart mouldings, cymatia and Ionic capitals duty garnished with glass eyes to the volutes (v. p. 424, f. 314). In spite of the large number of fragments no attempt can be made to restore the general design. :
Very
similar fragments were discovered
by MacPhersonl
The
next step towards a temple form is when there are large pilasters or piers at the corners and along the sides small pilasters, usually five, supporting good a fully-developed entablature and resting on an imposing plinth. It was found by Kareisha example of such a type is figured by Watzinger ^ in 1842 and a drawing has been preserved, but the original has perished The pilasters were Corinthian with Attic bases. Along the eaves entirely. were triangles representing antefixes and on the gables strange acroteria^ Under the projecting upper member of the plinth were turned balusters Of the same type is a coffin from Kerch in the supporting the corners. capitals, this time Ionic (.'^), were moulded in The Berlin*. Antiquarium at away, the lid is lost. stucco which has fallen
A
'
p.
f. 314, CR. 1865, PI. VI. 4, 5 and p. 9. p. 47, No. 28, ff. 87, 88. of and pp. 1866, PI. I. and 11.
424,
Watzinger, 2
CR.
1—26
Watzinger, p. Kertch, PI. 1. p. 55.
the Text. 3 •
op.
cit. p.
46,
No.
56,
27,
f.
No. 40.
5—68
^
Compare
the solid
flat
corner acroteria of a
marble sarcophagus found at Kerch, CR. 1905, Probably these were painted, cf those p. 58, f. 66. of grave reliefs, supra, p. 301, f. 214. * Watzinger, p. 48, No. 29, ff. 89—91.
86.
42
—
—
Greek Art.
332
Woodwork.
[CH. XI
In these the corner-posts are still flat as natural construction demands, but the straining after stone effects led to the substitution of a round pillar at The simplest example had just a base moulding and a friezeless the corners. In each of the panels architrave and seven Ionic pillars along each side. between them hung a wreath of stucco, and two on each end-panel (compare The lid had two slopes'. the wreaths in the catacomb on p. 311, f 222). To this class belongs a sarcophagus found near the Kerch Almshouse of It was in rather bad condition but was remarkable for Zolotarev in 1883. At the angles there the great variety of applied figures that it once bore. seem to have been turned pilasters on a flat carved base, the usual cornice and Along the frieze seem to have been slender colonnettes along the sides.
Fig. 241.
Mat. XXIV.
p.
19,
f.
2\ — CR. 1875, Frontispiece.
Niobid
Kerch.
Coffin.
Jg.
wooden
figures of Centaurs, dolphins, hippocamps, pegasi, wolves attacking dogs, a horse, a lynx and a barbarian spearing a lion, and above at the In the panels were plaster appliques coloured corners wooden dolphins. including and brown, winged Naiads, Medusa-masks, bucrania blue white, The Hermitage exhibits a model coffin set up to shew off and dolphins". appliques the coffin and arrangement are not to be regarded, but the plaster the photograph gives a good idea of the variety of the appliques found Somewhat similar was one found by Kulakovskij in 1890 at together^ Glinishche near Kerch, but its preservation was not very good\ The same kind of thing comes from near Cape Zjuk to the north of Kerch^ The most elaborate wooden sarcophagus that we possess has been already referred to as that of the Niobids. It was found in 1874 on Mount Mithridates. Were it not that it lacks its cover it would be a regular litde temple of the Ionic order. Along the side (f. 241) are six intercolumniations with five complete colunms and two half ones against the angle piers. At the ends bulls,
;
' Watzinger, p. 49, No. 30, f. 92, from a drawing the Archaeological Commission. The coffin, found in 1864, has perished. 2 CR. 1882-8, p. xl this seems to be Watzinger's p. 49, No. 32, ff. 94 107, which shew very rude work, h\i\. subjects agreeing with the above
in
:
—
description, *
inf.
is
—
—
Another with 277. 373, ffi 269 Watzinger's p. 51, No. 33, ff. 108
pp. 371
great variety
in. ''
^
CR. 1882-8,
p. 74,
Note
Trans. Od. Soc. Xix.
i
and
PI. iv.
1890, p. 25.
Materials,
p. 127.
§5]
i^^3>
Coffins^
1H90, Niohid
333
(f. 242) we have two half columns and a single whole one; these end columns stand in front of pilasters with imposts from which arches are turned across. Above the columns rim a narrow frieze and a cornice with dentels. From column to column, about a third of the way up, go rods holding trellis work in place below them, answering to the railings put in this position in actual temples. The statues usual on the stylobate are represented by figures of coloured plaster
Fig. 242.
Mat. XXIV.
p.
19,
f.
2^
= CR.
1875, p.
5.
End view
of the
same
coffin.
j\.
stuck on to the surface of the panel immediately above the trellis. They belong to the series of the Niobids, and the Pedagogue (f 243) was found actually in place. Most were rather broken, but their places could be traced on the panels. Within were found glass vessels and a gold wreath with an indication of a coin of Vespasian. On the whole the sarcophagus is a fine piece of work, although perhaps its design goes beyond what is legitimate in wood'.
Joinery and Ivory-work. It just happens that by far the greater part of Greek woodwork left to us consists of coffins. But the few fragments left of other pieces of furniture make us regret their rarity. In 1842 Kareisha discovered a three-legged table '
C/?. i875,p.
p. 54, No. 35. The made by Mr Markov
5sqq. Watzinger,
identification of the indication
has degraded the sarcophagus from being the
first
example of the combination of arch under archiStephani had put it down to a Diadochus and dated it in tlie Uird century, B.C. trave
:
Greek Art.
334
Woodwork.
Textiles
[CH. XI
On being touched it fell to pieces, in a tomb by the Kerch Public Garden. but one leg was saved, and the whole can easily be restored from this and from For this is just the type of table commonly represented in the the pictures. The same technique as was applied to coffins was used funeral feast scene\ To such a box belonged a piece of ivory daily use. making boxes for in Aphrodite. and The drawing is wonderfully free, inlay representing Eros material (v. especially considering the p. 424, f 314).
Fig. 243.
Mat. xxiv. pp.
Some and the
"
12, 16,
ff.
14, 20.
interesting ivories
Persian
" Artemis'-,
ABC. LXXXI. I— 5, p.
Plaster Niobid
1
—
coffin.
\.
come from Olbia, archaic engravings of Eros a statuette of a seated woman about 2 in. high^
26; Jahfi). d.k. deutschen Inst. 1902, pp. 125 140, C. Ransom, "Reste Gr. Holzmobel in Berlin," p. 127, f. 2. 1
Arch.
and Pedagogue from the same
^
145, •*
Vogell, 1
146,
ff.
Sainmlung
(v.
inf.
54, 55.
BCA. xxxui.
p. 106,
f. d,
p.
= CR.
339
n. 6),
Nos.
1907, p. 57, f 47
Miscellancoics
6]
§^ 5,
Woodwork.
Textiles
335
and a box the bits of which bear Erotes playing the double flute and juggling Unexpected are the remains of another box made up of fourteen with balls'. narrow panels apparently representing a Sassanian king and his c(Hirt watching nautch girls and child acrobats dancing and tumbling to the music of winged Pharmacovskij cites Alexandrian analogues for the work, but they are boys. not convincing and it is as likely to have come from somewhere further east, almost outside the classical tradition". From Chersonese come some late bone fraofments carved with animals, a barbarian soldier and a statuette^ may also mention some sets of men for playing games, one with heads of nine gods, Augustus, L. Caesar, and a lady of their house, two wreaths and the Eleusinium, nunibered on the reverse i xv in Greek and Latin, all found at Kerch in a box complete, another at Odessa, most of a set of eighteen, also from Kerch^ and one from Chersonese consisting of fifteen black and fifteen
We
—
white draughtsmen in glass". Very neat joinery is shewn in a toilet box found at Kerch with little compartments containing a round bronze mirror, a comb and spaces for putting Still higher skill went to making the comb with the words in open jewelry". work AAEAct>H AOOPON". So much for the remains of Greek woodwork found in South Russia to which Blumner' rightly points as to perhaps the most important source for our knowledge of Greek carpentry. It is curious to notice how much the Greek interpretation of stone forms in wood forestalled the ways of the Renaissance artists. For instance, the table-leg might well have been the work of a xvith-century Italian, and the same may be said of details such as those of the Niobid sarcophagus. Only the Italians could not remain so long at the stage of satisfying simplicity and degenerated much sooner into rococo. In the wall paintings resemblances are not always mere coincidences, for discoveries of ancient frescoes in Rome had an important effect in guiding Italian decoration: but the case of woodwork shews that without them the development would have been very similar.
§ 6.
Textiles.
The special conditions that have preserved wooden objects for us in Bosporan graves have also allowed the survival of a few specimens of textiles for the older time before our era little has been found elsewhere, later on Grecian Egypt has furnished us with some examples. Stephani has reproduced and discussed the best pieces^ He prefaces his description with :
an account of the representation of textiles
in art, especially vase-paintings.
The
oldest piece (p. 212, f. 113, I.e. PI. iv.) covered the sarcophagus in No. VI of the VII Brothers, which dates from the ivth century. The stuff 1 "^
CR.
1904, p. 39,
f.
CR. 1906, pp. 39—44, p.
3
p.
sqq.,
134
V. PI.
39,
I.
II.
cf.
Bull.
*
57.
Arch. Anz. 1907, pp.
—
— 151,
15—28; 48; BCA. xxxui.
149
35 Soc. Arch.
ff.
ff.
d'Alexanclrie,
Ans. •>
7
p. 3.
M.
HI. IV.,
I.
Rostovtsev, BCA. x. pp. 109—124, PL 124:^;^-^. ^r(//tW. 1905, v. pp. 1 10
1910,
BCA. ABC.
p.
238,^41.
iv. p.
^
Technologic,
45— 47;
"
CR. 1878-9,
64; 1903, p. 35,
ff.
1904, p. 62,
ff.
94, 95.
109.
Reinach,
CA'. 1895, p.93,f.239; i9oi,p.39,ff.77,78; 1902, f.
—
cf. /fi"?'.
i\.
PI.
"
CR. 1899,
p. 129,
f.
251.
p. 136. ^.
2,'^c).
III.— VI., Text, pp.
Ill— 114.
Greek Art.
336
T'extiles
fcH. xi
It is made of several must be much older as it has been darned in places. the design by means of some stain. with covered strips sewn together and then and six palmettes, or more strips across large There was a broad border of separated by narrow patterned bands. filled with complicated figure-subjects The names NiKH, EPI[I, AOHHAIH, lOKA^TH, IJOAEA?, MOtO^, l]nnOMEAAH, EVAIMEMH, AKTAIH and 4'AIA[P]H shew both that many various tales were represented and that the dialect of the maker was Ionic. The stuff was yellow, but the ground of the design is black, and red is used The whole suggests some Ionian form of red-figured vase whereon also. the traditions of black-figured technique had survived more than they did at Athens (v. p. 210, n. 9). From the same tomb comes a piece (Fig. 244, v. 2) with a pleasing pattern of ducks on a purple ground and a border of stags' heads something of the same black-figured spirit survives in the manner in which the ducks are rendered. They are yellow with streaks of black and green, and green was used for the stags' eyes the trimming was of fur. The finest piece left, from the Pavlovskij Fort Barrow, has a dark purple ground embroidered mostly with a pattern of spirals and palmettes, but also bearing the figure of an Amazon and edged with a green border of the texture of rep. The tendrils and stalks are pinkish-yellow, leaves are green, the Amazon has a green chiton with a red and yellow border. The drawing of it all is very free, considering that the design was to be carried out in satin ;
:
stitch (Fig. 244,
On
III.
1,2).
CR., we have specimens of golden leaves sewn on to a bark foundation covered with stuff to make a crown, a cheaper form than the all-gold crowns illustrated on pp. 388, 389, ff. 285, 286. In one case one bore an indication the gold was itself covered with fine woollen crepe Thus I would of a coin marked BAE common also on the gold crowns. date them about the middle of the ist century a.d., assigning them to Mithridates VIII, but they are more usually put down to Mithridates Eupator (v. coin-plate vii. 14 18 and Ch. xix.). Other interesting pieces not reproduced on Fig. 244 may be mentioned V. 3 is silk found with the three-legged table (v. p. 333) v. 4 is embroidery in gold on slate colour, making an ivy pattern. Other pieces on this and the following plate are mostly stripes and mat-like patterns vi. 2 is a conical cap with a tassel at one end and stripes round the other vi. 3 (Fig. 244) has its stripes enriched with simple arabesques which look thoroughly in the Einpire style. In several of these pieces remarkable skill is shewn in making the red shade into the green by delicate gradations. The texture is mostly similar to what we call rep\ Byzantine textiles, some inwoven with figures of men and animals interesting when compared with Coptic work, have been found at Chersonese^ the
same
plate, in. in
:
—
;
;
:
:
^ VI. 5 and 6 shews an ancient shoe adorned with gold sequins and not more than b\ in. long. Other shoes have been found at Pavlovskij bairow,
CR.
in the
tomb
No.
and
the Great Hliznitsa of the Priestess of Denieter, CR. 1865,
1859, p. 30,
15,
in
p.
No. i6. Wooden soles of Roman date are CR. 1878-9, p. 143. All are very like our
ii,
figured,
shoes ^
;
cf Watzinger, op. cit. p. 14, ff. 25, 26. 1891, p. 5, f 2; 1904, p. 51, ff. 63, 64:
CR.
BCA.
xvi. p. 38,
ff.
i, 2.
— 'Textiles
d ^~
\ 2
c
^^
^ 5'^v^ I
r=--
5
^
t
43
;
Early Vases
Greek Art.
238
§
7.
[ch. xi
Ceramics.
For the history of the Ceramics of the Greeks the finds in South Russia have no such superlative importance as for the study of their carpentry, Yet they have yielded much material towards filling textiles or goldwork. working in other regions, and they have investigators by up oudines traced the relations between the coasts determining as interest no small historical at various periods'. world Greek the of parts of Scythia and other any attempt at an enumeraspecimens of number endless In view of the finds made in Stephani's for and hopeless, is important tion even of the most and to his Catalogue to 1881 from CR. to referred 1859 lifetime the reader is of Vases in the Hermitage.
Early
Vases.
vase is said to have come from Berezan'; with, as far as the earliest kind of Greek vase that occurs in exception 1 know, this single by Boehlau to Miletus. From the environs referred South Russia is that first published was that from Temir Gora^ rare, of Kerch such vases are very found at Kerch in 1902, and with it one of was Corinthian aryballus " Egyptian porcelain " with a kind of cartouche upon it, not, it seems, Egyptian work but after the Saite type as Mr F. W. Green tells me^ another Corinthian and a Milesian (?) aryballus were found there the next yearl the rather desultory But these early finds are few on the Bosporus excavations carried out in that region in spite of their long continuance do not seem to have happened upon the oldest cemeteries. Perhaps there was no considerable Greek population before the vith century, or it is just conceivable that the older diggers who were looking for productions of the "finest" periods took no notice of earlier and less elegant objects. Be that as it may, the careful diggings of the last few years have produced plenty of early fragments from the Olbia district. They were first reported in any quantity from the island Berezan, from which were derived the collections of Father Levitskij", soon to be published in Materials, and of Mr Voitinas". Excavations were there carried on in 1900 and 1901 by The summaries of results G. L. Skadovskij and since 1902 by von Stern. published yearly mention Theran, Milesian and Samian*, Naucratis, "Egyptian porcelain," Clazomenian, Proto-Corinthian and Corinthian, Cyprian, Early there is Boeotian, Attic black-figured and a few severe red-figured vases
One Geometric
A
:
:
Professor E. R. von Stern summed up the results to 1899 in a paper read before the Xith Russian Archaeological Congress at Kiev, Tratis. Od. Soc. XXll. pp. i 21, "On the significanoe of Ceramic Finds in South Russia for elucidating the Cultural History of the Black Sea Colonization," and this with additions to bring it up to date has been the basis of the following section; but he has since remodelled it with much the same addiiions as mine and presented it to the International Congress of Historical Sciences at Berlin (1908), Klio, IX. (1909), pp. 139 152, "Die Griechische Kolonisation am Nordgestade des Schwarzen Meeres im Lichte archaologischer Forschung.'' Since Stephani's death nearly all advance in our 1
whole
—
—
knowledge of S. Russian Ceramics has been due to von Stern and his pupil B. V. Pharmacovskij. ^ ylfch. Anz. 1910, p. 227, f. 27. ^ CR. 1870-1, PI. IV; Prinz, Klio, Beiheft Vil.,
"Funde aus *
^
Naukratis,'' p. 134. pp. 53, 58, fif. 89, 120. p. 47, ff. 71, 72 ; cf. Arch.
CR. 1902, CR. 1903,
1908, p. 170. CR. 1901, p. ''
N.
Radlov,
111.
iv.
BCA.
Anz.
133: two late Milesian sherds,
xxxvii.
p.
81,
coloured
PL
CR. 1903, pp. 152, 153, ff. 303, 304. So J. Boehlau, Aus Joiiischen und Itaiischen Necropolen, Leipzig, 1898, p. 52 sqq., renames Rhodian and Fikellura. ^
*
—
§
loniati
7]
:
and Early
Attic Vases
339
new ware most nearly allied to Naucratis and so probably Milesian, consists of bowls, yellow or yellowish-grey outside, red, black, dark-brown or chocolate within round the outside run three red or dark rings. Attic wares are confined to the top lay(;rs among these were two signatures of also a it
:
;
Tlesus Olbia itself yields a not less abundant harvest of much the same sorts'the best specimens seem at first to have fallen into the hands of the predatory diggers, as von Stern laments^ but now Pharmacovskij has found very numerous fragments and some whole vases. He has grouped th(mi temporarily and published some of the best pieces, recording the occurrence of Samian\ Naucratis, Corinthian, Chalcidian and the unknown Ionian fabric with creamy ground and red decoration" such already existed in Mr Vogell's collection at Nicolaev^ More recently specimens of Milesian, Clazomenae and Daj^hnae wares have turned up, and lastly vases in the shape of a man with a hedgehog in "Egyptian porcelain" probably made at Naucratis or '.
:
Miletus'.
the
Fragments of Milesian pots even penetrated into the interior as far as government of Ekaterinoslav and the districts of Chigirin and Zvenigo-
rodka in Kiev'. A very early black-figured vase of curious shape like the weight on a steel-yard was found in a barrow near Ulskaja (Kuban) in 1898. It would appear to be of some Asiatic make, but is not quite like the Milesian^ Black- and Rcd-Jiguj'ed Vases.
Ordinary black-figured vases come from all the sites in South Russia, Berezan and Olbia'-, even Eupatoria (Cercinitis)'-' and These Attic vases shew that the Athenian potters had conChersonese'*. Von Stern quered this market in the latter part of the vith century. Kerch'", Theodosia",
With the expulsion of the tyrants this pre-eminence was apparently lost, for the severe redP rom figured vases of about the time of the Persian wars are very scarce. correlates this with the foreign policy of the Pisistratids.
References for finds at, Berezan, v. inf. p. 451, also for the pots, von Stern, Trans. Od. Soc. xxni. p. 28 K/io, IX. pp. 142 144. For the first example, v. G. Loeschke, Arch. '
n.
I,
—
;
Anz. 1891,
p. 18,
f.
"
13
39; 1910, pp. 234, f. 33, 238, 239. Stern, Trans. Od. Soc. xy.\\\. Miiiuies, Klio, IX. p. 141 Bobrinskoj, BCA. XX. p. 7, f.
33, 34,
;
b.
Trans. Od. Soc. XXII. Minutes, p. 119: the collection of which he speaks was acquired by the Hermitage and published in CR. 1901, pp. 129 131, ff. 219—227: it includes most of the kinds mentioned above, but it is not certain that they all really came from S. Russia. BCA. XIII. pp. 217 220, ff. 157—160. " ib. p. 148, f. 94; cf von Stern, I.e. p. 120. * This was mostly dispersed in May, 1908, but a fully illustrated record of it exists in J. Hochlau, Sammlung A. Vogell, Cassel, 1908 the early pots are Nos. 16 47, PI. I. 11. Some now at Munich, I Jahrb. d. k. d. Arch. Inst. 1910, p. 58, ff 10, 11. gladly take this opportunity of thanking Mr Vogell for his kindness to me at Nicolaev and for sending me his catalogue. " i^'C..4. XXXIII. pp 118 120, ff. 23 27, cf CR. Arch. Anz. 1909, pp. 171, 175, 1902, p. 53, f. 89
—
;
—
—
—
Von
;
^ ^*
3
•*
fif.
CR.
1898, p. 32,
ABC.
PI. IX.
XLViii.
CR.
;
40; 1902,
54,
LXiiia. i MacPherson, 16; 1899, p. 27, ff. 38— go 93 1903, p. 162, f. 132
6, 7
ff.
9.
47.
f.
:
1898, p. 17,
jjp. 53,
1905, p. 64,
p.
;
f.
—
;
;
80.
f.
'^ Von Stern, Das Miisctini der kais. Odessacr Ges. d. Gescli. u. Altcrtumsk. HI. "Theodosia und 9. seine Keramik," Odessa, 1906, PI. II. i
—
'^
CR. 1873,
p.
xxii
;
1897, p. 79, ff. 187, 188; Od. Soc. XXII. Minutes,
Trans. 7, f 3: 119: BCA. XIII. p. 149, f. 95, pp. 155 159, XXXIII. ff. 103 108, p. 184, f 136, p. 187, f. 143 30; Arch. Anz. 1909, p. 173, f. 40. p. 121, ff. 28 Vogell, Samvil. Nos. 59 107, PI. I. II. 1902, p.
p.
—
—
;
—
>'
BCA. XXV.
'^
A
—
p.
185,
fragment. Mat.
f.
26.
vil.
p.
24: the Milesian
Inkerman in the British Museum, Prinz, I.e. and letter from Mr H. B. Walters,
sherds from A. 1675,
were probably
in native
hands.
;
43—2
Greek Art.
340
Ceramics
[
CH. XI
Leuce we have part of a cantharos made by Nicosthenes and painted by from Olbia a pelice with a flute-player and Epictetus with a symposium' Nike", an amphora a colonnette with Dionysus and Maenads^ and one or two bits'* from Kerch a shallow cup with Menelaus and Helen that von Stern puts down to Amasis IP, an amphora a colonnette like that from Olbia", and the fragments figured on CR. 1873, iii., of which Fig. 245 is an example. A beautiful alabastron, made by Hilinus and painted by Psiax, with a warrior on one side and an Amazon on the other, though in the Odessa Museum was not certainly found in South Russia^ Among all the fragments of red-figured pottery found by General Bertier-de-La-Garde during the harbour works at Theodosia, not one belonged ;
;
^
Fig. 245.
Fig. 246.
.Side
view of
f~ig.
247.
\.
It seems likely that upon the interruption of the trade the colonies in Scythia were no longer in a position to indulge with Greece in such luxuries as the finest painted pottery. have no hint as to their fate during this disturbed period which included the expedition of Darius, an event which must have excited anxiety among the men of Olbia. Athens did not regain the market at once, her attention was diverted to the West,
to the severe style.
We
1
PI.
Pharmacovskij,
II. -
^ *
Trans. Od. Soc. xvi.
39,
•'•
I.e.
p. 73, PI. III.
Stern, ib. XXII. p. 93, PI. III. Vogell, Samml. No. 109, PI. II. 5.
XXXIII.
p.
122,
ff.
32, 33.
2.
call
1.
D. Beazleyj/Z/^". xxx. (1910), him Kleophrades. J.
Von
BCA.
p.
•>
3.
"
CR.
*
Von
p.
38 would
1903, p. 159, f. 318. Stern, Trans. Od. Soc. XVil. p. 37, PI.
II.
;
and
Severe
§7]
Styles
Fi?ic
341
Italy and Sicily, and vases of the transitional style are also rare', liut with the introduction of the free style, South Russia becomes one of the richest sources. The ware destined for it was singularly like that exported to Cyrene. From this time forth we can study the changes in fashion of Greek pottery by innumerable examples drawn from Olbia", and still
to
Lecane from Kerch. ^5. I have much pleasure in thanking Miss J. E. Harrison for Fig. 247. the loan of the block made from a drawing by Mrs H. F. Stewart after Trans. Od. Soc. xvni. PI. I.
more from Kerch and its environs'. From Theodosia we get fragments^ from Chersonese two or three late vases' and some fragments', of importance in their way as the first proof that the site of the " New" Chersonese dated from at least the ivth century B.C. Among the various classes of free-style vases found at Kerch the lecanae are quite a speciality. Half of those extant come from the Bosporus, and '
Olbia,
BCA. xxxni.
von Stern, Theodosia., ^ e.g. CR. 1902, p. 7,
pp. 122, 123,
ff.
34, 35
;
Nos. 10, 11. ff. 2, 4; 1906, pp. 47, 48, ff. 55—57 BCA. xni. p. 189, f. 145; xxxiii. pp. Vogell, Sainml. Nos. 123, 124, ff. 36, 37 183, PI. ni. Arch. Anz. 1908, p. 187, f. 20. 3 e.g. a fragment by Andron, Pharmacovskij, Trans. Od. Soc. xvi. p. 14, PI. 11. i a pelice, Heracles crowned by Nike, von Stern, ib. Xix.
cf.
PI.
\\.
;
no—
;
;
Pharmacovskij
&c. styles
to his "
I.
;
CR. 1903,
p. 47,
f.
73, p.
157,
f.
314,
Vase
in the period directly after the GraecoPersian Wars," TRAS. xii. (1901, 2): all found in Russia are indexed s.v. Poccifl. * Von Stern, Theodosia, PI. HI.— v.
mental
'
;
p. 94, PI.
classifies all vases of these to 1901 in a wonderful appendix Painting and its relation to Monu-
known down
«
29
;
.'Vrt
CR. 1903, p. CR. 1904, p. Mat. VII. iv.
32, 68,
f.
33, p. 39,
i.
104;
2, 3, 4.
f.
BCA.
55IV. p. 78,
ff.
28,
Greek Ai^t.
342
Ceramics
[
CH. XI
Their use for washing they are almost always marked by singular elegance'. hands and feet in perfumed water just suited the luxurious tastes oi the Bosporan ladies. face,
Fig. 248.
Jiiz
Oba
Lecane.
KTR.
p.
]],
f.
106.
\.
In Panticapaeum as in South Italy the simple contrast of black and red ceased to satisfy customers, and vase-painters took to heightening the effect of their wares by adding white details and gilt accessories. This is almost universal upon a second type of lecane with high body and vertical handles^ Lastly came the use of relief that was finally to oust the styles which relied on mere painting. famous example of this relief-work, with the further addition of bright colour, is the vase that reproduces, as is supposed, not only the subject of the west pediment of the Parthenon, the contest of Athena and Poseidon, but also its composition''. at
last
A
' e.g. those published by Pharmacovskij, Trans. Od. Soc. XVI. p. 29, PI. n. 2, and von Stern, ib.
—
XVIII. pp. 19 63, PI. I. (Figs. 246, 247), also CR. i86o, I. { = KTR. pp. 76 78, ff. 105 107, V. P~ig. 248) p. 5 sqq., 1 861, I. II. &c. plain ones from Olbia, CR. 1900, p. 9, f. 18; BCA. XIII. p. 137, f 79: hst
—
—
:
in
Pharmacovskij's "Vase Painting" App.
p.
"j^i-
^ Pharmacovskij, op. cit. App. p. 75, but Boehlau Saimnl. Vogell, No. 181, PI. III. 4, calls them amphorae. The best was found at Kerch in 1906, Arch. Anz. 1907, pp. 131 7; another 136, ff. 3 ARC. Lit. Reinach, p. 104.
—
a
CR. 1872,
many books
PI.
since.
i.
\=KTR.
—
p.
78, f
108
and
§7]
L,ecanae.
Vases with colour
he same kind of work adorns the rountl the neck just
where
it
rises,
Xetiophantus
a7i(l relief.
343
well-known vase' signed below the palmettes which decorate it, ecjually
HEN04>AHT05:EnOIH2:EHAOHH The
word of the sigbeen usually completed 'Adr)paLo<; not '\6rjvriaL, and it is supposed that Xenophantus was an Athenian artist working at Panticapaeum, last
nature
but
has
quite conceivable
it is
worked
that he
and exported
at
Athens
his
wares.
Round the shoulders comes a narrow frieze in gilt relief a biga with attendant figures thrice repeated, a gigantomachy and a cen-
—
.5 1^
tauromachy in between. The main subject (f. 249) belongs to the world of pure phantasy the dress :
the names of the figures are more or less Persian, the date-palm and silphiimi in the background
and -§1 Qj
dj
•- -a
^ 3 C 4)
be
— even Libya not grow on stems — only the
are Libyan tripods do
silphium
in
suggest
griffins
and one of these
U ui
sc 1>
B S o
X
is
Scythia, of quite
a strange type'.
The less elaborate colour effects of white lecythi did not find much favour outside Attica, but we have one or two examples from Kerch'', and one apparently from 01bia\ ' ABC. XLV. xiAi., Reinach, p. 98 = CA'. 1866, IV. Rayet et Collignon, Ceraiiiique Grecqiie, pp. 264, 265, ff. 100, loi, &c.
-
VoT anotlier aryballus
in
much
same style, v. ABC. XLVni. i, 3: and one just slender enough be called a lecythus, An/i. Anz.
the 2,
to
1908, pp. 3
ib.
173, 174, p.
170;
ff.
10 a,
b.
CR. 1902,
p.
55,
145,
PI.
f.97*
Vogell, Saminl.
ni. 13.
No.
Greek Art.
344
Ceramics
Vases in the Shape of Statues,
Something of the same
taste
[CH. XI
Animals and Heads.
which rejoiced
in the
Fig
250.
Phanagoria.
Tinted Vase.
KTR.
p.
81,
many-coloured vases in the form of
made
decorated with rehefs also approved of vases actually
f.
no.
J.
human figures and beasts or monsters, and these, also beautifully coloured, are rather a speciality of South Russia, although they do occur elsewhere. Particularly beautiful specimens are a Sphinx and an Aphrodite Anadyomene,
mid Aphrodite
Sp/ii?ix
§7]
Vases
345
in a tomb near Phanagoria'. The former (f 250) has preserved colours speciall)- well tht; handle and mouth of the vessel an,- the ordinary black the Sphinx herself wears a red diadem with gilt (lowers, gilt also are her hair and necklaces with touches on wini^s and tail these last are white with blue streaks blue also are her eyes her body is a warm white, shadint^ up from her breast to tht- dclicalc Hush of her face the base is red and blue.
both found its
:
;
:
:
:
:
Fig. 251.
Phaiiagoria.
Tinted Vase = CA'. 1870-71, 1. 3. sent me hs Mr J. I. Smirnov.
From a photograph kindly \.
feet it is adorned with white palmettes on a red ground. a pity that this vase is not published in colours before it fades, as it The Aphrodite must do in spite of the great care taken to shield it. She is (Fig. 251) is in much the same style l)ut not so well preserved.
and between the It
is
CR. 1870-1, I. I, 2 and 3, ,\ = KTR. pp. 81, 82, „ Rayet et ...-^w-, Colli^non, — .. no. III ... -, ff. >^, 271, pp. 273, -/ I-J-. -/J, v^wirt,, <,r-..i., ^ ^ ^ . y" VVincki'lmannsfcst '
.4. ff.
.
104,
.
; ,
103;
G. Treu,
— XXX
,
pro_^ramm, ''Griechische Thongefrisse und Busten-form," Berlin, 1875, PI. Froehner, Collection Tyszkieivics,
M.
in Statuetten-
PI.
i.
5
;
XLi.
cf \V. I
am
indebted to the late Mr Kieseritzky for shewing me For the types of this class of vase, these figures. \. Die Antiken Terniko/Un, hernusii. v. R. Kekuk^ von Stradonitz Bd HI. 1,2," Die Typen der figiirlichen Tcrrakotten," bearb. v. F. Winter, Berlin 2, p. 158. 2, p. 203. 3, 41903, I, p. 228. 6 ;
;
44
Ceramics
Greek Art,
346
[ch. xi
shell, white without and red within. The same idea of a figure made into type is common in terra-cottas*. a vase is less well carried out in the Dancer Vase^ from the Pavlovskij Barrow a little to the south of Kerch. Another such vase represents a Siren, but the mixture of woman, bird and fish is clumsily managedl whole series of vases somewhat similar in conception and in colouring was found in 1852, likewise by Phanagoria, but they differ in that they have One presents a winged dancer with the form of upright human figures. castanets standing by an altar each of the next two, a girl without wings The back in each case has the the last, a young man, perhaps Dionysus. black or brown of an ordinary vase, and the neck projects above the figure's head. The colouring may have faded from these, the flesh tints have not Still less delicate in colour is a group of the delicacy of the former vases". a goddess riding upon a goat^ and a charming vase from Kerch at Odessa' relies entirely upon modelling for its effect. In quite a different style are vases made in the form of a Silenus reclining on a wineskin^ or leaning against itl Another vase from Olbia takes the shape of a female bust" and brings us to a whole class of vases in the form of heads"' from the Quarantine road at Kerch", from Chersonese'"', and from Olbia heads of a Maenad, Silenus, Pan, a negro, a child and women". Another form of head-cup furnished with handles comes from Kerch". Cups shaped like a horse's head occur at Kerch " and Olbia'", also a boar's head at Olbia'". Whole animals are specially common there the earliest is a blackfigured askos in the shape of a bird'* a bull'", many rams^", a dog"', a lion*'' and a cock^'', made in fine red clay. Mr Vogell'" had replicas of pretty well all these types and more, a crouching negro, swine, hedgehog, ape, etc. They mostly belong to about the iind century B.C. Similar examples from Kerch are an eagle'-^ a wolP^ a nondescript animal with an old man's head^^, and an elephant^^ Some also come in Scythic graves (v. supra p. 232, n. 5). Rhyta in the form of human or animal heads have in them something of the same idea, and besides the well-known silver examples clay specimens occur at Kerch^.
coming out between two valves of a
The
A
:
:
—
—
'
CR. 1870-71, pp.
2
KTR.
costume
p. 192,
see
E.
f.
S.
xxviii.
PI.
^
CR. 1870-71, PI. I. ABC. Lxx. 1—8;
156*
Reinach, La xxxi. and
3,
'3 Arch. Anz. 1908, 36; CR. 1897, p. 80, 6i Od. Mt^s. u. xu. i, 2-
cf.
Kekuld-Winter
in.
ABC.
LXXI.
4,
4a;
cf.
Treu, op. (v. p.
•*
cit.
363
II.
5.
n. i),
xii. 4. '
ib. II. xii. 2.
8
.5C^. XXXIII. p. CR. 1900, p. 8, f.
9
The
132,
f.
56.
'
;
earliest
>2
CR. 1891,
p.
149,
f.
183.
1*
ib. xiii. 2.
i«
op.
cit.
I.
1910, p. 235, ff. 60, p.
362,
ib. x.
16
i.
xvii. 4.
'^
CR.
'^
Arch. Anz. 1909,
24
Samml.
Nos. 523
1902, p. 27,
ff.
early,
— 541,
45.
f.
Nos. 45, 46,
PI. viii.
25
Qd. Mus.
26
jiBc. LXXI. CR. 1906, p.
27
f.
Heracles.
19;
p. 175, f. 40; Tritons, ib. 1910, p. 214, f. 14. i9 Od. Miis. 1. xvii. 2. '^^ op. cit. 11. xvi. 3, 4; Arch. Anz. 1891, p. 19, ^1 ibid. f. 13. CR. 1902, p. II, f. 14. f. 4; ^2 Drevtiosti, XV. ii. p. 11, f. 10, v. p. 420. 23 ^'Cyi. VIII. p. 54, f. 55.
16.
example of this idea is from Berezan, ahelmeted head of "Rhodian" ware, ^rr/z. Anz. 1908, p. 180, f. 14. " CR. 1900, p. 27, i. 64; 1905, p. 66, 86= Arch. Anz. 1907, p. 141, ff. 11, 12, a fine head of i**
f.
195; 1904, p. 40, For glass heads v.
f.
n. 3.
2,
7-
186,
p.
f.
6.
Kekul^-Winter in. 2, p. 197. i. Odessa Museum, Terra-cottas I-
:
393. ^
p.
and
Pettier
Necropole dc Myriiia, p.
161, 170, 177, 181, 197. III. I for the
5,
182 = C/?. 1859,
11.
i
—
PI.
2,
6
;
later,
xvi. 2. 5,
86,
5a. f.
95
;
^rtv^.
^w^.
i, 2.
28
Arch. Anz. 1910,
p.
29
Od. Mus.
i, 3.
II.
I.
18.
xiii.
214,
f.
13.
1907, p. 130,
§
Figure
?]
and
A7ii7nal Vases.
panitcd Style
L,ate
34.7
Late Painted and Distempered Vases. But the
plastic feeling did not suddenly destroy the taste for painting. red-figured technique survived longest in little aryballi with women's heads or palmettes hastily touched in (e.g. f. 252)', or else in various vases
The
which seem to have been imported from South Italy. In one grave at Kerch* we have one of the ordinary plates with fishes and a squid for decoration and a lecane of the same style, and from Chersonese a fish [)late'. Pieces of Italian ware have been sold as from Olbia, but their provenance is not certain there were, however, many specimens in the Vogell collection, an Apulian " Prachtamphora," pelicae, craters, jugs and fish plates*. To the latter part of the i\ th century belong the Panathenaic vases that have been found at Kerch': their technique is black-figured, but their style rather an earlier one was found at Nymphaeum readily betrays their date and is in the possession of Mr A. V. Novikov. Another, from Olbia (?), was ;
:
Fig. 252.
Late Vase from Olbia.
CR.
1901, p.
lo,
f.
I2^
\.
the Vogell collection". It is interesting to think that Greeks from these towns won prizes at the Panathenaea. Something similar is a prize vase with pictures of a horseman and of a quadriga in the old black-figured technique; it was found by Pharmacovskij at Olbia", and there are other such in the Odessa Museum. There is nothing so far to shew at what contest The subsidiary decoration seems to be in the Hellenistic they were awarded. in
distant
manner.
When
moulded ware took the place of painted in most parts of the Greek world, the Pontic Greeks seem to have wished to continue the custom of Accordingly, since the supply of depositing painted vases with their dead. Attic vases had ceased, they endeavoured to provide a substitute, and produced Such vases a kind of vase which has never been found south of the Euxine. are of a badly prepared clay and have thick sides so that they weigh three times as much as good Greek vases, and their surface could never be brought This clay was .sometimes coloured black, to the smoothness of the old ware. 1
2 3 *
MacPherson, PI. vni. CR. 1862, CR. 1902, p. 54, ff. 94, 95. CR. 1903, p. 32, f. 34. Samml. Nos. 546—574, PI. IV. V. Cf.
11.
1—40.
^
CR.
^
Samml. Xo.
^
CR. 1901, pp.
1876,
l.
pp.
5
108, 10,
— 108; f.
1881, p. 127 sqq.
6 and
II,
f.
Fl. iv. 5.
13.
44—2
Greek Art.
348
Ceramics
[ch. xi
To this ground they applied their left its natural dirty yellow. painting in something of the nature of tempera, but they did not know how to fix the colours, which accordingly brush off very easily, and it is rare to find a The best according to von Stern is at Berlin the well-preserved specimen. examples at Odessa, one of which comes from Olbia (hitherto these have been found at Kerch only), have but single figures left, yet the Hermitage is not Upon another (f. 253) we without fair pieces, reproduced by Stephani'. have a combat of a Greek with an Amazon. The Greek has reddish brown flesh with high lights, a red chiton, blue scarf, whites to his eyes and black pupils, a bluey white shield, a brown helmet and spear and a red plume: the
sometimes
;
Fig. 253.
Distemper Vase.
CR. 1878-9,
Kerch.
PI.
i.
5.
J-.
painted with a blue helmet, yellow flesh, brown chiton, red scarf and a bluey white shield with a gorgoneion in the centre. Another good vase of the It is not the drawing kind is represented on the Frontispiece of CR. 1863'-. or colouring that is so bad in this curious class of vase as the technical side, the knowledge how to prepare clay, make a pot and apply colours so that they There can be no doubt that they were made on the shall stand properly. Euxine, probably at Kerch, in spite of one being found at north coast of the Olbia, and this shews that the Panticapaeans had a fair share of skill in drawing, and raises the question whether we must really put down most of the artistic objects found in South Russia as foreign importations. have seen (p. 339) that even Milesian vases found their way up into the interior of the country. The Attic vases are naturally of far more frequent Early examples are a black-figured cylix from occurrence (p. 82, n. 4). Gorobinets' and a white le'cythus with black patterns from near Shpola^ later a red-figured aryballus and crater from Bobritsa', a fine crater with Europa and the Bull from Galushchino", another crater from near Kanev in Kiev
Amazon
is
We
:
7
1 CR. 1874, PI. II. 5, 6, black clay, a garland; and 8, natural coloured clay, two Sirens and a
tripod, V. Text, p. 42 sqq. -
KTR.
^
J>CA. XX.
p. 72,
f.
p. 7,
95. f.
7.
Sinela, ii. viii. i, p. 117. Sin. III. xx. 5, 6. " Khanenko, Aiitiquites de Dniepn; ii. 2. xxxvi. No. 809. *
'•'
la
Regioii
du
§7] Distempered and P/astic
Fases. Vases in
Native Ha7ids 349
University Museum, a careless cylix with a dedication from Zhurovka (pp. 176 and 361), and a number of pieces of mere black-i^lazed pottery the care with which they are mended shews how much they were vakied. All these places are in the Government of Kiev, but there are plenty of Greek pots from Poltava, Ekaterinoslav and the Kuban\ ;
Plastic Decoration.
While the belated distemper- vases were being i)ut in graves by those who regarded old customs, plastic decoration became more and more usual for vases used by the living. After becoming hasty in order to be cheap, and gaudy in order to be attractive, vase painting gave up the struggle and yielded to various wares which could receive rich ornament from a mould without the labour involved in hand-painting. A last survival of painting was a practice of putting a wreath round a vessel's neck or a kind of necklace in white paint, giving almost an effect of relief. This was often done in local work, which is betrayed by the poor quality of its glaze. There is a large amphora of such work in the Museum at Chersonese. Better work, probably imported, recalls the style associated with Gnathia in Apulia-. The main cause of the change of fashion was that the wealthy classes in the Hellenistic states had now
CR. 1901,
Fio. 254.
found
in
p.
12,
f.
17.
Scythic tombs
(v.
Cantharos, Olbia. \. Such are p. 82), e.g. Chertomlyk.
within their reach great masses of gold and silver, some of which they applied to the making of plate, and Toreutic became a far more important art than it had been. The common people who could not afford these precious materials could at least copy the metal forms in clay, an imitation which at its best produced some undeniably elegant pots, but when coarsened to suit common clay and poor workmanship led to a loss of that adaptation of form to material
which makes quite rude work satisfactory. Vessels which shew this imitation of metal work specially clearly are similar to those which, when found in Italy, are called Cales ware^ They are characterized by the use of medallions {eniblemata) as ornaments whether pp. 165, 182, 228 n. 2; von .Stern, Tratis. Od.
'
"The
action of Ancient Civilization on the region outside the range of the Colonies on the Euxine Coast," ci. Kiio, IX. p. 141. ^ Rayet et Collignon, p. 328; ABC. XLVn. 4, 5 Vogell, No. 572, PI. V. 4; R. Pagenstecher, Arch. .S'
xxni.
.l/zV/zz/cj, p.
1
1,
;
Anz. ^
1909, p.
I.
Pharniacovskij,
BCA.
il.
p.
73,
"A
fragment
A
of a cup from Olbia adorned with a relief" perfect example from Olbia, BCA. XUI. p. 164, f. 114; Rayet et Collignon, p. 348. H. Dragendorff in Ihnincr Jahrbiklier, xcvi. xcvii. (1895), "Terra .Sigillata,"
pp.
23— 26f
;
Arch. Anz. 1910,
p.
213,
R. Pagenstecher, Jahrb. d. 35 k. d. Aixh. Just. Erg. heft VUI. (1909), "Die calenische Reliefkeramite," pp. 12, 120, PI. i\'. ff.
11,
12, p. 235,
f.
;
Greek Art.
350
Cieramies
[
CH. XI
the bottoms of cups or into the sides of larger vessels. Exactly similar In plate their use medallions are used in the silver plate that has survived. times, so the Bosco Reale Roman that on into began in Hellenistic and went Such medallion parallels. a in silver perfect and Hildesheim treasures offer was at Chersonese found a whole series has actually been found at 01bia\ and That these Olbian of moulds apparently made from such metallic originals^ clay pots were not imported from Cales is shewn by the fact that they are closer to the metallic originals and finer in their workmanship than the Italian curious trace The fashion probably spread from Asia Minor. examples. of the making of pottery at Chersonese is a kind of triangle with a pyramid on each point, itself made of clay, and used to keep apart the different shallow vessels in a pile while they were being baked in the kilnl let into
A
Fig. 255.
CR. 1896,
Felice.
The
p. 208,
Olbia.
f.
Fig. 256.
594.
CR. 1901,
Cylix.
^.
Olbia.
p. 13,
f.
20.
\.
work is further shewn in a growing tendency to flute the handles very thin, often to imitate in clay the methods of riveting a metal handle to its body, and in general to apply a style of ornament more suited to repousse work. At the same time the varnish gets less and less beautiful instead of the hard black smooth varnish of former times, it is brownish or greyish with metallic lights and unevenly put on. This kind of stuff is well represented and fully illustrated in Pharmacovskij's account of his excavations in Olbia in 1901*. The question of Hellenistic pottery and the transition from the characteristic black varnish and painted style of classical Greek times to the red varnish and plastic style of typical Roman ware has received much illustration from excavations near the west end of the Athenian acropolisl Evidently the influence of metal
vessels, to
make
;
1
Pharmacovskij,
2
V. p.
365.
f.
265.
RCA. il. p. 75, 2. W. K. Malmberg, Mat. f.
VII.
"Antiquities from Chersonese," PI. I. i, 2, 3, II. 4, some were taken from mirror 5, 6, thinks that boxes, but Pharmacovskij's view seems more probable. For examples of such medallions from Egypt, rather later in date, v. LVIII'" Winckelmannsfestprograinm, E. Pernice, " Hellenistische
Silbergefasse im Antiquarium," Berlin. 1898, PI. il. lV.;andC.Waldstein///6'. III. (i882),p. 96, PI. XXII. 3 *
BCA. BCA.
p. 44, f. 41VIII. pp. 33—40,
I.
—
fif.
16—38;
Vogell,
Savunl. Nos. 296 388, PI. VI. Some at Munich, Jahrb. d. k. d. Arch. Inst. 1910, pp. 58, 59, f. 12. Ath. Mitt. XXVI. (1901), pp. 50—102, C. Watzinger, "Vasenfunde aus Athen." ''
*
Vases
lielle?iistic
§7]
351
new-fashioned vases were made even
in Athens, and they correspond fairly South Russia', hut the change of fashion seems from Asia Minor, which had led the way in the metallic originals.
closely to the various types from
have come in Watzinger points out very clearly how a set of silver vessels such as the cantharos, cylix, jug and standing saucer found in a tomb on the Quarantine Road at Kerch", or those in Artjukhov's Barrow^ can be paralleled in clay. Both these tombs contained a coin of Lysimachus, in the latter case one coined in Byzantium shortly after his death in B.C. 281, shewing that the burials belong So Watzinger gets dates for the to about the middle of the century. potsherds, comparing ABC. xxxviii. 5 with the Calenian style, xxxviii. with the inscribed canthari, CR. 1880, p. 19 with the cups upon which raised decoration is just beginning, and ABC. xxxvii. 5 or xxxviii. 3 with those To this transitional wares upon which the plastic principle has triumphed. period, or some half century later, belong vases with a light surface and to
i
In this style are jugs with decoration in red or brown rather carefully put on. sketches of objects, e.g. one from Kerch with a jug like itself, an amphora, a The most extraordinary example of a basket, a lyre, a harp and pan-pipes\ It is like a candlestick metal shape in clay is a kind of stand from Olbia. with a disproportionately large sconce, from the underside of which hang loose A fragment of a similar one rings: the whole is supported by high claw feet. It is wonderful that pottery should have been was found at Chersonese. strong enough to hold together in such a shape^
Megarian Bowls.
One
of ware with rather rich ornament in relief is that most commonly represented by the small hemispherical or shallow cups called Megarian bowls". The Russian dealers call them Jerniolki, skull-caps, which A cup of has the advantage of not begging the question of their origin. similar shape in silver occurred in Karagodeuashkh Barrow, but it may be of These cups are dark grey, brown or barbaric make and it lacks decoration ^ They were formed in moulds, themalmost black, and have a dull surface. selves covered with patterns by means of stamps in relief, and the makers shewed much ingenuity in adapting the same moulds to the production of various-shaped vessels by adding bases, necks and handles to the fundamental class
Watzinger's pelice, op. cit. PI. HI., is like Olbian CR. 1900, p. 6, f. 5 1901, p. 14, f. 23 f. 255 Vogeil, Nos. 302— 306, PI. VII. 16 19: others, from Kerch, y4«//rf//<^/^//' ///.f//////^, 1840, PI. C 4 (^Ashik's report of excavations) and from Artjukhov's Barrow
^
'
pelicae,
(v. p.
;
;
430),
;
—
CR. 1880,
p.
14
and extra
plate, 4, 5. is like cylices
His cantharos (op. cit. p. 74, f. 18 n. i) from Olbia, f 256, inscribed 4>IAIAi; Arch. Ans. 1891, p. 19,
2,
f.
AIONYZOY,
— 340,
f canthari
14,
f.
A0HNAC, 334,
PI. VI.
CR.
Yfi El AS 13,
I,
3,
1896, p. 80, ;
f.
^illi^
Vogeil, Nos. 334
9, 7, II, 15 vi. 31, with
and
tiie
similar Nos. 313, 314, PI. and A0POAITHI; inscriptionsandalso cf. Trans. Od. Soc. XXIII. p. 23: Watzinger's saucer, p. 80, No. 29, islike^rir/;. ^W3-. 1910, p. 211, ff. 9, 10. 2 V. p. 384, ABC. Reinach, p. 20, xxxvii. 5, XXXVIII. I, 3, 4, 5; Amtali deir Institute, 1840,
AWPON
p.
13.
Qf^ \ZZo, pp.
v. p.
431,
*
CR.
p.
138,
321. 1906, p. 8,
ff.
9;
Vogeil, No. 389, *>
"
17, 22, PI.
8,
9
;
cf.
\oZ = Arch. Am. 1907, f. one with wreaths and pots,
PI.
v.
90,
BCA.
XX. p. 26, Dragendorff, op.
17,
cit. p. :
Reliefgefasse
lenistische
and
illustrates
cf.
p.
353
n.
6.
9.
f.
biicher, CI. (1897), p. 142 deutschcn Archdol. Inst.
scribes
H. 19, 20, 21, IV.
f.
Bonner Jahr-
28 sqq.:
R. Zahn, Jahrb. 1908, pp.
d. kais.
45—77, "Hel-
aus
some
Siidrussland," de35 examples from the
Vogeil Coll., cf. Vogeil, Saminl. Nos. 245—295, others 12 mostly figured on p. 28 and PI. vil. i
—
illustrated in
ABC.
CR. 1876, ^ Mat.
185; 1899,
p.
XLVii. p.
i, 2,
7, 8,
:
XLViii.
8— 10;
124,^235.
XIII. p. 43, f. 8, cf. the gold GraecoBactrian (.>) bowl from Transcaucasia, Smirnov, Argenterie Orientate, vii. 20 = A'7"A'. p. 449, f. 393.
Ceramics
Greek Art.
352
[CH. XI
The conditions of extracting the moulded vessel determined the In any case, the manufacture seems shapes that this process could produce. to have been carried on somewhere in Central Greece, Dragendorff says Chalcis, whereas von Stern points out that the attribution to Megara, which is now universally discredited, rested for a while on much the same evidence as that which now points to Chalcis: nothing short of the discovery of an actual potter's workshop with broken moulds and pots of this make can really settle the question. In any case, the same firm sent identical bowls to Vulci and Panticapaeum. But undoubtedly there were imitators on the spot. Zahn makes out that only his Nos. i and 2 were made in Greece, but no doubt the moulds for others came from abroad, as his Nos. 4 and 5 are of native clay but identical with examples from Montefiascone and Megara. bowl*.
CR: 1901, p. 15, f. 26, identical with Vogell, No. 288, Zahn, 6. " Megarian bowl." Olbia. |.
Fig. 257.
Fig. 258.
CR. 1900, bowl."
p.
12,
Olbia.
f.
24.
"Megarian
S.
Demetrius" and Menemachus are well-known names in this trade, but they may have worked in Greece Menemachus ware occurs in Italy*. But the stamps for pots with the strange word KIP BEI must have been made on the Euxine, for only in this region do we find genitives in -et from nominatives in -et? according to some native declension ^ and in one of the Pontic colonies there must have been a potter with the barbarous name Kt/o^eis. These bowls and '
;
1
Pelicae thus
made Zahn, Nos.
28,
29
;
CR.
a jug, Zahn, No. 32 ; handled 1903, p. 157, f. 315 cups, Nos. 30, 31 a deep vase on a foot with several bands of ornament, von Stern, BCA. III. ;
;
PP'^
93— ''3i fle.g. BCA.
XIV. XV.
p. 31, f. 24, Chersonese. Malniberg, Mat. vii. p. 27. Dragendorff, xcvi. p. 27. I.
^ ^
^
e.g.
rdo-Tfts
gen.
rdorfi
in
losPE.
403 and many others: v. BCA. iv. p. 141, B. B. Latyshev, " On the question of ancient pottery with the inscription KIP BEI": Zahn. p. 49, points out that the letters come round the head of a bust like that of Tyche (Demeter?) on Olbian coins (PI. III. 3 and its degradation ill. 27), but his pictures, on pp. 55, 56, 60, 61, 67 or Arch. Anz. 1910, p. 234, f. 34, do not establish an identity of type for the grammatical form he compares Driric genitives in -a. :
11.
267,
§7] Megariafi Bowls.
Italian
and
AIexa7tdria7i hnpoj-ts
353
their like are placed in the iiirtl and early iind century \\x. Von Stern (I.e.) suggests that they are the Vasa Samia, a name that has long been familiar and used to be apjDlied to the bright red Arretine ware. He argues that there was an important class of what we should term llellenistic ware called after Samos, and that the affinities of the compositions reproduced on " Megarian " ware are rather with Asia than lun'ope, so that Sanios would suit as the place of its manufacture. Closely connected in technique is this same Arretine ware. The chief difference is caused by the discovery that more intense baking produced a harder substance antl a uniform bright red colour much more attractive than the dull surface of the " Megarian" ware. This discovery was probably made in some Greek country' but Arretium became a great centre of the industry, and imitations were made in France, Ciermany, and even Britain. That products of the Italian factories were exported as far as South Russia is proved by the stamps of Roman makers, both in Latin and Greek letters (e.g. and rAIOT'), from Olbia, and I have myself a broken lamp from Chersonese with Latin letters upon it'. This ware is the first witness of the intercourse with Italy and Rome, which ended in the Roman i)rotectorate over Olbia^ and Chersonese and suzerainty over the Bosporus. ;
CCELLVM
Alexandrian Vases, Painted and Glazed. Vases were imported not only from Greece and Italy, but also from Alexandria, whose artistic influence we have already seen in the frescoes of tombs. One class said to have come from there is that of vases on which the body has been covered all over with white to receive painting in red, pink, yellow and black'. Ornament consisted e.g. in a bay garland of alternate red and black leaves about the neck, on the shoulders another of various coloured leaves upon a black ground, and on the body a panther and a These vases seem mostly round medallion which has lost its decoration. amphorae, sometimes put upon most curious stands". The same white ground and bright-coloured decoration distinguishes a But in this case there is the unique amphora found at Olbia in 1901'. addition of plastic decoration which marks the vase as belonging to the imd century. Body and base were of the ordinary late varnish, only marked by fluting and by as it were a whorl of sepals above the base. Shoulders and handles were covered with white, and the latter adorned with masks with gilt diadems and brown hair, and the former with elaborate patterns of acanthus and vine in relief, coloured pink and blue and gold. Upon the neck were figure subjects. The intermediate steps were well represented the Vogell Coll. Nos. 438 518, ff. 30, 31 and on '
in
—
p. 48, PI. ff.
2
— 12.
cf-
Dragendorff, xcvi.
Cf.
BCA.
CR. 1900, pp. II, 12, 396, PI. V. 8, 12.
p. 88,
cit. p.
73,
a late cup with OYIAI2 565 a lamp with MAP-
1896, p. 185, f. with two gladiators,
CR. 1892,
p. 25,
20 from Kerch a saucer with POY OY, Trans. Od. Soc. xxill. p. 29, and C. CORV. S. on a lamp, ;
M.
ff.
CR. 1906,
27—29.
p. 35,
f.
22; \'ogell, Xos. 395,
Aiiier. Journ. of Archaeology., i. (1885), A. C. Merriam, " Inscribed Sepulchral vases from Alexandria,'' PI. i. No. i ib. 1909, R. Pagenstecher, p. 387. ^ ff. 259—261, BCA. VIII. p. 31 and PI. Ml. The vase is to be published in colours in Materials. "
Zahn, op.
= \^ilis; CR. KOY and one f.
Inscr. I.xvi. Reinach, p. 135. \'ery good specimens from Olbia,
p. 96,
p. 57.
'
^
'"
Trans. Od. Soc. xxn. Minutes,
2
XVI.
vn. 20-33,
ABC.
Cf.
p. 18,
:
45
Ceramics
Greek Art.
354
CH. XI
From Alexandria
too comes, at a still later date, a class of vases to It is distinguished from all which much attention has been drawn of late*. other ancient pottery by being covered with a metallic glaze somewhat similar The best Russian specimen, published in composition to modern lead glaze'.
Sl.^^i'V.^J^''*' "-1^
Figs. 259, 260.
/>'('./.
\iii.
*'•'*
PI.
m.
Olbia.
above,
Dark v.
p.
glaze below, white ground, gilt and coloured ^.
353.
by Schwartz', was found at Olbia in 1891. It is of red clay covered with green glaze, and is more or less the shape of an inverted bell or a brass mortar ^ furnished with a handle made up of two snakes intertwined. Round ' Drcvnosti, i.e. Trans, of Moscow Aixhaeolog. Soc, Vol. XV. Pt II. 1894, p. 14, PI. II. IV. A. N. Schwartz " With regard to a vase with representations in relief found at Parutino (Olbia) " Trans. Od. Soc. Vol. XXII. p. 22, PI. I. II. E. von Stern, "Ancient glazed Pottery in South Russia"; Phar;
macovskij,
BCA.
vi.ii.
p.
50; Dragendorff, CI. p.
144, p.
ff.
76
5
— 13;
further literature ap. Zahn, op.
cit.
n. 33.
^ Cf Rayet et Collignon, op. cit. p. 372, f. 139, Berenice vase. ^ See also von Stern, loc. cit., Pi. I. i and i a. * Cf. a silver original from Bosco Reale, Monu-
iiu'?i/s
Plot, V. PI. VII. VIII.
Metallic Glaze
Alexa?idria?i JVare.
§7] the base go
three
tori
Above
355
and a pattern of oves and lotuses very hastily
the figure subject, also roughly but cleverly of the Judgement of Paris, in which Hermes and Paris are in the usual attitude, but treated in the comic style, and the three goddesses are represented by sketches of three low-class Alexandrians who are not distinguished by any particular attributes. Hera is giving Athena a slap in the face, and preparing the insulting gesture dudcrvpfia Athena has started back from her and is making the usual sign to ward off the effect of bad language. Aphrodite is also giving way before Hera's fury, and holds what seems to be a flower before her face. The whole is a irood instance of the boldness with which the Greeks caricatured their gods. In the same tomb was found another example of the same technique, now in the possession indicated.
modelled
—a
this
is
caricature
;
Fig. 261.
BCA.
viii.
PI.
ni.
Upper
part of the
same
vase,
l-
Mr
Pierpont Morgan (Fig. 262)', whom I heartily thank for allowing me photograph. In form it is an oenochoe, about 7 inches high, with the usual trefoil lip round the neck is the same adaptation of oves as on the last vase at the settincr on of the handle is a mask, with horns rather larjje for a Silenus and rather small for a Zeus Ammon. On the body of the jug are three skeletons wearing conical hats the middle one has also a necklace they seem to be dancing some obscene dance between them are ravens the whole is covered with a brownish green glaze. The skeletons recall the Bosco Reale cups, to which reference has been made. The imitation of metal originals is unusually clear in this ewer. Everything joins to put of
to take the
;
;
;
;
;
;
has been lent to S. Kensington since Dec I there recognised that it must be by the same hand. The investigations of Professor von Stern {Trans. Otf. Soc. XXvn. pp. 87 100 "A '
It
1905 and
—
Tomb-find made at Olbia in 1891 ") have shewn that it is from the same tomb, for an account of which v. inf p. 420.
45—2
Greek Art.
356
Ceramics
[CH. XI
tomb at about lOO a.d. Mr Vogell sent me a fragment which Its glaze is cream coloured. must have come from a replica of this oenochoe. Another example of the same ware comes from Kerch, and is in Its glaze is brown, but the heads I. K. Suruchan's Museum at Kishinev.
the date of the
of the figures are inserted in some white material. The subject is the flight of Iphigenia, twice repeated with slight variations'. It is argued from this that the Alexandrian maker consciously designed this and all from the same
Fig. 262.
Ju
PP-
355, 420.
mould
for the Pontic market, hence that the trade between these points was really worth special consideration. This may have been it is quite possible that the maker of the vase had no such idea, and being found upon the Euxine is due to chance or to the choice
exporter. In the
Odessa Museum 1
is
another piece with figures
von Stern, Trans. Od. Soc. xxii.
PI.
i.
2.
;
it
distant so,
that
but its
of the
comes from
Metallic Glaze.
§7] On
Ware
Byzantifie
357
we have
repeated more than once,
the battle of Cranes and mould and applied to the The vessel after baking, but before it was covered with its yellow glaze. A replica of it in the vase is too much broken to judge of its exact form. Vogell collection'- shews it to have been like a teacup with two handles. porringer from Olbia, also at Odessa, has a kind of cornice and a row of oves, from which droop four swags, two encircling the handles and two All this was made in a mould, save enclosing with their arcs pairs of Erotes. The work is very rough indeed, that the Erotes were added in plaster. Olbia'.
it,
The groups were formed
Pygmies.
in
plaster in a
A
but the design good''. Other pots made after the same fashion (f. 263)* have no figured adornment but simple patterns mostly made with dabs of slip of different colour applied before the glazing: they all have a curiously modern appearance and do not at all suggest ancient work, but their genuineness is universally Their technique seems to go back to some of the glazing acknowledged. processes of ancient Egypt, and such vases from Egypt are in S. Kensington
Museum.
Fig. 263.
CR.
1901, p.
16,
f.
32.
Olbia.
Decoration en barl>otim\ Metallic Glaze,
jj.
It leads on by such specimens as have been found in Chersonese and Theodosia' to the Byzantine glazed vessels and ceramic ornament, and so to all the faiences of the nearer East and the Mediaeval West. A similar glaze applied to a different material is exemplified by the fragments of a vase of the so-called Egyptian porcelain, so far unique in South Russia, found by Pharmacovskij in the vault of Heuresibius at Olbia; it too comes from
Alexandria". von .Stern, loc. cit. U. i. No. 520, Zahn, loc. cit. No. 37. ^ von Stern, loc. cit. for a similar p. 50, f. design in silver, cf. ABC. xxxvii. i. • von Stern, op. cit., PI. \\. 2 (Kerch), 3 and p. 53, f. 2: Pharmacovskij, Olbia, BCA. vni. pp. 50, 51, ff. 50, 51 CR. 1905, p. 13, f. 12 Vogell, No. 521, PI. '
2
i
;
;
;
VII. 14. ^
CR.
p. 166,
f.
1895, pp.
532
;
3, 4,
p. 199,
ff.
92,
ff.
2—4,
578, 579
;
237, 238 1899, p. I !0,
;
1896, fif. 220,
221
;
pp.
2,1,
p. i^, ff. 59, 61 1903, 1906, p. 79, f- 7S; cf. N. P. /v'«jj/V«« Hoards, St P. 1896, pp. 36 42,
1901, p. 49, ff.
34,
Kondakov,
—
f.
98; 1902,
;
37—39;
—
Bock, " Poteries vernissdes du Caucase et de la Crimde." Mi'moires de la Sociitc nalionale des Atitiquaires de France, LVI. ff.
9
17,
23;
W. de
Paris, 1897, pp. 193—254; Tolstoi and Kondakov, Russian Antiquities, Vol., V. St P. 1897, p. 28 von VIII. Stern, Theodosia, p. 52 sqq. and PI. vi
—
»
BCA.
III. p.
12,
f.
4.
;
Ceramics
Greek Art.
358
[
CH. XI
Clay Lamps. Besides the vases of innumerable shapes clay was used to make lamps Illustrations of such are scattered through the pages of great variety. reports of the excavations at Olbia, Chersonese and on the Bosporus, but very little has been done towards examining the types prevalent at different times'. Lamps with the old black glaze are comparatively infrequent. The oldest commonest are is that with a vith zftx\X.\xxy graffito from Berezan (v. p. 361) those in ware similar to the Arretine vases and their imitations. They are made also in a kind of dull black ware. Besides the familiar type like a double-bottomed saucer with a handle on one side and the projection for the wick on the other, we have them ingeniously arranged for three or four wicks. In general their forms are just alike over the whole of the ancient world, and the decoration impressed upon the round saucer part is the last stage in the vulgarization of familiar types. lamp that does call for notice is one from Olbia in the form of a negroid Silenus sitting doubled up and leaning against an amphora. The whole is cleverly adapted for a lamp, the neck of the amphora doing well for Pharmacovskij pouring in the oil and the wick coming out at its shoulder". compares a figure of an old woman from Scyros she is hugging an amphora, and so forms a small vase' and likewise a little vase from Olbia with Silenus on a wineskin^ The style points to the iind century B.C. and recalls the later Pergamene school with its love of barbarian types. Another unusual lamp from Olbia is in the form of a sandalled foot^ But generally there is just a rosette with a hole in the middle, or a poor reproduction of the most commonplace ancient motives^ With lamps go lampstands. The most curious of these is one from Olbia in the British Museum^ It has the shape of a four-pillared shrine upon a high base in the front is a niche in which stands the figure of an actor in a woman's part. The stand supports a moveable bowl and the lamp was for warming food in this, not for giving light. in
;
A
;
;
:
Amphorae. Rather apart from other ceramic remains come the large amphorae in which wine was kept and exportedl A small proportion of these bear stamps, '
A
(1908), pp.
Priene, 2 3
n.
133—176:
cf.
W. Deonna, BCH. Wiegand-Schrader,
449 sqq.
p.
BCA.
yiu.
'ApxawXnycKTj,
;
CR. 1901,
1
89 1,
p.
1
p. 14,
f.
25.
fjifdvova-rjs,
45, PI. X.
Odessa Museum, Terra-cottas
xii.
(v. p.
363, n.
i),
2.
CR. 1901, p. 14, f. 24, cf CR. 1894, p. 100, 174 for one in the form of a boar's head, v. CR. ^
f.
;
1896, p. 81, "
i.
335.
Nevertheless they have been very fully
trated: cf
f. 226; p. 117, ff. 229—231; 234, on a stand; p. 128, ff. 248-9; 1899, 1901, p. 135, f. 238 p. 7, f. 8 1900, p. 6, ff. BCA. iv. p. 85, f. 34 1903, pp. 27, 42, ff. 23, 57 103, I04, ft. 138, 139. p. I02, f. 51 ; KTR. pp. f.
1897, p. 114,
565;
p. 119,
f.
;
p. 47, PI. IV.
R. Weisshaupl, Uajjao-Taaei? ypaias
'E
*
from Delos,
fine series
XXXU.
MacPherson, Kertch
PI. vii.
CR.
illus-
1891, p. 143, f. 161; 1892, pp. 23-5, ff. 16—21; 1895, f. p. 106, 256; pp. 108-9, ff- 261—266; p. Ill, f. 271; p. 115, f 288; 1896, p 182, f 561; p. 185, :
6—9
;
;
;
;
These are mostly from Chersonese, some from Kerch, as also Od. Mus. I. x. 5, n. xviii. 12 from ;
Olbia come those figured
ib.
CR.
ff.
1896, pp. 204, 206, 208,
i.
xvii.
i,
n. xvii.
i,
586—589, 596; 1904,
41—46, in BCA. VUI. p. 41, ff. 39, 40; 47; p. 55, f. 59; p. 57, ff. 61, 62; Vogell, Nos. 575 642 with 21 illustrations and Arch.Anz.
p. 33,
ff.
p. 47,
f.
—
1910, p. 236, f 37. 7 y//6". XXIX. (1909) p. 164,
f.
17.
Becker, Melanges Gr^co-Romains, St P. (1855) I. pp. 416—521, "Ueber die in Sudlichen 8
P.
Lamps.
§7]
Amphorae
359
monograms and inscriptions with proper names in full. The interpretation of these stamps has not been successfully attained. Mr E. M. Pridik, in the forthcoming^ X'olume in. of /osPE., is making a complete collection of them and of other inscriptions upon pottery, and we may e.xpect that he symbols,
Meanwhile it is not very be able to offer some satisfactory explanation. the subject hopeful to go into at great length. At first sight it might be supposed that the stamps have to do with the wine contained in the vessels, that they take the place of our labels, and that the name of a magistrate appearing upon the vessel was a guarantee of the authenticity of the commodity or of the vessel's containing full measure, and The at the same time among those who knew would serve as a date mark. amphorae without marks would either have contained viti ordinaire or had their distinguishing signs applied on the clay with which the opening was will
But the fact that similar stopped, or written on some part of their surface. stamps with the same names both of magistrate and of private persons occur upon tiles makes it apparent that it was a matter for the potter and the and at the same time deprives us of any authorities who supervised him intelligible explanation. Is it conceivable that the same potter making amphorae and tiles, and putting the stamps on the amphorae for certain wine producers, stamps accordingly associated with his factory, should have ;
them also to tiles' ? Whatever may have been
transferred
their use, the stamps do allow us to learn something of the wine trade among the Pontic colonies. Quite clear are those of Rhodes and Thasos, which occur in large quantities on all the Greek sites. Clear too are those of Cnidos and Faros, which are very much less Plain amphorae maybe referred to these cities by similarity of make frequent'. The difficulty arises in assigning those which bear two names or or material. even three, the third the patronymic of one of the other people in agreement or apposition to one of the names is the word aaTwo^iov or aarvvoixovvro';, very rarely dyopavofxov, with or without eVt, and this comes either at the beginning or between the names, in such a way that it is hard to distinguish who is astynomus and who potter. One class of these with the inscription in a peculiar narrow^ depression may be referred to Chersonese because of its being found in greater proportion in the neighbourhood of that city and because of the occurrence of Doric forms in the names. It is usually ;
Russland gefundenen Henkelinschriften auf Griechischen Thongefassen." J'rafis. Oef. Soc. v. p. i8 sqq.
=
Jahrhuch fiir
(Fleckeisen's)
/'/«7(r5/
"Ueber
Suppl.Bd
eine
klassischen
IV. (Leipzig, 1862). pp.
Sammlung
unedierter
451
sqc|.,
Henkelin-
schriften aus Siidlichen Russland." Tram. Od. Soc. VII. p. 3 sqq. = J- f. kl. Phil. Sup. Bd W (1869) p. 445; "Ueber eine zvveite Sammlung u.s.w." /. kl. Phil. Sup. Bd X. (1878), p. i; "Ueber eine dritte Sammlung U.S. w."; Trans. Od. Soc. XI. p. 12, "Inscriptions on handles of Creek
/
amphorae
in
the
collection
of
1.
K.
Suruchan.''
Mel. Greco-Romains, St P. (1866), il. 216, and CR. passim. D. pp. 7—26 and 206 ^lacPherson. K'ertch, Fl. x. XI. \V. N. Jurgiewicz, Trans. O^. .S"c;r. XI. p. 51 sqq. "Collections of I. I. Kuris and Odessa Soc"; ib. XV. p. 47, " Handles L. Stephani,
—
:
from near Chersonese''; ib. xviii. p. 86, "Amphorae and Tiles from Theodosia." E. von Stern, Trans. tW. .S'^r. XXii. J//////to, p. 84 xxni. p. 30. V. V. ;
Skorpil, BCA. MI. p. 122; XI. p. 19 "Ceramic Inscriptions " mostly from the north slope of Mount Mithridates at Kerch; with J. J. Marti, Ceramic Juscrr. preserved in the Melek Chesme Barrow, Kerch., Odessa, 1910. See also Latyshev, Olbia, p.
299.
For tile stamps v. Ch. C.iel, Klcine Bcitrdge zur Antiken Nuinisinatik Siidritsslands, p. 41. 2 For the special points of the Rhodian, Thasian and Cnidian amphorae (the latter are common at Athens though rare on the Euxine) v. .A. Dumont, Inscriptions Cerainiqiies de Grhc, Paris, 1872, pp. 13—15; Rayet et CoUignon, p. 360, ff. 133, 134: '
for the
wine trade from other
cities, v. inf. p. 441.
;
Greek Art.
360 without any
On
emblem \
A
coins of Chersonese.
Tower B on p. 505, By far the greater
Ceramics
[ch. xi
names appear which also mark some baking amphorae was found there by
this class
kiln
for
338. part present no special peculiarities of dialect or have sporadic Ionic forms, but are further distinguished by an emblem of a bird Emblems may often be the devices of of prey attacking a dolphin or fish. f.
and particular ones go with certain names but those which accompany various names and are common throughout a whole class of stamps evidently have to do with the city. Such are the balaustium of Rhodes and this eagle and dolphin. Unfortunately this very
particular magistrates or potters,
mark is common to the coins of several cities round the Euxine coast it seems to have belonged to Sinope first and to have been adopted thence by Istrus and Olbia, and the question arises, to which it is to be referred in this case. P. Becker wished to call amphorae with this mark Olbian and it is certain that some of them must have come from Olbia: Jurgiewicz the other chief authority of the last generation put them down to Sinope: KosciuszkoWaluzynicz follows him when treating of certain amphorae with "astynomus" :
found
at
Chersonese".
Though we have
tiles with the stamps of the Archons of Panticapaeum' and it is tempting to connect with some Spartocid Satyrus a handle found at Chersonese^ whereon one stamp had EPIIATYPO, the other, a good example of the canting stamp, lATYPOZ and a Satyr's head like Pan's on the coins of Panticapaeum, yet there are no amphorae which we can certainly refer to that This makes it look as if it were a matter of wine-making rather than city. The districts devoted to vine culture in ancient times did not quite pottery. correspond to those now noted for it some change of conditions has ocStrabo curred. (11, 16) mentions the difficulty of cultivating the vine at Panticapaeum certainly as if it were not grown in sufficient quantities to make wine, though now there are considerable vineyards in the neighbourhood. On the other hand, we know from the Agasicles° inscription and from actual remains that the territory of Chersonese was covered with vineyards, whereas now they grow only in one or two favourable spots, and it seems possible that wine was an important factor in the prosperity of the colony, as it had too small and too dry a territory to grow corn with success. Whether the Greeks ever made use of the southern slopes of the Crimea where are now the best vineyards is not quite clear it rather seems as if they never got firm possession till quite late times. Bessarabia produces good wine, and may have supplied the Olbian trade the vine district may have extended further to the n.e. than it does now. In any case the wine of the country did not satisfy the inhabitants, and they did a large trade with Rhodes and Thasos. A curious use of amphorae, not uncommon in very early Greece, is that for roofing over grave-cists". With the amphorae and tiles go the great store-jars found in all Greek towns from Olbia some have been extracted whole, or at any rate completely ;
i.
;
:
;
pieced together^
cf.
»
BCA.
2
Ibid.:
II.
p.
CR.
*
18.
1896,
p.
169.
BCA.
XXV. p. 93, tile from Sinope. 3 MacPherson, pp. 72, 75, PI.
xvi.
p.
57,
" "
vii. xi.
"
Mai. App.
VII. p. 26.
ij
= IosPE.
i.
195.
Olbia, CR. 1905, p. 34, f. 31. CR. 1902, p. 21, ff. 30, 31.
Afnp/iorae
§7]
a72(i
361
Graffiti
Graffiti.
In Pridik's third volume of losPE. we shall find besides the stamps all the "'graffiti'' scratched on pottery: this kind of material is well dealt with by Professor von Stern in treating a collection of such scratches in the museums of Odessa and Chersonese. They result from the excavations on Leuce made in the forties, from the works in connection with the harbour at Theodosia, from the present diggings in Chersonese, and from various sources, so that they give a satisfactory sample of what is to be found'. Von Stern divides those which can be more or less deciphered into inscriptions dedicatory, inscriptions of owners, and marks of dealers. The first class offers most interest, including dedications to Achilles at Leuce", e.g.
rAAVKOJMEAHE(8)HKEA^AXlAAHIAEYKHMEAEONTinAIEinO?IAHO explained as " Glaucus has dedicated me to Achilles Lord of Leuce O boy into the Temenos of Poseidon." It is conceivable that the writer, who combines exalted style with some carelessness (e.g. Acukt; for Acukt^? after /u,e8eovTi, cf. App. 26 =IosPE. II. 343, IV. 418), put in an extra E, meaning by the final words merely "the son of Posideus'": rAAYKO^EJPAINAIAEO = " Glaucus take care how you sail in " is on the reverse. Other sherds had :
[yje'/aa
'A^iXXeaj?
and AITOICYNNAYT
= /c]at
Tot9 {(T)vvvavT[ai^
:
I
had rather
Vases with dedications somehow supply 6 htlva dvdOrjKe /c]ai toI a-vvvavT^ac. have a cylix of the careless redfell into the possession of the natives. figured style with AeX<^tt'to(u) ^vurj '\r]Tpo{v) from Zhurovka (v. p. 176), and the silver vase from Zubov's farm (v. p. 232) once belonging to Apollo Phasis. From Theodosia we have fragments with AP, A OH, API, HP, in APT, Al, ZQ, HA, which may be taken as dedications and would then give us the names of gods worshipped in Theodosia, and HPA, CQTH, AL AAMA, AIAI, A0A, API, APT, in Chersonese, but since there are proper names of men as well as gods beginning with these letters we have no right to assume this. These may all belong to the class of owners' inscriptions, which is represented by less doubtful examples, but does not give any very interesting results. Then we have the marks of the dealers in pottery, denoting the price and what numbers they had of any particular sort. Two abecedaria from Theodosia are not of much account, one is ABFAEHlOlKAMH only, and the other ATBEAlHOy + 4>VH. Very early graffiti interesting for an alphabet agreeing with that of Miletus in the vith century B.C. come from Berezan, IMIKHI ElMh, MHAEIIMEKAEYEP and on a lamp n?AV + HOHEIMlKAI4)AIHne[EOUl]HKAH®(>nnoUIH'. A nother verse HAYnOTOIKYAIEElMI*IAHniNONTITONOINON is pleasing with a Homeric word as befits 01bia\ Lastly there are the suitable mottoes painted on by Interesting palaeographically the maker such as 4>IAIAI etc. (v. p. 351 n. i). are the boldly dashed-in letters on two cups from Chersonese (11 in cent, a.d.),
We
KAMHZunPITV
—
eiAeocMoioBeoc
and
n6iNee[Y]
' Trans. Od. Soc. XX. p- 163: from Olbia and Berezan, ib. XXIII. p. 18 sqq. Dedications found elsewhere are given in the account of the cults of each deity in the different towns. ' 1 find this suggestion has been anticipated by 1. T., Journal 0/ the Ministry of Public Instruction,
M.
St P., Dec. 1902, Classical Section, * Trans. Od. Soc. xxiii. p. 26. '"
"
Am. ^
p.
291.
Arch. Am. 1907, p. 145, CK. 1906, p. 55. Trans. Od. Soc. xxix. Minutes, p. 88 Arch. ;
1910, p. 227, p.
507,
f.
339,
f.
26.
CR.
1896, p. :86,
ff.
566, 567.
46
; :
Greek Art.
362
Terra-cottas
Glass.
§ 8.
CH. XI
Glass.
It a measure took the place of the finest pottery in later times. did not come in till about the iind century B.C., except in the form of beads (p. 65, f. 16) and of small glass vessels of many colours usually shaped like amphorae or alabastra, with the rods for extracting the unguents they held. But in the early centuries of our era it was exported in enormous quantities from Egypt and Syria, and a great deal has been preserved in the
Glass
in
Euxine colonies. There are some magnificent specimens of both plain and coloured glass in the Hermitage, mostly from Kerch, and a representative series from Olbia in the Odessa
Museum.
But the best collection was
Mr
which
Vogell's',
in-
cluded some wonderful examples of the millefiori technique and an amphora two feet high made in two pieces and mounted in bronze engraved and gilt^ Coloured glass was worked into the most varied shapes, from the simple tube in which unguents were sold to pieces in the form of heads ^ or decorated with frills and laces, like those on Venetian glass, or even elaborate vine-leaf patterns such as that signed by Ennion. The same maker's wares have been found in Italy^ Though the capacities of the material were at length understood, many of the shapes are reproductions of forms already made in clay, stone (e.g. f. 264) or metal, such as the common cup or porringer which answers to the silver from Olivia. §. CA'. 1900, p. 9, example from Artjukhov's barrow I '^' Glass from the Euxine coast has no special features probably it was all imported". From the colonies it found its way to the natives, and we have had many instances of its occurring in their graves (supra, pp. 82, 224, 229 232), even the early kinds, as at Kurdzhips''. The most interesting case is that of Siverskaja_(v. p. 215) where an ordinary glass jar and a porringer of the silver type described above have been treated as if they were made of rare stone and elaborately mounted in gold and garnets, just as Chinese porcelain has been treated in Europe. A grave at Mtskhet in the Caucasus furnished the piece of highest technical mastery though of late Roman date a silver cantharos with a pierced frieze and decorative patterns had blown into it a lining of dark purple glass**. '
;
—
—
'
Richly illustrated PI. X.— xin.
— 1083, ^
in his
Polychrome glass
ABC.
(orig.
ed.)
is
Lxxvii.,
Scmuiilmig, Nos. 742
figured cf.
in
Lxxvni.
colours in 5, 6, also
the interesting medallions from Zubov's barrows in BCA. I. PI. n. and a fish-shaped bottle from Chersonese, ib. XVI. p. 95, PI. VI. Beads, MacPherson,
Ordinary photographs ofcolouredglass.even with full descriptions annexed, such as we have in Vogell, loc. cit., esp. Nos. 997, f. 51 and 1003, Frontispiece, in CR. 1900, p. 12, f. 26, PI. VII. VIII.
or
KTR.
ff.
242, 243:
^
*
e.g.
:
Sj)!ela,\u.
p. 93,
f.
\\\\.
127, are not of
much
use.
from Chersonese, Janus, CR. 1897, woman's head, CR. 1902, p. 44,
ABC.
Lxxviii.
1—4; KTR.
p. 94.
CR. 1880, p. () = KTR. p. 90, f. 119, a plainer form of IV. 8 on p. 431, f 321. " Other pieces Kerch, MacPherson, PI. IV. vi. CR. 1874, I. 9, 10; 1896, p. 158, f 528; 1900, p. 28, '>
;
ff.
65—67;
p.
ff.
139,
80, 82; f.
10:
1905, p. 63,
f.
74;
Chersonese, CR.
1891, p. 138, ff. 142, 143, p- '40, 15', p- 154. f- 191 1895, pp. HI, 112, ff. 269 273; 1899, p. 9, ff. 12, 38: 1902, p. 12, 13: Olbia, CR. 1901, p. 18, ff. 36 ff. 16, 17; Arch. Anz. 1908, p. 187, f. 20; 1910, but the best pieces seem never to have p. 238, f. 38 been figured. f-
—
—
:
p. 126,
7
77.
"*
f.
1903, p. 49,
Arch. Anz. 1907,
CR. 1896, CR. 1872,
p. 152, II.
f.
505.
\=KTR.
p.
225,
f.
201.
5^^
Ge?ieral Characteristics
8, g]
§ 9.
363
Terra-cotias.
In spite of the spirited defences made by the Russian archaeologists must be admitted that the terra-cottas' of the Northern Euxine, if not worthy of the wholesale condemnation meted out to them by Pottier", and repeated by Mr Huish^ do not come up to the level attained at Athens, Myrina or Tanagra. The few exceptions are either actual imports or copies or even imitations made by taking casts of imported figures. That (juite good figures were produced in these northern parts, that not all the tolerable specimens were imported, we know from the discovery of a coroplast's workshop with moulds at Kerch close by the cemetery* and at Chersonese. But the ease with which given types could be reproduced is shewn by the success of modern forgers. This being so, it is natural to find that by far the greater part of South Russian terra-cottas though of native manufacture can be paralleled in other Greek districts, particularly at Myrina, the necropolis of which corresponds in date to that in which the best class of Kerch statuettes it
occurs.
In view of this agreement there is no need to consider the debated question of the reason why the Greeks put terra-cottas in their graves. The various views are well summed up by Derevitskij in his article, and again in his introduction to the Odessa Terra-cottas. This latter publication, with its text in German as well as Russian, makes a very representative collection accessible to Western archaeologists who wish illustrations on a larger scale than those in Kekule-Winter. In view of the existence of these works and the generally second-rate character of Euxine terra-cottas, I have treated this section rather shortly. As with other departments of Greek art, the early development of the art of moulding clay is not to be studied in the Euxine colonies. cannot point to many undoubtedly early specimens. have in plenty types which by their disposition and rudeness go back to the first attempts at modelling, but these we must regard as survivals preserved under the influence of hieratic^ tradition. Speaking broadly, we find but few instances of the severe style, and can merely witness a steady decline from the making of quite satisfactory imitations of the best products of Attica or Asia Minor to the rudest lumps in which any plastic intention can be traced. The different towns have distinctly their several characteristics in terracottas. The highest average belongs to Theodosia, because nearly all its specimens belong to one fairly early find, hence a superiority in material, a firm yellowish carefully washed clay, design, characteristic of the best period,
We
We
'
/^5C
PI.
LXIV. to LXXVI.
C/?. passim.
KTR.
Kondakov, Trans. Od. Soc. XI. p. 75 179: " Greek Terra-cotta Statuettes." A. A. Derevitskij, Trans. Od. Soc. xvni. p. 203—250: "Some Greek Statuettes from the Collections of the Odessa Archaeological Society and of Al. Iv. Nelidov." (Mostly a series of actors.) A. A. Derevitskij, A. A. Pavlovskij, E. von Stern, Das Museum p.
94 sqq.
—
N.
P.
kais. Odessaer Gesellschaft fiir Geschichte utid Altertumskunde, I. 1897, II. 1898, "Terracotten."
d.
W.
K. Malmberg, .!/«/. vit. "Antiquities found in Chersonese in 1888 and 1889." S. A. Zhebelcv, J/a/. XXiv. "The Kerch Niobids." \.Vo%e\\,Sa»un/itii<^, Nos. 643-738, figs. 39— 42, PI. IX. Kekuli5-Winter (v. p. 345 n. i), MI. i, pp. xl— xliv, gives a most excellent review of the S. Russian terra-cotta types. Les statuettes de terre cuite dans tantiquit^, p. 147, quoted by Derevitskij, p. 212. ^ Greek Terra-cotta Statuettes, p. 84. » CR. ATA", p. 98. 1878, p. xxxi '^
1
;
46—2
;
Greek Art.
364
Terra-cottas
[ch. xi
and execution, careful and artistic. One head' has even a decidedly archaic So too the interesting acrofeel, and another' is as severe as possible. The other pieces belong to the ivth and iiird centuries, the best terium^ time of the art. The Olbian figures are of a reddish, rather crumbly clay, with a smooth surface. A grotesque old woman from Berezan^ and a mask and fragments from Olbia^ are earlier than anything from Theodosia a head of a youth** is Some of the figures found here are clearly brought from still almost archaic. Athens^ not being made of the local clay, and there is sometimes a certain doubt whether the importation was made in ancient or modern times. have just a few specimens of the best period' perhaps the most interesting terra-cotta from Olbia is a Hellenistic model altar with groups on each face^ Poseidon and Amphitrite, Nike before a trophy, and Dionysus, a Maenad and Somehow it seems as if there were less taste here for clay figures a Satyr. perhaps their place was taken by vases shaped like figures or animals (v. p. 346). At any rate Pharmacovskij, while speaking (I.e.) of numerous Hellenistic terracottas, has published very few, though his excavations have yielded so rich a series of vessels of just those centuries when figures were most abundant. The Vogell collection'" offered examples of terra-cottas of every period, but many of them were from Kerch, some perhaps from abroad. Figures of the Roman period, including unmistakable Roman soldiers", are fairly ;
We
;
;
common. At Chersonese
at the east end of the site (Z on Plan vii) was made a remarkable find throwing much light on the way the ancient potter worked in one room was his kiln perfectly preserved, in another his stock of clay moulds, many broken but about forty more or less whole from these casts have been made to let us judge better of his work'^ These moulds he seems to have made not by independent modelling but by taking impressions from metal, stone or clay. The general style points to the second half of the iiird century B.C., when medallions in high relief were much in fashion for adorning the bottoms of silver vessels and were imitated, in clay (v. pp. 350 and 385) several of these moulds, made from emblemata in silver ves.sels, were intended :
:
for
producing such imitations.
The
best of these
(i.
i
on"
f.
265) represents
Omphale teaching Heracles
must have been taken from an earlier original than anything else in the collection. Other roundels with Nike and Eros, Heracles and Telephus, Satyrs' heads and a pair with young Satyrs'^ these last perhaps not immediately from metallic originals are not equal to the first either in style or preservation. The Athena head (f. 265, 4) resembles closely Konelsky's emblenia (p. 385); another piece seems to be an impression from a cheek-piece to spin
it
:
—
—
i.
of a helmet'\ 1 Kekul^-Winter, ni. seum, I. X. 6.
^ ^ *
ff.
ib. ib.
ix.
I. I.
i.
236.
Zc: Odessa Mu-
Am.
^ CR. 1902, 17—21. " CR. 1902, " Od. Mus.
e.g.
'>
ib.
129,
I.
1909, p. 161,
p. 22,
p. II.
ff.
Arch. Atiz. 1909, p.
49
170,
— 52.
18, i.
f.
f.
33; 26.
ff.
'^
23, 24.
BCA.
XXXIII.
p.
117,
ff.
31, 32
:
p. 173,
f.
37.
BCA. xxxiu.
pp.
128,
Samml. Nos. 643—738, PI. IX. Od. Mus. \\. xiv. 12 CR. 1882— 1888, p. ccxvi. Malmberg, Mat. VII. pp. 3—26: cf. Pharmacovskij, BCA. II. p. 73. " Mat. VII. I. 3, 2, II. 3—6. 10
vi, vii.
Arch.
*
1*
ib. p.
11.
Theodosia.
§9]
Chersonese
Olbia.
11.3. Cc!L§t;3fifDTn
the
^
TciTd-CotbaMouUs
found at Chersonese
Malmberg, Mat:VII
Fig. 265.
^,
but
iv.
5
is
\.
3^5
Greek Art.
366
Terra-cottas
[CH. XI
Another roundel with a male and female head (Fig. 266) is interesting because it shews metallic details specially clearly and because there comes from Olbia a very similar piece of silver work, which again has a still closer analogy Other with a more recently discovered pottery fragment from Chersonese'. moulds have been taken from marble sculpture, especially a fragment of a Bacchic procession' and a head of an archaic type of Hermes (Fig. 267) of which Kondakov and Malmberg believe that we possess the battered original in Fig. 210 on p. 297; they point especially to similar curls in the left moustache and beard and to the fact that, allowance being made for the Most double shrinking of the clay, the sizes of the two pieces tally exactly. of the moulds reproduce terra-cotta originals, not only the pretty but senti-
FiG. 266.
Mat.
VII.
p.
12.
Emblema from mould found
at
Chersonese.
—
{.
—
mental heads on Fig. 265 in. 3 rather recalls the familiar Niobe but various rough heads and figures^ and purely decorative pieces, attachments of handles and lips, borders and the like*. In view of such a method of working we can hardly credit this potter with a distinct style. Other pieces of terra-cotta from Chersonese mostly have a bold free character, rough but not barbarous, just what we should expect in a town which, without any claims to artistic life, still kept itself much freer from barbarous admixture than any other on the north coast of the Euxinel 1 ''
3 *
BCA.
W. p. 75, f 2
Mat. vn. n. ib. 111. ib.
I,
;
p. 19,
I.
4, 5, pp. 17, 18.
pp. 22, 23.
f.
19.
^
f id; sqq.,
Anz.
CR. 1896, 1899, p. ff.
34
p. 8,
— 38,
175,
ff.
42;
1906, p. 115,
ff.
ff.
546—550;
1898, p. Ill, 14; 1900, p. 18 54, ff. 58, 60: Arch.
ID, II, p. 9,
1905, p. 2, 3.
f.
; :
Kerch
C/ierso?tese.
§9]
3^7
By far the greater part of the terra-cottas from South Russia are found the environs of Kerch. Here they occur in the j^^reatest numbers and in the greatest variety, but it is hard to characterize their style except when it in
becomes barbarous and produces some types unknown in purely Greek lands. We have of course the usual Aphrodite Anad)omene' with or without a Herm, a dolphin or an l^^os, she often wears a disk-shaped head-dress peculiar to Kerch"' Eros alone or with Psyche Dionysus and his crew^ or their masks"; ;
;
'
Fig. 267.
Mat. vn.
Head
21.
p.
of Heniies
from mould found at Chersonese,
g.
Demeter and Core*; Muses'; actors*; theatrical masks"; gorgoneia'"; Nereids and Tritons"; Heracles"; Pan"; Bes"; of everyday types, mother and child" *
6,
ABC.
e.g.
1880, V. -
ABC.
3
CR.
7;
LXIV.
LXV. CR. 1870-71, 11. 6, iii. 10—12. Od. Mus. I. iv. LXV. I, Lxvi. I CR. 1873, ' 5-
6—8,
4—6
'
; **
1864, VI. 2—4; 1881, IV. I, 2, 6.
1874,
KTR.
I.
1—5;
p. 99,
f.
1878-9. n. iz4 =
APC
1873, I. 4; 1880, VI. 7; 1881, IV. Uerevitskij, Trans. Od. Soc. xviii.
» '"
ABC Lxxv. 3 ABC.
i.xxv.
" Od. Mus.
9.
ibid. 5;
"
ABC.
pp. 23, 2^
CR.
with dancers, CR. 1906,
;
*
*
i,
VI.
CR.
1875, "• 27; 1877, vi. i. Lxvi. 3, i.xxiv. CR. 1878-9,
= KTR.
CR. 1870-71,
pp. 96, 97, II.
1—4.
fif.
131, 132.
II.
1—5,
I.
;
CR.
I,
ABC.
'3
Od. Mus. Od. Mus.
I.
.\ii.
I.
xiii.
CR. 1859,
IV. 3-
'°
2,
xii. 4,
'2
'*
p. 87,
4
1881, iv.
—
7.
.wi.
LXiv. 8; i.XX(/. 5.
2.
fif.
5. 5.
7.
Fl
II.
96—102 2,
3
;
18 2 8,vi.i.
;
Greek Art.
368 cloaked
ladies
in
sentimental
Terra-cottas
[ch. xi
poses walking or talking'
;
veiled dancers^
young men too walking or talking or out with their dogs^ girls at their scenes of children with animals and games (e.g. ec^eS/atcr^d? or /carayouo-a) birds^ in fact all the stock subjects familiar from the books on Greek terracottas (Kekule-Winter, passim) and common to the whole Greek world, But again we do have other executed in styles varying from good to bad. compositions of more historical interest, though it is not among them that we ;
*
;
;
get the best
artistic execution.
of these recall us to Asia Minor and its religions, and may therefore be likewise spread over the Greek world, but there is reason to think that either there was an original community of ideas between the Bosporus and Asia or the latter exerted its influence there sooner than anywhere else. Perhaps the general Nature goddess does not belong much more to Asia Minor than to any other region, but her worship was much celebrated there under various names. This seems to be the deity represented by a kind of triangle of clay which serves as a background to a figure of which one can but distinguish the face, the breasts and the knees; the arms are nearly always broken off, but in one specimen they hold out a fruit and a dish in just the attitude in which a goddess sits on the later Bosporan coins (e.g. Sauromates II, similar ruder figure bears before itself a smaller V. inf. PI. VIII. No. 12). nude female figure, and was explained as Moloch by a former writer. It seems to represent the Mother and Daughter that are one". The same mother goddess, more definitely Asiatic, is represented' with
Some
A
her hands upon her breasts. The execution is distinctly better, and in one case the brilliant colouring has been to some extent preserved. An Asiatic analogue is furnished by a terra-cotta bust that has found its way from Smyrna to Odessa, and is exactly the same in conception". Something similar is a very barbaric bust covered with a green glaze such as we have already met on some pottery and referred to Egypt, but this is unlike any definite school". Incontestably Asiatic is the group of a man with a conical cap, a sleeved coat and tight hose kneeling on the back of a bull in the act of slaying it'". This must be one of the earliest renderings of the Mithras group so common in late Roman times, for its style is good and with it were found other wellmodelled figures". It seems as if the first conquests of the Mithraic cult, which for a time seemed a serious rival to Christianity, were on the Bosporus'^ Another Asiatic type represented in terra-cotta statuette and also in an anthropomorphic vase is that of the dancer in a similar costume'^ Reinach calls him Men Atys, Stephani had no good reason to make him a Scythian. ^
ABC.
\~i = KTR.
Lxviii.
p.
102,
f.
137;
CR.
1859, IV. 4; 1868, I. 16, 17; 1874, III. 3; 1876, VI. 3; 1880, V. 9, VI. 8, 9; ABC. LXix. 2: seated, CR. i860, IV. 5. 2
CR. 1870-71,
2; 1876, VI. 2, 4. 1870, IV. 2; 1882-8, VIII. 1868, in. 8, 9. 4 * Od. Mus.n.vW. 2; CR. 1872, iv. 2: 1880, vi. 2. ^ ^^C. LXXin. CR. 1859, IV. 6; 1863,1.4—6; 1868,111.; 1873,11.2; 1876, VI. 9; 1878-9, V. 2 4. Arch. Anz. 1909, p. 153, f. 13. III.
ABC. LXX a. 3; CR. ABC. IXIV. 6, 7 CR. 3
;
;
—
6
ABC.
1876, VI.
LXXII. 5:
Herm
10 bearing
'
ABC.
«
Od. Mus.
LXIX. II.
4,
Od. Mus,
LXXrt.
iii.
I.
\.
xiii.
i,
3;
CR.
instead. 4.
Cf H.
B. Walters, Brit.
Mus. 9
Cat.
of Terra-cottas,
Od. Mils.
II.
XV.
V\. y.y.u.
2.
•" CR. 1880, vi. Od. Mus. 11. v. i. The same 6. more impressionistically rendered li. v. 3. " ib. II. ii. 2: iv. 2—5. 12 y^ good example, a Nike slaying a bull, from which this type was taken, on a gold ring, ABC.
xviii. 4, 7; d.JHS.wi. (1886), Cecil Smith, p. 275 F. Cumont, Mysteres de Mithra (Bruxelles, 1899), I. p. 179, II. p. 191, f. 17, similar Mithra group
and
from Kerch in the Hermitage. '^ jujq. LXXa. i, Pottier et 7, CR. 1859, III. Reinach, N^cropole de Myrina, p. 393, PI. xxviii. Kekule-Winter, in. 2, p. 158. 2, 8. 3: cf xxx. I.
§9] Ke7xh.
Asiatic
a7i(l
Ba7'barian Types.
Gj^otesqties
369
Other subjects are harder to define. As has been remarked in dealinj^ with representations of barbarians in other materials, it is very difficult to distinguish between studies from the life of real South Russian natives, vague barbarians with a general outlandish style of costume chosen according to the Greek conventional idea of barbarians, and finally faithful representations depicting the local Greeks who had partly adopted barbarian clothing. They had clearly taken to trousers and hoods [dashlyki), and the population being mixed the facial type does not go for much: the more that it is not readily distinguishable in small figures hastily executed. The figure standing at ease leaning on his oval shield, clothed in a hood, a chiton and trousers', has a shield just like that on the gravestone of Gazurius at Chersonese, who certainly counted himself a Greek to judge by his epitaph and office (inf p. 507, f 339, man with similar headgear and shield is reprep. 541, irpuDTapyovTeixDv). sented nude, a convention a Greek would never apply to a barbarian warrior'. The same question arises with regard to a type of galloping horseman (cf. p. 304, f. 218) which occurs in stone, bronze and terra-cotta, and also on The fact that a man with a Greek name put it on his dedication seems coins. against its being barbarian. The terra-cotta versions are not clear enough to help^ When the horse stands on four separate legs the whole becomes rather a toy than a work of art\ The barbarian can, however, be recognised without any doubt when he is caricatured. Such caricatures we have in the figures of slaves looking after children^ One, for instance, wears a moustache. These caricatures were carried to very great lengths among the Bosporans, even further than among other Greeks. From some of the tombs have been taken the most extraordinary figures, notably that of the second lady in the Great Bliznitsa near Taman, explored in 1869^ the lady was apparently a close relation of the priestess of Demeter, whose grave was found in the same barrow in 1864, and was herself initiated; she possessed also the most beautiful jewelry, but with all this was found a whole collection of terra-cottas representing comic actors in all the obscene extravagance of their costume, athletes and slaves and women likewise, all with every indecent detail. Stephani explains that everything aroirov koX yeKoiov served to avert the evil eye, and that the object of these grotesques was to keep off evil influences: others think that this was just her taste, and she wished to have with her in the grave what she had found amusing in life, and that other caricatures were due to the same feeling in other people, though in no one was it so exaggerated". In many tombs, especially in the later period, we find figures with movable limbs. Some are made like articulated dolls, that is, like an ordinary statuette with some of the limbs working on pieces of wirel A more typical class is made so that the trunk, in the shape of a kind cf hollow cone, ends about the hips, and the legs and phallus are hung separately
A
*
p. 56,
LXiv. ^
10.
f.
3.
Otl.
Od.
.Ifus.
Several replicas exist,
Mus. I.
XV.
I.
xv.
I,
e.g.
''
5.
ABC.
:
*
KTB. M.
1870-71,
pp. 100, 101, 206,
ff.
135. 136,
1873, x. 2,
189=
3
•
p. I.
CA".
C7v'.
1869,
CM. Mus.
172,
i
—6
;
8; 1882-8, "
1868,
1859, iv.
v. 9.
1880, VI.
V. II;
LXIV. 2; CB. 1870-71, II. 7, 8; II. 4. Oi/. Mus. II. xi. I, 3 but Od. Mus. II. have the horse moving slowly. * Od. Mus. II. xi. 2. 3
ABC.
3.
ABC. I.
18
II. I.
1869,
CR. VI.
III., V. inf. p.
xiv. 4,
11.
2,
cf.
CR.
1877,
428.
5,6; Kekuld- Winter,
1865, VI. 6, 7
;
1868,
I.
15
;
III.
i,
1874,
i, 2.
LXXIV. 8 is
7,
4.
more
is
quite rudely
made
but CB.
artistic, cf. 1877, vi. 8, 12, 15, 16.
47
Greek Art.
370
Terra-cottas
[cH. XI
on to wires and could be moved about by strings through a hole in the back. These almost certainly served as marionettes\ Mostly they are very rudely modelled, but there is an excellent caricature of a conjuror from Kerch, and from Olbia come models of Roman soldiers made on the same principle^ Some of the coarsely made ones have as it were rays coming from their heads, and hence they have been called idols, but there is no reason to suppose that The model they represent anything but some strange head-dress (f. 268). waggons were also toys (v. pp. 50, 51, ff 5, 6^). It has been said that we have no clear idea what was the object of putting terra-cottas into graves, and we do not know of any definite arrangement They were evidently thrown into a according to which they were disposed. heap in no sort of order: sometimes broken on purpose and with the fragments
ends of the grave: but in South Russia the object of a large class both of terra-cottas and of plaster figures is quite clear. They served to decorate coffins, and mention has been made of the traces left by them on the panels. The most usual series for this purpose was that of the Niobids, and in various Russian Museums several separate sets from Kerch are preserved in a more or less incomplete condition (ff 269, 270, also pp. 332 334, ff. 241 243^). Similar figures have been found at Gnathia in Apulia, and published for comparison by Mr Zhebelev in his exhaustive treatment of the subject. The at opposite
—
—
'
xiv.
CR. I, 2,
1873,
II.
6—10;
;
1880, V. i:
5
;
Od. Mies.
i.
BCA. Ulskaja, Arch. Ans. 1910, p. 196, f. i p. 3, associated with a red skeleton, copper pins and " pie-M\cenatan " tit;urines, ib. PI. I, 11. ;
XXXV.
3.
^
ib. II. xiv.
"
Veselovskij
I, 2, 3.
found better model waggons at
••
Cf.
CR.
1861,
III.
IV.;
1868,
II.
1-9;
1874,
'•
?J
VJ
j^uui.
v^ujjin
Kj I
/uuncni^
371
Si
u
47—2
Greek Art.
372
Terra-cottas
[CH. XI
\
FiGs. 271—275.
CR.
1891, p. 45,
ff.
21—25.
Plaster Coffin Ornaments.
Kerch.
|.
s^
Pla St
9]
Fig. 276.
Fig. 277.
CR. 1901,
67'
CoJfi?i
Plaster Ornament.
p.
59,
f.
119.
0?ytafne?tts
Kerch.
Model of
CR. 1891,
Coffin from
p.
56,
373
f.
35.
f^.
Kerch with plaster ornaments.
—
Greek Art.
374
Bronzes
Terra-cottas.
[ch. XI
different series vary considerably in their style, and these variations on a famihar type throw light on the methods which workmen practising a minor Besides the Niobids there art applied in copying examples of fine statuary. were used for the same purpose various masks, especially those of Medusa and models of theatrical masks; also flat figures of lions and griffins and conventional ornaments such as palmettes; these have often survived when all trace of the wooden coffin had long vanished or did vanish at the touch of fresh air (ff. 271 276; f. 277 shews what the whole looked like): but these modellings, whether in plaster or clay, though sometimes spirited and skilful, are too hasty to be of very great interest or beauty'. With these flat-backed figures may be mentioned flat lead castings from Olbia, the commonest are bucrania double axes and a biga also occur, and the British Museum has the figure of a Scythian-. The only other objects of clay that remain to be mentioned are the little pyramids with holes in them which are picked up on the beach near Greek sites, and apparently served as weights for nets and for the threads of the warp in weaving. Sometimes they have stamps with emblems like those on coins or on amphorael
—
;
§
10.
Bronzes.
On the whole, South Russia is not distinguished for Greek bronze work. bronze statues have ever been found there, and but few statuettes: the reason seems to be that few bronze things have so close a personal relation to any individual that his relatives should wish to lay them with him in the grave, and it is from graves that the antiquities found in South Russia are taken. Remains of towns have yielded comparatively little, for bronze is too valuable a material to find its way to the rubbish heap, and has always been melted down to suit new needs. There is no reason to suppose that there was any lack of beautiful bronzes in Olbia or Panticapaeum, only when those towns ceased to flourish the bronzes were carefully taken away. At Chersonese, which was less rich in classical times, bronzes may well have been comparaNo
and the conditions of the soil make it unlikely that any finds of be made on that site. The early Greek bronzes found in South Russia have all been found in Scythic graves, and have thus been mentioned already, but as products of pure Greek art, whose presence in barbarian hands was accidental, not designed by their makers, they must be treated here. We have, in fact, a specimen of the three most familiar types of Greek vith-century art\ There is, for instance, the six-winged Gorgon in the posture of the Nike of Archermus, whether running or flying it is impossible to tell: we have seen that the Medusa head was very popular among the Scythians, but the whole monster is of rare occurrence the two chief examples are a gem from Juz Oba' and the handle tively rare,
bronzes
will
:
CR. 1902, p. 51, f. 80. Watzinger, Griechisclie Holz.uirkophage, passim, esp. pp. 60 62 and 89. Vogell, Samml. p. 94, f. 63: CR. 1874, i. 1 1 24 and p. 32: Brit. Mus. MS. Cat. 1907. 5. 20: cf. lead at Sparta, BSA. Xii. p. 322, f. 3 xiv. p. 24, f. 9. MacPherson, p. 103: Malmberg, Mat. vn. p. 36. 30: BCA. I. p. ^5, fF. 30 '
—
'^
;
•'
—
^ The three bronzes here illustrated have been newly republished with excellent photogravures in Mat. xxxn. The Gorgon is treated by W. Malmberg, the Kore mirror by the same and S. A. Zhebelev, the other mirror by the latter alone.
^
v. p.
427,
f.
318,
cf.
C/?. i86o,lV.6.
Die Antiken Gemmeii, vni.
52.
Furtwangler,
?^§
Lead
lo]
9>
Archuuc
hip-ures.
B ronzes
375
of a crater from Martonosha (f. 278)'. The whole must have been a fine piece of work the rim, neck and upper part of the body, adorned wiih spirals and Stalwrnament, are in the Odessa Museum, the handle in the Hermitage.-. The :
is very massive; where it rested on the vase's shoulder the junction is masked by the four-winged Gorgon in a characteristic vith-century chiton. She is running along a kind of abacus as of an Ionic capital, which in its turn
latter
Fig. 278.
CR. 1889,
p.
30,
f.
12.
Martonosha.
Handle of Bronze
Crater.
A.
is connected with the vase by serpents. The angle between the lower part of the handle and the vase, on a level with the Gorgon figure, is filled up by another wing on each side so that the monster should appear winged from
every point of view. The whole style points to Ionian work of the vith century. It is very sad that this handsome piece should have been so broken at the time of its discovery, and that further the fragments should be separated by all the length of Russia. Another familiar archaic type is that represented by a statuette found in secret diggings about two miles from the Government town, Kherson, in The fragment is 25 cm. high, and formed the handle of a 1896 (Fig. 229)-. mirror. have a figure standing in the accustomed attitude of the Acropolis
We
' V. p. 73, n. 2 (where read Tra)is?J\th Russ.Arch. Congress, Odessa,) Reinach, Rep. Stat. \\. p. 442. II. For its nearest analogue, v. Catalogue of an Exhibition of Greek Art, Biirlin<^ton Fine Arts Club, London, 1904, p. 32, No. 65, I'l. XXXVI.: this 1
:
is
now
it
seems
1910, p. 50,
f.
3
Arch. Inst. the handle of another, de Ridder,
at V\.\.m\c\\,fahrb. d. k. d. ;
Collection de Clercq, Tome MI. "Les Bronzes," p. cf. H. B. Walters, R.M. Cat. Bronzes, p. 85,
267
;
No. 583, and one
in
the Louvre Gazette Arch^olo-
gique, 1887, Fl. 33. ^ Mat. XXXII. pp. 1—24, Fl. l: Goszkiewicz, Treasure Trove, p. 44, PI. VUI. Uerevitskij, Trans. r, 2, 3. Od. Soc. XIX. Minutes, p. 105 sqq., :
fif.
Greek Art.
376
Korai and agreeing with them fold of her skirt, her right
Brojizes
in all details.
Her
left
hand bears a human-headed
C
hand bird.
CH. XI
as usual holds a
The manner
of
The artist did not attachment to the circumference of the mirror is elaborate. see his way to breaking with his model and lifting her arms to hold the arc above her head, but managed the transition by interposing a whole system of animals. Two jackals (.^) with their forefeet on each side of the lady's head and their hind feet on her shoulders support with their heads and the lady's a strip of metal which is the ground for the familiar group of two lions tearing These in turn support a strip of bronze adapted an ox as he lies on his back.
Figs. 279, 280.
CR. 1896,
p.
82,
ff.
337'''
•'.
Kherson.
Bronze Mirror Handle.
\.
and curling round in volutes to touch the lions' backs. In this strip are holes for rivets; the palmette which supported the disk from The figure clearly stood on some sort of base the back has become detached. now lost. There is also a small antelope which was probably fixed to the circumference of the disk as in other examples. The general type of mirror is fairly common^ The treatment of the figure, the coiffure, the beast group and the human-headed bird all point, according to Messrs Malmberg and Zhebelev, to Ionian art of the latter part to the arc of the mirror
Reinach, Rep. Stat. 11. Aphrodite, p. 327 of these have animals on the rim but mostly Erotes supporting the disk, cf. also H. B. Walters, B.M. Bro?tzes, PI. ill. 238, iv. 243, 241 '
e.g.
— 330:
some
;
Arch. Anz. 1904, p. 23, f. 2 1904, XLV. A. 8, and one XXXII. PI. II.
;
Burlington Catalogue, Hermitage, Mat.
in the
lo]
§
Archaic.
Kherson.
A?jf20vka
Zll
of the vith century, being much earHer than a very similar piece occurrinjr in Etruria, which has been ascribed to native artists' and dated by de Ridder as late as the middle of the vth century'. Our figure was at first called Cybele,
then Aphrodite, but it is better not to give it a name. Much more simple in general disposition is a similar mirror found the following year at Annovka (Fig. 281)'. Here we have a nude female figure holding the disk with her hands raised on each side above her head, which
Fig. 281.
CR. 1897,
p.
78,
f.
i86\
Bronze
.Mirror.
Annovka near Odessa.
\.
itself bears the palmette that supported it behind. Unlike the Egyptian figurehandles this stands on a base, and so derives from a separate statuette. In spite of her sex, in type she resembles the so-called archaic Apollo. The proportions of the body and the whole treatment recall that type, made female Zhebelev because the object it adorned was designed for women's use. shews that while nude female statuettes of a hieratic type are general, such very early artistic presentations are exclusively Peloponnesian. For the figure, '
H. B. Walters, B.M. Bronzes, No. 493.
•^
RCH. .M.
XXII. C1898),
PI. III. p.
Mat. XXXII.
V\. III. pp.
25—35.
204.
48
Bronzes
Greek Art.
378
[ch. XI
the closest analogy he quotes and illustrates (likewise a mirror handle) is at Munich for the general scheme, a mirror at Aegina'. An attempt at the same motive is found in a mirror from near Romny in In this case we have a relief instead of a the Government of Poltava. complete figure, and the arms seem clumsily put behind the head instead of being stretched outwards and upwards: also the legs are much too long in proportion. The handle ends below in a medallion on which is a Sphinx. The This does not seem so old as the former mirrors, but mirror disk is perfect. it is hard to judge of its style because its surface is in an unsatisfactory state. It hardly seems quite barbarous work, yet it is a very poor reproduction of its For other more or less Greek mirrors, v. p. 266. prototypes^ similar case of a traditional plastic type (Apollo) being used as a mere handle is the Hermes who served to hold a saucepan from the VII Brothers*. The transition to the disk is made by two rams on each side of the god's head, so he may be considered a kind of Criophoros. Another early bronze is a candelabrum from Ust Labinskaja, found in a grave with plaques of the Siberian style such as it appears on the Kuban At the top of the shaft which was lost (e.g. Zubov's barrows, p. 230, f. 132). was a human-headed bird, with long archaic locks of hair, its waves indicated by nicks above rose the convolvulus-shaped sconce for the lamp. The base was bell-shaped, with fluting and oves, and stood upon three bustard feet. The whole cannot be later than the vith century^ These specimens of archaic bronzes have all occurred in native tombs. Those worthy of notice from Greek tombs are of much later, even Hellenistic, date. Most artistic are the examples of repousse work, especially the mirror boxes. One of these boxes bears Bacchus and Ariadne, accompanied by Eros and a panther: the inside is decorated with engraving, but is in poor preservation'. From each of the two women's graves in the Great Bliznitsa came a mirror box with a group of Aphrodite and Eros". Perhaps the most decorative is one from Artjukhov's barrow with a magnificent figure of Scylla^ later mirror with the familiar group of the three Graces was found on the slope of Mount Mithridatesl From Olbia we have one with Demeter's head". In the first grave of the Great Bliznitsa were four sets of phalerae for horses, making up twenty roundels and four pointed ovals, all adorned with the battles of Amazons and Greeks". This kind of work was heightened with gilding. In the same technique were made the adornments of a couch discovered at Phanagoria. The chief piece", in the shape of j, masked the end of the ;
—
A
:
A
'
de Ridder,
Khanenko,
^
'Ec^ij/i. 11.
3,
'Ap^-, 1895, PI. PI.
XLVI. 351
compare a
mirror figured in Arch. Anz. 1904, p. 22, f. i, which has a sphinx above on a square plaque, then a human figure tor the length of the handle, and a spread ea-le below in the mediallion. The work is
much more
Reinach,
9.
Arch. Anz. 1903,
p. 79,
.ff^)>.
Stat.
11.
p. 88. 8,
ff.
166
ABC.
— 168.
p.
82,
ff.
i,
2:
CR. 1902,
and CR. 1881, 11. i. CR. 1865, V. I 1869, I. 29; cf. Col/. Tysskiewicz^ PI. V. from Corinth. •''
"
XLIII.
;
*
1901,
p. 60,
f.
124.
CR. 1902, p. 13, '" CR. 1865, V. 2
"
f.
—
British
5; p. 89. 1,2,8.
cf. 2, ^
archaic.
CR. 1877,1.
^
CR. 1880, ill. 13. CR. 1894, p. 45, f. 68; another mirror from Kerch with Eros tymg Aphrodite's sandals, CR. ^
7.
(^:
supra
p.
20.
6, cf.
those from Elis in the
Museum, JHS. XXIX. 155, n.
11 CR. Holzmobel
1880,
(1909), p. 157,
and
i.
IV.
10;
C.
Ransom,
" Reste gr.
Berlin" in/rt/^r*^. /f. rt/r/i. /;«/., 1902, cf. a close analogy in the British p. 134, f II; Mustum, JHS. XXIX. (1909), p. 162 also WiegandSchrader, Priene, p. 380, f. 481. in
(^/.
:
M
lo]
§
171
or Archaic
and Later
Bro?izes
379
and bore Aphrodite in the middle and little busts at each (mkI; the other fragments were plain but sufficiently preserved to allow the wooden parts to be restored and the whole to stand in the Hermitage. It is the repousse work also which gives artistic interest to a h(.'lmet from the Quarantine road', which bore a triangle upon the i)row with a head of Athena, a gorgoneion of the later beautiful type on each side and a welldesigned figure of Scylla with a torch and an oar filling the shape of the cheek pieces. The work is graceful, apparently of early Hellenistic time. Another \w\ft helmet, a perfect specimen of its kind but quite plain, came from the Mirza Kekuvatskij barrow'-, together with a plain pair of greaves' and a Scythic sword, the one barbarian object \ A similar helmet of pure Greek work was found up country at Galushchino near Kiev\ Very like is another helmet from Nymphaeum*. Of quite an original type is one found in the man's tomb in the Great Bliznitsa and shaped as a Phrygian cap, making permanent the soft felt bashlyks of the country'. pillow-rest,
Fig. 282.
Couch.
Phanagoria.
Restored woodwork: ancient bronze mountings.
CR.
1880, p. 88.
Besides the greaves mentioned above the Hermitage has a more ornamental pair adorned above with a gorgoneion*, not unlike a leg in the British Museum bronze room. The gorgoneion is of an archaic type, but as such appears rather to be a survival than a very early example. Mention has already been made of an elegant Greek cuirass and brassart of vth-century work found near Nicopol". The scale armour and arrow-heads, most of which were certainly of Greek work, are treated on pp. 68, 74, for they have no artistic interest and were as it were naturalized among the Scythians. A certain number of bronze vessels has been found in various graves comparatively few are extracted whole, but the rim above and the handles, on which the decoration is concentrated, have generally been preserved. The commonest type is that of a hydria, which was a convenient vessel ;
1 f.
ABC. xxvui.
I,
2,
3
Baumeister,
p.
2036,
2214. ''
' ^
ff.
ABC. XXVUI. ib. ib.
other interesting helmets,
XXVIII. XXVII.
'
Khanenko,
«
KTR. KTR.
4,
Reinach,
p. 48,
ABC. xxvm. V. p.
74,
S.
armou nour from the
II. f.
2,
PI. IX.
54 = f.
^/1".
55 =
218.
1877, p. 234. CA'. 1866, Frontispiece;
xxix. pp.
30, 31
7.
" Objects
of ancient Ekaterinoslav," in Archaeologi xhiieological Chronicle of S. Russia, I. (1903), "
9.
p. 48,
*
p. 21.
8.
ECA.
1-3-
p.
—
37,
and I
m
PI.
Pavlutskij, district
of
».
V.
48-
Bronzes
Greek Art.
38o
[CH. XI
For instance, in the passage under the ashes of the dead. stood six urns, Nos. 1—3 of clay entire, wall of Chersonese by the gate' No. 4 as a prize from the Attic festival Anacia Nos, 4 6 of bronze broken AKLQ/yN in dotted letters very like those of the bore on its rim for receiving the
E
—
:
AOAOA'EiAH
Timotheus papyrus it held the best jewelry, No. i the next best. Sometimes these urns were secured most carefully against any sort of damage, for instance there is in the Kerch room at the Hermitage a kind of stone box arranged to receive such a hydria and protect it from injury, and it is ;
P'IG.
283.
Stone box containing
,i
clay
CR. 1891,
uiii.
p.
35,
16,
f.
from Hadzhi
Mushkai near Kerch.
untouched (cf. f. 283). Fragments of a very artistic hydria, with decorated and side handles and a Siren at the base of the middle handle, were found the Baby barrow near Mikhailovo-Apostolovo". A perfect specimen is well
Still
foot in
illustrated in MacPherson (PI. in.) this was gilt as many others were, for instance the hydria in Kul Oba by it stood a great rarity, a bronze amphora of almost the same form as the earthen ones and also giltl Another form that often occurs in bronze is the ewer, oenochoe a good specimen with a well-worked handle ending in an archaistic bearded head was found at the Khatazhukdevskij Aul on one of the tributaries of the Kuban*. Among other objects found with it was a polished stone axe, which points to a ;
;
:
pp. 397 sqq., 422, 499, Plan vii. inset, BCA. I. CR. 1899, P- 4, ff- 3> 5 cf. Palaeographical Soc, PI. 22, especially the Q. V.
1
pp.
1
— 9,
:
New
2
C/?. 1897, p. 135,
'
ABC.
*
CJ?. 1899, p. 49,
XLiv.
ff.
264-- 266.
7, 12. ff.
92, 93.
§
lo]
Bronze
Vessels
381
strange mingling of different cultures. In the same year was found at Chersonese a ewer of rather unusual form, having a very high handle embellished with a dog above and a woman's face below'. Jugs like an oenochoe but with lids survived till the iiird century a. d., occurring in the queen's tomb at Glinishche near Kerch in the same tomb was a handsome dish or shallow bowl with handle formed of snakes curling out of a winged head". A similar shallow bowl 47 cm. (18^ in.) across was found at Majkop it also had snakes about the handles and below them repouss^ plaques representing Pylades and Thoas {^y. A basin of pale bronze 50 cm. across with a pretentious hiellenistic emblnna in copper representing a warrior, his mourning wife and a goddess of death, comes from a plundered tomb at Nekrasovskaja Stanitsa on the Kuban''. In one of the VI I Brothers an oenochoe was found with a Satyr above the handle and a crouching figure below. Another from the same group had a handle ending in an elegant Siren". Of a similar type is a vessel from the Kuban district with Eros and a torch at the base of the handle". From the VII Brothers also comes one of the few good statuettes found in South Russia, a young Apollo crowning a tall columnar stand like a candelabrum'. Quite isolated are some statuettes from the land of the Don Cossacks, a The latter is rendered rather pair of wrestlers, a Satyr and a young Dionysus'. curious by having a Byzantine inscription round his middle and Christian monograms engraved upon his chest. Very few of the common statuettes that fill museums in the West have been found even in the town excavations. may mention Zeus with a thunderbolt' and a bust of a woman from Chersonese'", statuettes of Athena and of Osiris from Eupatoria", and a Hermes from Balaklava'-, but nothing of any merit. It is curious that perhaps the most graceful small bronzes found in all the extent of the North Euxine coast came long ago from Tanais (Nedvigovka), which has yielded no other works of art, the more so that the remains of They include a the town then investigated date from the iind century a.d. pretty lamp, an imperfect candelabrum, and a kind of standing vase'''. Another fragment from the same site is the fluted handle of some vessel at the end is a ram's head, and on the plate by which it was riveted to the body the of the vessel are two figures affronted of Greek potters moulding pots A good lamp was found in style seems as early as the ivth century B.C." Artjukhov's barrow'^ another on a stand at Kerch'". Worthy of mention as an evidence of trade with Italy is a saucepan found near Kagarlyk (Kiev Govt) with a Latin inscription N IPLOCAS". Of Roman date is an interesting vessel from Tyras cemetery in the form ;
;
We
:
:
GRAN
•
CR. 1899,
•^
ABC.
•«
9.
f.
BCA.
8, 2, cf.
;
xxxvii.
CR.
1896, p. 150,
'3
500.
f.
i
:
;
CR.
1891, p. 12,
f.
9.
p. 169, f.
f. 537. BCA. 171 f. 138. ;
1891, p. xy, KTR. pp. 91, 92,
CR.
ff.
xxv.
p. 179,
f.
14.
120, 123, \22 = Report of t/iade in 1853, Nos. 40,
Archaeological explorations
161.
42, 39. '* Archaeological Bulletin and Notes published by the Moscow Archaeological Soc. vu. 190x3, p. 360, note by the Countess Uvarov.
11.
p.
'•'
'"
125. 4.
CR. 1896,
CA". 1897, p. 74,
p. 74,
•*
»
" i'^
Arch. Anz. 1906, p. in, f. CR. 1905, Pagenstecher, Calen. Reliefkeramik, p. 95 " CR. 1877, III. 1—4. Arch. Anz. 1903, p. 84, f. 4. ' CR. 1877, III. 17, 18. « CR. 1867, I. 1—4; Reinach, R/p. Stat. *
f.
xvii. p. 69
temp. Rhescuporis IV(?).
p. 34, 3
p. 8,
XLiv.
'"
RTTR. p. 55, CR. 1904, p. CR. 1891, p.
f.
6()^CR.
75, 91,
f. f.
116. 70-
1880, p. 19.
Bronze.
Greek Art.
382
Silver
[ch. xi
the handle above is a half circle with of the head and bust of a negro girl shews Alexandrian influence'. whole The loops in the shape of chenisci. adopnment very common are for their The poorer classes used bronze simple bracelets from Kerch, just bronze wire twisted round the wrist and then There is little more of this in the round itself, and of no artistic interest'. bronze rings with engraved bezels'. None in mere instruments such as strigils, Buckles give some field for fancy in the various ear-picks and what not. ;
:
pierced patterns with which they were decorated one from Chersonese is a good example of the change of taste of which Riegl makes so much^ the tainga is sometimes ingeniously worked into the design (v. supra, p. 318, f. 228). ;
;
§
1
1.
Silver.
Silver oxidizes with time so that comparatively little has been preserved condition. Small pieces have nearly always perished, with the exception Special circumof coins which the pressure of the die makes more resistant. stances have rendered possible the great finds of ancient plate made in in
good
Western Europe, and nothing comparable has been discovered in South Russia. As in the case of bronzes, the earliest specimens come from barbarian or semi-barbarian graves. From Majkop come pieces which are apparently pre-Greek the curious cup (p. 144, 36) and its fellows, and a " CyproPhoenician" vase with lotus pattern round the top and birds on the base°. Most of the older gold and silver plate in Kul Oba and the VII Brothers, rhyta, cups, phialae, torques, pectoral, plates for various weapons and clothes, having an Oriental or Scythic touch about it, as well as the later work from f.
:
—
—
Chertomlyk, has been discussed in Chapter x. (pp. 262 269, 283 291). Perhaps the oldest Greek silver is the (fadXr) /ixeor6/i.^a\o? found in Zubov's barrow (p. 231, ff. 136, 137) and the similar one from No. 11 of the VII Brothers (p. 209, f. 107). These rhay be referred to the earlier part of the vth century, although the inscription on the former may be later. A vessel of the same type but of later style occurred at Deev barrow, but this is simply fluted l
Early cylices with the most beautiful engravings inside were found in the Brothers': one from No. iv has Nike gilt; that from No. 11, Bellerophon, an early representation, for both cups belong to the vth century: a scaie de famille on that from No. vi, put by Stephani early in the next century, is ranked by him as a drawing with the Kul Oba ivories, but he explains that the illustration in CR. does it scant justice: it is one of the cases that cry aloud to be reproduced by photography, excellent as may be the drawings in CR.\ we see the objects in the earlier issues through the style of Piccard, the later drawings make us regret him. Another ivth century cylix from a barrow near
VII
•
Von
Stern, Jahresheftc
d.
osterr.
Arc/idol.
again with corrections Trans. Od. Soc. XXVI. p. 183: an analogous piece of Mr I'ierpont Morgan's, knt to S. Kensington, comes, as Mr 15. Rackham kindly tells nie, from Alexandria. ^ Cf. Sm. II. xvii. 5, 6, from Ryzhanovka. 3 ABC. XVIII. 12, 13, both of Roman date. * of. Riegl, Die spdtromische p. 507, f. 339 Inst. VII.
p.
197;
;
Kiinst-I>idiistrie, PI. Xll. * Arch. Anz. 1909, p. 151, f. Argenterie Orientale, PI. I. Nos. i Nos. 326 331 PI. exix. No. 303.
—
—
CR.
11: 11
;
Smirnov, PI.
CXXX.
;
1897, p. 33, f. 103, v. sup. p. 170. 206, n. 9, p. 210, n. 3 where please read "Dionysus": CR. 1881, I. 1—5. •"'
"
p.
ii]
§§ lo,
VII Brothe7's^Karagodcuashkh^C/i7nyrevafil()ia 383
by bears Dionysus and Maenads. The whole series is very interestincr as furnishing examples in Greek engraving of the best time, and with the Kul Oba ivories shews how the methods familiar to us on vases were also used in other branches of art. Rather later is the Kul Oba cylix with the Ionic dedication EPMEA the cover (or bottom plate) is engraved with palmettes'. The classihcation of later Greek plate is difhcult, because not only did the old simple shapes live on or from time to time return into favour, even in a rich tomb like the Great Bliznitsa'- we find nothing more elaborate- -but actual pieces can be shewn to have survived for hundreds of years, as indeed Pliny and Juvenal tell us'. :
—
Fig. 284.
Silver Canthari, Colander
and Hairpin, bronze Fibula.
Olbia.
v.
p.
420.
For instance, the cylix was always a popular shape, and the plain specimens from Olbia^ and Ryzhanovka' are on much the same lines as the That from Karagodeuashkh is distinguished by its high ba.se: older pieces. from the same tomb come late examples of rhyta, a ^i6.\r\ jxeo-ofKJyako^ and an Chmyreva IMogila has elegant ladle and strainer", with cheniscus handles'. furnished a whole set of plate, three such (^ta\at, two with palmettes, one with a Bacchic frieze round the boss, a tall cylix with a Nereid inside, a fluted twohandled bowl with a frieze of birds and fishes, a globular fluted cup', two bottles, a ladle, a saucer and a barbaric jug with gold lid and handles". We see reversion to type, Roman copies of good Attic models, in the two canthari and the strainer (f 284) found at Olbia with the glazed jug (p. 356, The cup to the left 262) and now belonging to Mr Pierpont Morgan. f.
'
ABC.
-
CR.
'A'//,
Mayor * '
"
xxxvii.
1869, pp.
in
xxxiii.
1
1
= ATA',
157
(55):
p. 90,
Sn/.
ft".
VIII.
118,
104
1
19.
and
li.
"
"
VIII. pi. IV. 2.
Sinela,
sup. p. 219, f. 121, \>. 290: 4, 5. 10 from Kerch.
XIII. pp. 140
V.
CR.
Like
152.
ft".
16,
18-
24, vi.
2—
4,
f.
ABC.
XX.\.
I,
2;
1863, p. 49.
p.
A new
1910, pp. 215
xvii. 4.
(
XXXI. ^
loc.
BCA. .l/rt/.
V.
4. 8,
printed
oft'.
198,
f.
91, but witliout the friezes.
excavation published
— 226,
ff.
15
— 25
since
in
Arch. Ans. Ch. X. was
my
Greek Art.
384
[ch. xi
Silver
shews the more graceful shape and more enrichment about the top. The The other objects are a handles have come off and He beside the cups. bronze fibula and a big silver hairpin^ Of more richly wrought Greek plate, besides such triumphs as the Chertomlyk and Kul Oba vases which have already been discussed, the finest pieces are two great dishes. One found at Chertomlyk had elaborate handles supported by a female bust rising from a great palmette flanked by acanthus while the inner surface is entirely covered with a rich arabesque of acanthus. Underneath are bobbin-shaped feetl More simple and more elegant is a dish found at Glinishche near Kerch Its only in the tomb of the queen with the golden mask (p. 434, f. 325). adornments are in the centre a medallion with a monogram surrounded by a bay wreath and round the rim the same wreath with the same monogram. This latter seems made up of the letters ANTOB standing for ANTIOXOS or ANTirONOS BASIAETS. The latter is the more probable. The Bosporus was out of the way of Syria and more likely to have had friendly relations with spirals,
kings put the B first in their monograms upon coins. The decoration is executed in niello and engraving. The historical interest of the dish is much enhanced by a pointilU inscription on the back, which, in addition to some unintelligible marks probably denoting the weight, has the words B^CIAEOOC PHCKOYIIOPEI, apparently a very late Rhescuporis, for the formation of the genitive is incorrect or incomplete as it is on the coins of the last king of the name\ The queen's jewelry (v. p. 434, ff 326, 327) with its barbarous use of garnets suggests the Novocherkassk treasure or the socalled Gothic jewels, and all points to the end of the iiird century a.d., that is to say that the great dish was in use for four or five hundred years before it found its final resting place. Other pieces of old plate that the same queen possessed are a flagon with a Medusa-head of late Hellenistic style below its handle and a covered vase with Erotes, garlands and masks of rather tasteless Roman work\ A rare object is a silver sceptre from the same graved From Kerch too comes a good set of plate found in a woman's tomb on the way to the Ouarantine^ She had a gold wreath, earrings (No. 12 on p. 396, f. 290), necklaces, finger-rings, the two best with busts of Athena in gold with the faces cut in garnet', a ladle, a spoon and a strigil, a hairpin and toilet instruments, and a stater of Lysimachus important as giving a tei^minus post quern, but his coins went on being struck after his death and remained in circulation not much less than a century. Two pieces of the plate seem early Hellenistic, one, an elegant cylix with a gilt and engraved drawing of Helios and his four horses on a loose plate fitting in the bottom of it, is according to Watzinger the model for a class of Cales ware' the other, a cantharos with a necklace below its rim, is just like the clay
Macedon.
The Bosporan
:
von Stern, Trans. Qd. Soc. XX,VH. p. 88, Tomb-find made at Olbia in 1891." 2 ^.S7/. XXIX. 5-7; A'T^y?. pp. 263, 264, ff. '
"A 239,
240. 3
TRAS.
VII. p.
228
;
perhaps
this is a native
genitive of the type TASTEI KIP13EI (v. p. 352, n. 5) with more right to exist than the usual 'Pr/o-xouTTopiSos at tliat period -is and -fis sounded the same. * ABC. xxxvii. I, 2, cf. p. 357, the glazed porringer ap. von Stern, Trans. Od. Soc. xxii. p. 50. :
ABC.
«
Ashik, Bosporan Kingdom, Pt HI.
\\.
xliv— xlix 20, XXXVII.
5.
ABC.
p. 70, n. 2,
Reinach, XXXVIII. I, 3, 4, 5 Annali delP Watzinger, At/i. Mitt. xxvi. Institute, 1840, p. 13. (1901) p. 92, v. supra p. 351. ^ ABC. XV. 15; Ashik, ib. and f. 184, very Hke p. 365 supra, f. 265, i. 4. * Fagenstecher, Calen. ReliefIceramik (v. p. 349, ff.
p.
Cf.
^
n. 3), p. 130.
;
5,
Inirod.,
p.
Ixiii., ;
—
Glinishche^
Hellenistic.
1 1 ]
ihiarantine^ Ko?ielsky.
385
from Olhia (p. 350, f. 256) except that its base is adorned with a Lesbian cyma like the necklace r^^ilt. Simple too is a saucer upon a square base and fluted stem it has a cover but no handles. But two of the pieces are quite baroque, one a juj^ with a twisted handle ending in a mask, an oak wreath round the neck and a vine pattern on the shoulder the other, even more overloaded, has the vine pattern, fantastic handles in the shape of Satyrs, a spout made like a comic mask, and altoorether suggests bad Renaissance work. Though found in the same grave these pieces must represent two different cylix
;
;
periods of silver ware.
Between them come two porringers and a flask from Artjukhov's barrow', which the engraving technique has not entirely given way to the relief work: indeed some pieces from there are quite plain, the saucer on a stand just like that mentioned above, and a porringer with thumb-piece handles whose form is so common in glass. An Olbian find, containing a gold necklace with no special features, a ring and a silver-gilt emblcvia, offers certain analogies to the Ouarantine-road tomb. The eniblema, 12 cm. (4^ in.) across, a splendid bust of Athena set in a frame of egg-and-dart so deep as to resemble Stabornament, corresponds to the plate with Helios above-mentioned; the dish into which it fitted has vanished. The ring has a similar Athena-head in gold repousse, and exactly recalls the two biggest rings from the Kerch tomb. Von Stern' puts these things in the first in
half of the iind century k.c.
To a late period belongs a rhyton in the shape of a calf's head which has upon its cylindrical cup extraordinarily bad figure subjects, whereas the animal's head is rendered excellently well, so that it is difficult to understand how the whole could have been made at one time'. Really the figures almost equal the culminating horrors of Dorohoe^ Fragments of interesting work, remains of emblemata and other embellishments of Hellenistic silver vessels, have been mentioned in connection with the clay wares that copied them (p. 364), indeed, as there pointed out, the best of the moulds found at Chersonese have really more to do with silver work than with ceramics. Actual fragments of silver are two heart-shaped pieces with women's heads and a round one with two heads kissing, all from Chersonese', and two reliefs of Tritons from Jaroslavskaja on the Kuban". The latest productions of antique silver work come from two curiously similar finds made in catacombs at Kerch in 1904 each included a silver :
dish
inscribed
DNCONSTANTIAVGVSTI V VOTIS V
XXV
(i.e.
his
Vicennalia a.d. 343), a gold wreath with an indication from a coin of Sauromates 1 1 (a.d. i 74 2 10) also in one case others of Gordian and Valentinian a dagger hilt set with red glass and many other specimens of garnet jewelry
—
—
321, CR. 1880, II. ig; iv. 8, 9. Sainmliuig Konelsky. Ein AthenaMedaillon aiis Olhia, Odessa, 1907, with a most beautiful coloured plate by M. Pharmacovskij, the best delineator of antiques in Russia cf the Athena from Mahadiyya, Arch. A/is. 19 10, p. 263, f. 3. ' ABC. xxxvi. I, 2; K'TR. p. 87, f. 116; a similar rhyton from Sophia but not quite as atrocious is figured in CR. 1880, Text, pp. 56, 73. It is in the form of a deer's head and bears a IJacchic 1
V. p.
431,
^
Alls
tier
f.
:
M.
in another scene. .A. still closer analojjue is seen deer's head from Tarentum now in Trieste shewing the same inferiority of figure- work, L. de Laigue,
Rev. Ai-chc'ologiqiie, .Ser. 3^ XXXIX. (1901), p. 153, such western analogues dispose IM. xvi.— xviii. of Reinecke's Chinese comparison, v. supra, p. 81. :
*
^ "
ABC. xxxix. — xi.ii. BCA. 11. p. 17, 16, ff.
CR. 1896,
p. 57,
f.
17, p.
19,
f.
i, v.
p. 350.
280.
49
Greek Art.
386
Silver
.,
Gold a7td yewelry
[ch. xi
silver-gilt shield boss: one tomb had two interesting silver spoons', the other two good ewers and a gilt bronze statuette of a priestess^ There should be mentioned also, although it occurred in the district of Baku far from the Hellenic colonies, a fine dish representing Amphitrite its style suggests riding on a hippocamp attended by Tritons and Erotes Similar dishes of late classical^ and Byzantine the beginning of the decline'. work also form part of the strange collection of silver plate that has found its way from all directions to the depths of the Perm forests, although they are mostly Oriental (v. p. 257, n. 4): the Klimova find includes a round dish with a goatherd sitting in landscape recalling Theocritus and the " Hellenistic
and a
;
relief." §
1
Goldwork and Jewelry.
2.
examples of goldwork found in them that the The Hermitage excavations in South Russia owe their world-wide fame. It is therefore impossible possesses by far the richest collection of such work. to mention at all a large proportion of the specimens exhibited there or described in the various publications, and even such very indifferent completeness as has been reached in other departments is in this unattainable. Moreover, owing to the absence of any treatise dealing generally with Greek goldwork and jewelry, it is harder to determine exactly what relation the style of objects found in South Russia bears to that current in the rest Eugene Fontenay's book', attractive from its style and of the Greek world". many illustrations and important because of its author's technical knowledge gained by actual practice, covers too wide a field and in the ancient part loses by the author's want of familiarity with archaeology. If Dr Hadaczek will make such monographs upon other jewel-forms as he has upon earrings* we may hope that he will finally write an all-embracing history of jewelry in the Much material for comparison is furnished by the Nelidov ancient world. Collection, which includes a small number of objects from South Russia but was mostly formed in Constantinople and Rome". Two works by Froehner have the same kind of interest'", but none of these books give any view of the development of Greek jewelry or the geographical distribution of various types. The classification of styles in goldwork is rendered particularly difficult transportability of the objects. the by Identical forms occur in South Russia, on the coasts of Asia Minor, in Cyprus, in Syria, in Egypt, in Athens, in South Italy and in Etruria, and there is very little means of judging where we It
'
is
to the magnificent
Arch. Anz. 1905,
71—74, 2 CR. ^ CR.
fif.
p.
60,
f.
106— 113, BCA. XXV.
5 p.
;
CR. 1904,
pp.
32 sqq.
1904, pp. 78—83, fif. 123—133. 1896, p. 1 14, f 410. e.g. Nilometcr, CR. 1867, 11. 1—3; Meleager, ib. 4, 5 = AT/?, p. 412, f 371 Satyr and Maenad, ••
;
CR. 1878-9,
VII.
I.
Arch. A?tz. 1908, p. I56,f 3: the back, p. 157, i. 4 has yi vn century Byzantine punches. " This want has at last been admirably met by Mr F. H. Marshall's Catalogue of the Jewellery, Greek., Rovian and Etruscan., i?i the Department of Antiquities, British Museum, 191 1; but though he very kindly let me see an advance copy, I could but put in a few references to it, as this section was ^
—
already in type there is not much from S. Russia: M. Rosenberg's Gesch. d. Goldschmiedekimst aiif Technischer Griindlage, Frankfurt a/M., 1910, also ;
came
too late for me."
Les Bijoux Anciens et Modernes, Paris, 1887. * Karl Hadaczek, " Der Ohrschmuck der Griechen and Etrusker," Wien, 1903 in Abhandliingen des ArchdologischEpiiiraphischeii Seminars ''
der Universitdt IVien, Heft Xiv. ^ Klassische Ajilike Goldschmiede-arbeiten im Besitze Sr. F.xcelle7iz A. I.von Nelidow beschrieben iind erldutert von L. Pollak, Leipzig, 1903. i" Collection du Chateau Gotuchotv. L'or/cvrefie de'crite par IV. Froehner, Paris, 1897; and La Collection Tyszkiewicz, Miinchen, 1892.
§§
Silver Dishes.
II, 12]
Goldwork.^
Characteristics
387
are to seek the centres of distribulion. The provenance of a given object is no evidence as to its origin unless in one place we find many specimens of some type which occurs nowhere else: the material gives no such clue as can be derived from marble or clay: there are no inscriptions such as we find on statues and pots and gems: finally we seem to know least about the jewels of those very districts in which we may suppose that the best were made;. For, speaking broadly, it is from the edges of the Greek world, where the Greek met the barbarian, that the jewels come^ from Cyprus, from Etruria and from
—
South Russia; few from Asia Minor, fewer still from historic Greece. Of Mycenaean jewels there is here no question. In spite of their richness in this department the South Russian colonies only yield good work of a comparatively late period as with other arts (save pottery) we must go elsewhere for early specimens, our first examples already belong to the time of highest mastery. No early gold has been found at Berezan, from Olbia we have one find of the vith century n.c:. (v. p. 400) and one or two rings from the next. From Greek graves on the Bosporus there does not seem to be any goldwork of the archaic period there ought to be some, for the coins of Panticapaeum begin fairly early and the pieces found in native graves like Vettersfelde, Melgunov's barrow, Kul Oba, Kelermes and the VII Brothers must have come in through the Greek ports (v. Chap. x). We have already discussed the reason for the richness of the finds in South Russia. The Scythians carried out to its farthest logical conclusion the principle of surrounding the dead with all they loved and needed during life, even more so than the Etruscans, whose graves are the other great source of Greek jewelry and from contact with the natives there seems to have been a strengthening of this feeling in the Greeks among whom it already existed. The example of Kul Oba was, as it were, felt at the Great Bliznitsa. In attempting therefore to characterize the jewels of South Russia in general we must beware of regarding them too much as one whole and indivisible. Some were probably made in Athens, many in Asia Minor, others shew Egyptian influence, most were very likely made upon the spot. Also they nearly all belong to a time when the early severity was out of :
:
:
fashion. Nevertheless, taking them all round, especially the jewels found about the Bosporus and those in the possession of natives, we are justified in seeing in them a prevalent taste for colour and florid workmanship as against the general Greek feeling for form and restraint. It cannot be mere chance that in this region, with its close and friendly connexion with the Orient, we get the best specimens of Greek enamel (used merely as a filling in patterns of soldered wire which occur equally well without it), the first examples of true cloisonne and the first cameo, as well as an early welcome given to the Oriental love for many-coloured precious stones as opposed to plain gold be it never so cunningly worked. This taste went on flourishing, and all later jewels depend upon colouristic effects, so that to the jewellers of Panticapaeum has been put down the not quite unwilling elaboration of the " Migration " style with its reminiscences of Persian, Scythic and Greek and the production of the Treasures of Petrossa and Nagy Szent Miklos and the models imitated by the Goths and other Teutonic conquerors of Europe (v. supra p. 282 n. 2).
49-2
Greek Art.
388
Gold work
[CH. XI
Crowns.
Crowns or wreaths, usually found in place upon the brows of the dead, men and women, form the most continuous series of gold objects yielded by South Russia. They are surpassed in number by the earrings, but they form a series in that so many of them bear their own approximate both
date in the shape of an "indication" or impress of a coin which often formed the centrepiece. There must be nearly fifty known, for many have been The discovered since Stephani gave a list of nineteen in the Hermitage*. earlier crowns are sometimes of quite artistic workmanship, studies of olive, bay and oak treated both conventionally and naturalistically. Good specimens of conventional treatment are the crowns worn by both man and woman in the second tomb in Artjukhov's barrowl Here we have intertwined oak and bay with what appear to be acorn-cups forming the centre. More naturalistic is a crown of the same date iiird century (both graves had coins of
—
Fig.
85.
CR.
1878, p.
115.
Kerch.
Gold wreath with indicatron of BAE Coin,
cf.
inf.
P). Vii.
17.
\
Lysimachus)^with bay leaves. In front the stems were joined in a reefknot adorned with enamell The leaf-stalks were inserted into the hollow stems and soldered. In a rather similar but even more naturalistic example^ they were twisted round the stems. Most beautiful, only surpassed by a wonderful example from South Italy in the Louvre^ is a gold crown consisting of two olive sprays tied together at the back the rendering of sprays, leaves and berries is well-nigh perfect". Equally beautiful, and to be referred to about the same date, is a kind of aigrette made of barley ears\ Perhaps it was such crowns as these that were granted as rewards to those who had deserved well of the state, Diophantus at Chersonese^ Protogenes and later Theocles and many others at Olbia'' with Cocceius at Tyras'". :
2
CR. CR.
3
ABC.
1875, P- 19 sqq. 1880, II. I and III. XXVII. 1633, xxviii. 1628. 1
IV. 3
on
f.
Jewellery., xxvii. 1607 ^
^
ABC. Cf.
V.
ABC. i:
cf.
BM.
Daremberg I.
et Saglio, s.v.
4.
ib.
p.
IV.
2
on
286
f.
i
:
BM.
corona
f.
1976
;
;
Fontenay,
p.
389,
387.
ABC. V. I on f. 286 Fontenay, p. 390. App. \% = IosPE. I. i8s,cf. lb. IV. 68; and the carved crowns of Agasicles App. I7 = ib. I. 195. " App. 7, io = ib. I. 16, 22. '" App. 3 = lb. I. 2. ;
i.
3.
also Tyszkiewicz,
cf.
''
286, cf. Nelidov, 1609.
—
Jewellery,
8
§
12]
Crowns
Jligrette
aLYuiWreaotKs,
KercK.Al»C.
y"
Fig. 286.
i.
389
:
Greek Art.
3 go
Gold work
[ch. xi
Roman times and is the merest funeral then consists of a strip of gold leaf, wider in the centre than at the sides, mounted on a foundation of bark or leather, with parsley leaves pointing towards the centre, which is decorated with an indication or Often the only remains of the a gem or sometimes a repousse plaque. crown lie in scattered parsley leaves once sewn on to a stuff ground. For instance, in one case the band was of some dark red material and over the In the centre was an whole there was a kind of veil of the finest crepe'. Most of the
series belongs to
The crown
furniture.
indication of a coin with the monogram HAE and a is particularly common on crowns (Fig. 285)^ and Another king whose coins freehand drawing^
Herm.
This indication sometimes imitated in make indications was 11". coins of cities, Sometimes distant e.g. Heraclea Pontica^ Sauromates Other wreaths very often of Roman emperors", served the same purpose. of late date have a square plaque with a gem at each corner', or a Some gorgoneion', a head of Helios^ an engraved gem'", or a plain one". crowns have not even the parsley leaves but only the TTpofxeTovCBLov or is
centre-piece.
Mask and
Cap.
With the funeral crowns may be mentioned the repousse funeral mask'^ of the queen whose tomb was found at Glinishche near Kerch (v. inf p. 433). It is evidently a portrait executed with the least possible departure from the original, probably from a plaster model. Its use seems to have been to let the dead face appear at the funeral ceremony in a case where that would have been otherwise impossible. The same device has been resorted to independently among many nations, and the parallels of Mycenae and others do not shed any light on the question why this almost unique mask was made in this case. have seen that the queen also wore a funeral wreath". Another golden mask more elaborate but not so well made has been found at Olbia, but its date does not seem defined in the slightest". Another piece quite unlike anything else is the gold cap found near Cape Ak-burun in 1875 (Fig. 287). It is in the shape of half an egg lined with leather and felt and made of pierced work above a narrow acanthusleaf, stem and tendril border, the design, which is thrice repeated, consists of a pair of broad nautilus spirals curling outwards from an acanthus bract from between them grows the flower which is usually associated with the
We
;
1
CR. 1878-79,
^
One from
III.
Olbia,
4
—
Mount
7,
Mithridatcs. LXix. 3072.
BM. Jewellery,
CR. 1902, p. 51, f. 86. CR. 1904, pp. 71, 79, ff. 106, 123. ^ ib. p. 79. ^ Agrippina and Nero, BM. Jewellery., LXX. 3081 Vespasian in the Niobid coffin, V. p. 333; M. Aurehus,y4.5C. III. i; Commodus,yii?C.lV. i; Phihp, CR. 1875, p. 24 = A" 77?. p. 43, f. 48; GalHenus, CR. *hs same with Valerian as on PL viii. 1875, "• -
p. 434, n.
3
8
*
®
;
;
7; Salonina,
BM.
Jewellery, 3082, 3083; Maximian, CR. 1875, •'• 5 Calerius, Trans. Od. Gordian and Valentinian in one Soc. XX. i. I grave with Sauromates II, shewing how little evidence of datethey furnish, CA*. 1904, p. 72, ff. 108, 107. ' e.g. ABC. III. 2,- KTR. p. 46, f. 52 found with indications of Rhescuporis, A.D. 211 228, v. 22, ib.
II.
5
or that found in the
'"
f.
tomb of
2,2^= ABC. \n.
the queen
4.
i.,
p. 43, f.
und
Gesichtshelme
f.
47.
See Benndorf, Sepulcralmasken,"
94.
Akad. d. IV. zti No. 7, and PI. Ii. Published by Count Uvarov, Recherches stir
Denkichr. JVz'en,
2t, = KTR. KTR. p. 70,
1875, p.
^^c.
"Antike
^^
f.
51.
" CR. '^
ib.
CR. 1875, p. 24^KTR. p. 47, f. 53. CR. 1875, P- 21 =KTR. p. 44, f. 50. Artemis with her bow, C/?. 1875, p. 16 = A'7'/?.
p. 45,
;
—
i,
with the mask,
d. Phil.-hist.
xxviii. (1878),
CI. d. k.
p. 7,
Antiquites de la Russie Meridionale, Paris, and Benndorf, op. cit. p. 9, No. 8, and PI. XV. i; cf. Nelidov, vil. 40, Sidon. Some Siberian tribes masked the faces of their dead. les
1851, PI. Xiv.,
Crowm^ Mask^ Cap
2]
a7i(i
Calathi
391
All the elements are Greek, but the acanthus flanked by curved stems. But that its owner unusual. was a Greek we may judge from whole is most amphora Panathenaic buried with him, and a coin of Alexander his having a gives us some idea of the date.
Gold Cap from Ak-burun.
Fig. 287.
Calathi
KTR.
and
p.
49,
f.
56 = CA'. 1876,
11.
i.
\.
Frontlets.
More normal and very magnificent are the golden calathi found in both the tombs of the Great Bliznitsa. The better of them', in the first tomb, was covered with thirteen plates of gold nailed on to a light foundation. Along the top was nailed a strip with oves, along the bottom one with a maeander and blue enamelled rosettes. The main space, slightly curved outwards, was decorated with Arimaspians and griffins each made in repousse, cut out and nailed on separately. The whole is effective but rather mechanical. The technique did not encourage any real unity in the pairs of combatants for instance, in the centre group, in which there are two griffins to one Arimaspian, each of the griffins is symmetrically looking away ;
>
CR.
1865,
I.
1-3,
V.
p.
425,
f.
315.
Goldwork
Greek Art.
392
[CH. XI
from their opponent whose stroke will obviously go near neither of them. His clothing is just that of the conventional barbarian short cloak, chiton and trousers he is no Scythian. The decoration of the other lady's calathos^ is if anything still less original. The wooden or leather foundation was covered with stuff on which was nailed a row of Bacchic figures, Maenads, grififins and such like. These figures are merely stumpy versions of the usual Neo-Attic types. The calathos, though mostly associated with deities, was evidently commonly worn by real women. These actual specimens are perhaps unique, but we see models of it on such figures as the dancing statuette from the Great BHznitsa" and of the nearly allied stephane on the elegant pendants or earrings in the shape of women's heads ^ Both forms have survived in the Russian kokoshnik which is derived from Byzance.
—
;
Figs. 2^
Gold diadems.
Olbia.
CR. 1897, pp.
79, 80,
ff.
191,
192.
\.
The calathos was certainly kept for high clays and holidays. For less important occasions was reserved the crrXeyyi? or a/x7ru^. Both the ladies in the Great Bliznitsa had such imitating the texture of the hair either with close archaic-looking curls, these latter were prolonged downwards over the temple^, or with more artistic wavy linesl Quite common were strips of thin gold which must have been mounted on something and served as frontlets. Usually their only decoration is some ornament stamped in the gold, for instance two from Olbia, one with pairs of affronted Sphinxes (f. 288), the other (f. 289) rising gracefully to a point in the middle, with a pattern of berried ivy and palmettes^ In the Nelidov Collection are several of this type from the Crimea. One of early ivth-century work has a representation of the Lampadedromia, Nike and a youth on horseback, and is ascribed to an Attic master others have a composition of Aphrodite between two Erotes^ ;
1 '^
CR. 1869, CR. 1865,
I.
III.
i—() = KTR. 27 on p. 427,
p. 54, f.
f.
end;
67.
318.
I.
ABC. VII. 10, II, \\a on p. 396, f. 290 Fontenay, p. iii MacPherson, Kertc/t, PI. I. and on the .Sphinx, ABC. XII*. 2 on p. 401, f. 294. ^ CR. 1869, p. 17, PI. I. ii=p. 428, f. 319. CR. 1865, I. 4, 5, p. 36 with a Nike at each •*
;
;
•'
I.
cf.
1859,
p. 31,
pendants
III.
2,
Pavlovskij Barrow; 1882-8, at the ends and
Anapa, with lion-masks all
along
in front
BM.
Jewellery, xxviii. 1610, and several from Cyme, p. 172, Nos. 1612 1614* ff. 52—54. " Nelidov, V. 12, 15 19. 8
Cf.
—
—
Calathi^ Stepha?iae^
§12]
Tetnplc-plaqucs
393
Sometimes the simple repoussd
strip is embellished with rosettes in enamel, the elaborate arabesque of the Kul Oba queen', or a figure and rosettes as on Such a strip may also be set off with a knot of filigree'' or stones riveted on". and even tassels in the middle the pattern (e.g. Demeter looking for Core, and the rape of Core or a commonplace arrangement of Maenads, tripods and dolphins or of mere arabesques) is often made by being engraved upon In one case we can see where the cylinder had a flaw in \\.\ a cylinder. last type of frontlet is one with little pendants dangling whether from the lower edge" or from little stalks like davits adorned with rosettes*. The diadem from Artjukhov's barrow (p. 432, f. 322), the most elaborate of all with its big carnelians and tassels, belongs to the later style (v. p. 404). ;
—
A
Tetnpie- Medallions.
To the end of calathi or heavy frontlets were hung medallions covering these did not take the place of earrings but were worn in the temples the lady of the first tomb of the Great Bliznitsa was addition to them Their great size and weight must have made these temple wearing both. plaques inconvenient, and they are comparatively rare. F"ar the finest are the famous specimens from Kul Oba so often reproduced for their importance In determining the details of the head of Athena Parthenos as made by
—
;
Dubrux says they were found on the queen's breast, but they Phidias^ must be the same as those of the Bliznitsa which were found on the pillow. The two heads are identical save that on one Athena is seen in threeShe wears quarter face to the right, on the other she is looking to the left. a decorated stephane and above it a helmet surmounted by three crests, it is flanked by ear-pieces the centre one Scylla, the side ones pegasi bearing griffins, and these are not drawn symmetrically. Above the rim Her hair falls on each side in of the stephane is a row of griffins' heads". earrings are of the corkscrew curls. Her type with a disk and inverted pyramid such as was found at Karagodeuashkh^ She wears a necklace with pendants. She is attended by her owl and snake. The close similarity to the head of the Varvakion statuette and other known reproductions of the great Parthenos make the identity of the type beyond cavil the only question is who is responsible for the precise Kieseritzky saw in it the work of Attic masters, interpretation of the type. of representatives of the school which had actually worked at the chryseleBut the proportions of the face are not those of Attic phantine original. This might perhaps be explained work, being much rounder and plumper. as an accommodation to the shape of the medallion; and the same explanation ;
:
>
ABC.
u.
^
Olbia,
CR.
ABC.
VI.
3,
4,
*
Fontenay,
p.
507.
*
ABC.
3
1607
— 1609.
p. 195,
3.
1903, p. 151, cf.
f.
BM.
301.
Jewellery, XXVii.
f.
in
88 = .-/5C. XIX. I, the heads alone the text of Reinach, p. 63 from
Kieseritzky, Al/i. Mittlt. VIII. (1883), 1*1. xv and 315, see Reinach for other reproductions. pp. 291 * Cf. one figured on p. 427, f. 318= CA'. 1869, 1. 2.8, from the third lady's tomb of the (Ireat Bliznitsa. " v. p. 217, f 119, HI. 6, 7 Hadaczek, p. 28.
—
VI.
I.
Ryzhanovka, A>/. II. xvii. i, both types, Deev Barrow, v. p. 170, BCA. xix. xiii. 4, xv. 10. « ib. VI. 2,
M.
reproduced
;
50
Goldwork
Greek Art.
394
[ch. XI
might be applied to the proportions of faces upon the Cyzicene staters whose small area gave less freedom than the broad flat silver coins of other states. In fact most full faces on coins are rather round except the curious topsyturvy types of Istrus, where a long narrow face was equally necessitated by the design'. The fashionable account is that we have an imitation of Attic types in Ionian proportions, that it is in Asia Minor that we are to seek for the centre of export of gold-work into South Russia^ So much more attention has been given to the study of style in sculpture than to that of mere decorative jewelry, that it is to the specimens with reliefs that we must look for light on the question of the origin of all. About the medallion In this case the frame is worthy of the picture. is a border with a wavy pattern of leaves and spirals of twisted wire soldered Along the lower edge of the on, enriched with blue and green enamel. border are enamelled rosettes and leaves disguising loops from which hangs a whole network of fine chains, with other rosettes at the knots serving as points of attachment for pear-shaped vases in the meshes. Each vase has its neck and a little knop at its pointed lower end, and is covered with patterns of gold threads and grains soldered on. In the first tomb of the Great Bliznitsa (p. 426, f. 316) were found similar temple ornaments, slightly smaller but of coarser workmanship. The medallions have Thetis or Nereids riding on sea-horses and bearing arms to Achilles. The composition is again a craftsman's version of great sculpture, perhaps going back to an original by Scopas but there is no The palmette border again has Scopaic character about the execution. blue enamel. The arrangement of the network below is very like the Kul :
Oba work
but a
Unworthy
little
inferior.
be mentioned with these are the rough roundels with rough pendants found at Darievka near Shpola, but they must have served the same purposed They seem to be rude Greek work rather than a They each consist simply of a large native imitation, but it is hard to say. rosette surrounded by a guilloche border to which are hung vase pendants. to
Earrings.
No
many
and they have been well occur in the GraecoScythian area. The oldest piece of pure Greek goldwork, put by him about 600 B.C., is an earring from Vettersfelde^ for Vettersfelde must be considered as an outlier of Scythia. Another archaic type well represented is kind of a double twist such as would just go round two fingers. Each end is adorned with spirals and patterns of gold wire soldered on and finished off with a pyramid of grains. These occur in bronze and silver, but the greater part are in gold. The Hermitage has seven pairs, and Stephani was never sure whether they were earrings, or served to keep thick plaits of hair or possibly jewels offer so
classed by
Hadaczek\
varieties as earrings,
Examples of most
Mus. Coins, Thrace, etc., p. 25, No. 8. A. N, Schwartz in Drevnosti {Trans, of MosC01U Arch. Soc.\ XV. i. p. 17. '
'^
Brit.
classes
^
Sm.
*
Cf.
*
p.
11.
x.
3.
Marshall, 239, f. 148
BM. Jewellery, ;
Hadaczek,
pp. xxxii
p. 20,
f.
36.
— xxxvi.
2
§12]
Rarrings.
Tcjnplc-plaqtces.
Twists.
Crescents
395
folds of drapery in place": but Hadaczek proves by coins that they hun^ from the ear. MacPherson's plate shews green enamel adorning his specimens". " Another early type that Iladaczek derives from Ionia, was the " woolsack or "leech," a kind of crescent not Oat but thick and hollow; from one end rose a wire which went through the ear and caught on the other end. This seems to have existed in the East from time immemorial^ and to survive still in the Middle Ages it developed into the Russian kolt with its enamel decorations*. In Greek hands it was chiefly adorned with patterns of grains soldered on to it^ or wire spirals and plaits". More ingenious was the device of a goldsniith who saw in it the likeness of a bird and put a head on to the hook end". Allied in technique is the cone-earring from Romny\ This is great many ancient earrings have the hook fixed to a disk. usually adorned with a rosette" and a border. Commonly it has something hung to it in turn. One of the simplest motives is a kind of inverted pyramid. Such an earring is worn by Athena on the Kul Oba plaque. An actual pair comes from Karagodeuashkh'", and another without the disk from the same grave". Such a one Aphrodite wears as engraved on the inlaid box (p. 424, f. Hadaczek 314). (p. 28) quotes similar specimens from Cyprus, which has In the first Karavery often produced duplicates of South Russian jewelry. godeuashkh specimen little chains hang down on each side of the pyramid". Very common indeed is the type in which the pendant below the disk takes the shape of a vase with little S handles of wire and grain decoration soldered on to the body". One in the Athens Museum is just like one from Kerch (f. 290. 19)'^ Modifications arise by which the vase is flattened into a mere setting for a stone (f. 290. 20) or the handles are absent (ib. 17). More ambitious forms of the disk and pendant type have the half-moon hanging from the disk" and from it again a network of chains and vases and rosettes such as hangs from the temple ornaments but very much smaller. This development gave room for decorative figures though on the most extraordinarily small scale. The Kul Oba queen had two pair of this type one has a comparatively simple rosette above and grains upon the crescent ;
A
:
1 CR. 1876, MI. 32, supra, p. 208, f. 106; ABC. XXXII. 14; MacPherson, Kertch, PI. 1 = B.\f. Jewellery, XXX. 1649, cf. p. 176; E. A. Gardner,
JHS. Kerch
in the
Ashmolean"
"Objects from Nelidov, X. 2 10 from
Xl.vil.
V. (1884), p. 69, PI. :
cf.
5,
Hadaczek, p. 15. 2 Such from Cyprus, JHS XI. p. 55, PI. v. 3; Myres-Ohnefalsch-Richter, Cat. Cyprus Museum, Nos. 4108 sqq. Ohnefalsch-Richter, Kypros, the Gizeh
;
and Homer,
and here
^
1876,
;
point
and nineteen suspended by chains, Arch.
Aus.
cf. Nelidov, X. 191, 192. 1910, p. 215, f. 15 Olbia, CR. 1903, p. 148, f 288. Hadaczek, p. 22, f. 42=///.S'. v. (1884), XLVI.6.
« '
*
8,
ears but the coils seem closer: ib. XLViii. 2, LV. 7. They are always found near the head of the dead, e.g. at Praesus, BSA. Xii. p. 68. 3 Cat. Cyprus Museum, Nos. 4008 sqq. Kypros, etc., PI. CLXX.Xli. 5; Munro, JHS. XII. (1891), p. ;
am indebted to Professor J. L. Cyprian comparisons. examples in N. P. Kondakov's y^w^i-Zrtw (St P. 1896), and his Zveni^orodskij
313, PI. XV. Myres for the *
Many
I
Hoards, 1. Enamels, v. supra,
p.
282, n.
2.
CA'.
1901, p. 105, f. 187; Romny, Khanenko, No. Chmyreva, with a duck at each 455, on p. 191, f. 83
**
i.xvii.
=
f.
p. 208,
CR.
statues
PI.
40 from VII Brothers = CA'. Hadaczek, f. 41, f. 106; 1877, m. .33; Grushevka, v. p. 177, p. 22,
42 supra,
III.
Eltegen
have shewn them used as earrings twisted into the
Bible
Hadaczek,
'"
"
;
p.
191,
f.
83 = .S';«.
iii. vi. 6.
Vogell, Samml., No. 1231, p. 91, f. 6o
BM. Jewellery, p. 180, ff. 58, 59, PI. XXX. 1666-7, Cyprus 1668-9 (?) 1662-5, 1670-3, Cyme. Nelidov, X. 200—202. '^ Hadaczek, p. 34, f 56; CR. 1878, p. 35. 3, 4. '* Cf. Fontenay, p. 114; Nelidov, XI. 215 sqq.; Gotuchow, VIII. 46; Tyszkiewicz, XI. C) = BM. Jewellery, LI. 2331. '-
Cf.
;
'"
ib.
XXX.
!
1653, Eretria.
50
—
Greek Art.
39^
Fig. 290.
ABC.
Road, 1,7,9, works,
17,
Vii. 12, 13;
24;
CH. XI
Gold Earrings from the Bosporus: from various tombs on the Quarantine Hadzhi Mushkai, 6, 8, 11, 15, 16,23; Podgornyj Post, 2, 10,20; Kherkheulidzev's
near Kerch,
17 a carnelian, 19
Goldwork
4,
5,
18,
19;
Phanagoria,
3,
21, 22;
and 23 garnets, 20 an emerald, 24 a turquoise.
Olbia, JJ.
v.
14:
11
pp. 395
has blue enamel,
— 398, 408, 409.
§
Disk aiid Pendcmt
Rarrings.
12]
397
with palmettes at its ends, from which spring' winged Nike-figures'. The other" has richer decoration throughout and hidden in the leaves of the upper rosette are figures of Thetis and the Nereids with the arms of Achilles. It seems to have lost similar side figures, there remain but the stalks to bear them. The lesser rosettes are alternately dull gold and blue enamel the egg-and-dart mouldings and some details of the pendants, dark and light blue. Even more wonderful examples of the same kind of work were found at Theodosia. With a similar general design the tiny space above the crescent gives room for a chariot and four horses driven by a winged Nike and containing another figure and flanked by Erotes''; with the earrings was a necklace (Fig. 294. 3, 4) to match. Almost identical earrings, still unpublished, were found under Chersonese wall in urn 4 at the side of the quadriga a Muse with a lyre sat in a high spray of foliage^ Earrings of this same type also occurred in the two women's graves of the Great Bliznitsa". In the first they were found in sihi worn along with temple-plaques shewing an extraordinary accumulation of jewelry upon one head: in the other tomb only one earring has survived. In these cases the figures are merely a decorative detail not an independent element in the design, but often the pendant which hangs from the disk takes the form of a human or animal figure. Commonest of these are winged human figures, especially Nike" or Eros. The Erotes are innumerable in all kinds of attitudes, dancing (f. 290. 18), playing the lyre (f. 294. 13), with a mask^, with a butterfly*, riding on a bird*, as cupbearers (f. 290. 9, 13), with a caduceus (ib. 12), or a shepherd's crook'", gesticulating or just quiet". Less common figures are Sirens (f. 290, 14, 15, 16), Pegasus (ib. 2), Maenads'^ and Artemis-Selene". Another favourite form shews a bird instead of the human figure suspended from the disk. The figure of the bird is generally enamelled white or blue, we have for instance a swan from Taman" and from Kerch (f. 291), and a dove from Artjukhov's barrow". Besides the comparatively light earring-figures hanging from a disk we have whole figures or heads attached to a single hook. Among these it is somewhat difficult to distinguish between a pendant that formed the When they occur in pairs it centre-piece of a necklace and an earring. is clear that they are earrings, e.g. the Ryzhanovka earrings (p. 178, f. ']'^ which Hadaczek'" calls Graeco-Scythic of the iiird century B.C. but they would seem to be earlier. Their closest analogues are the Sphinxes from ;
;
:
•
2
ABC. ABC.
XIX. 4 on p. 195, f. 88, Hadaczek, p. 36. XIX. ^ = KTR. p. 234, f. 208 Fontenay, ;
drinische Toreutik," p. 306, f. 36. s qR. 1878-79, Text p. 35. 2.
^
p.
^
BCA.
401,
f. I.
294. p. 7
;
= Fontenay,
5
'"
p. 112.
inset of Flan vii.
and
422 Jeivelhry, XXX. 1655, Crete;
inf.
p.
CR. 1865, II. 3 1869, I. 12. Arch. Am. 1909, p. 150, f. 10 Tanais Hadaczek, p. 38, f. 66 { = CR. 1859, in. 3), cf. p. 39, f. 68; Daremberg-Saglio, s. v. inaures, f. 4013; Nelidov, IX. 103; Tyszkievvicz, i. 2; BM. Jewel»
'
p.
427,
f.
BM. 56 sqq. 1858 1915.
—
'-
'^
;
f 74,
X.
p. 8,
;
I.
;
1876,
ill.
Jewellery,
41 p.
i. ;
[8], 9.
cf Nelidov, VMI. xxxv.,
PI.
XXXU.
3i8 = Cj'?. i860, iv. 4, Hadaczek, p. 40, f. -j^. 3i8 = CA'. 1868, I. 2, 3= Hadaczek, p. 40, Reinach, Rt'p. Slat. II. p. 319. 7. f.
i.
'*
CR. 1870,
'"
p.
431,
179;
BM.
'"
f.
3i8 = CA'. 1868,
ibid. [6], 7
;
XXXII. 1845— 1850. f. 290. 6, cf. Abhdl. d. Phil.-hist. CI. d. k. sacks. Gt d. W. XIV. (1894), Th. Schreiber, "Die alcxan-
/i-ry,
"
:
such cf. BM. Berlin Antiquarium, No. 65, Cyme.
for all
"
CR. 1889,
9
p. 112.
p. 41,
f.
VI.
12= Hadaczek,
p. 45,
321 =CA'. 1880, iii. Jewellery, xxxi. 1677 76 Sm. Ii. xvi. 4, 5. f.
:
f.
4, cf.
84.
Nelidov,
— 1682, Vulci.
.
Greek Art.
398
Goldwork
[cH. XI
Deev barrow' and lions from the Vogell collection'. Something similar but purely Greek is a Sphinx found at Theodosia (f 294. 2) which seems to be a necklace pendant, another similar pendant comes from Olbia (f. 292) representing a boy. In all these cases the figure is sitting on some kind of base. free standing figure is an Eros with a mask and a butterfly' larger than most earrings and alone, but found upon the dead woman's pillow. With these go the many women's heads in stephanae* which certainly served as earrings yet they cannot but recall the equally common bulls' heads' which still remain hanging to their necklaces. Perhaps the simplest type of all is the earring that is literally a ring".
A
:
Such we find perfectly plain and also decorated, whether by a twist or plait' or by one end of the ring being enlarged into the head of an animal a lion^ :
Kerch.
'QoFig. Fig. 292. CR. 1897, p. 79> Gold Earring or Pendant. Olbia. \. <"•
Fig. 291. CA'. i87i,vi. a.
lynx
bull" or a
figure, Eros'" or
13, 13a.
(f.
\.
Also we get
290. 3).
Priapus
this
293. CR. 1896, p. 80, f. 331. Olbia. Gold Earring. \.
thickening formed into a
human
290. 22). From these rings we get various charms suspended a favourite one is the club of Hercules or a bunch of grapes, but these rather coarse additions mostly belong to the later style when stones had come into fashion (v. p. 409)". Rather like some earrings are pin-heads decorated with heads or busts of animals. Such are the half-griffin from Theodosia''^ or the negro heads from Phanagoria (f, 294. 14) and Kerch'l To a later period belong some found at Chersonese crowned with a bird, a hand and a vase". (f.
;
1
BCA.
2
Samml. No.
XIX.
xiii.
f.
61
wall
(5.
3 CR. 1897, p. 118, f. 233, Chersonese, grave 893, found with a coin like iv. 22. * f. 290. 10, II, \\a: MacPherson, PI. i: Fontenay, p. iii: cf. BM. Jewellery, xxxii. 1855.
CR. 1863, I. 7, 8; Karagodeuashkh, p. 217, f 119, iv. ^
i.
294. 9;
BM. Jewellery, *
1684 '
{.
290. 4
184,
Hadaczek, ;
1873, i,
2:
III.
15; Olbia,
Lxviii. 2971.
Cf. ib. pp. x.Kxiv,
— 1824:
Vogell,
f.
60, PI.
XXXI. xxxii.
p. 46.
Samml.
p. 90,
f.
59.
Kerch, i. 290. i; CR. 1877, v. 14; Olbia, f. BM. Jewellery, Liii. 2444, with 293 (horned) onyx vase Vogell, Samml. p. 91, f. 60 Chersonese, 8
;
;
BCA. I. p. 7, urn i in the f 31 Ohnefalsch-Richter, Kypros, etc., PI. CLXXXII. 8, CCXVII. 13—17, p. 492 sqq. » i. 290. 5; CR. 1865, III. 38: from Olbia, CR. 1899, p. 124, ff. 236, 237, cf. Nelidov, IX. 139. "* f. 290. CR. 1876, III. 40; 1880, IV. 5, 6. 7, 8 '1 Other pendants from Olbia, a bird, CR. 1903, a p. 148, f 289; a stone wedge, ib. p. 150, f 297 negro's head, ib. p. 151, f 300; fica, BM. Jewellery, LXVIII. 2964; fica from Kerch, CR. 1866, II. 34, III. II; cf Nelidov, XX. 531. '^ f 294. 12, cf. Nelidov, vi. 33. '^ Report of Arch. Investigations for 1853, No. j^ = KTR. p. 66, f. 86. CR. 1900,
170.
18, cf. p.
1229, p. 92,
;
;
p. 17,
;
cf.
;
;
" CR.
1892,
p. 21,
ff.
12—14.
Pe7ida7it Earrings,
§12]
Simp/e Necklaces
Pi?is.
399
Necklets,
As wonderful as the work of the temple-ornaments and earrings is that of the necklets, and the variety of patterns is very great. The chief classes are the torque, the necklace of beads, the necklace of plates, the chain necklace, the necklace with simple pendants, and that with a whole network of chains and pendants hanging irom the main string. The first hardly occurs in Greek graves, those from native graves have been dealt with above (p. 289). There is one in the Artjukhov barrow, an imitation of the form we meet in Kul Oba, but hollow and inferior (p. 43 1, f. 321 beloiv). Of the necklace of beads a good example is one from Kerch'. The beads are alternately plain and covered with little spirals, while others imitate the shape of a gourd the work is like Similar in principle is the necklace from the third lady's that of f. 294. 3. tomb in Great Bliznitsa-' with a wonderful variety of beads, some of which are artistically worked amulets, in the shape of flies, rams' heads, negroes' heads, frogs, bunches of grapes, bearded heads and others. Of simple chains the simplest is such a one as was found at Bulganak, just a chain with a lion's head at each end^ More artistic are round plait chains like those from Melgunov's barrow the earliest, perhaps a diadem (p. 172) Karagodeuashkh IV, f. Theodosia (f. i) or Chersonese wall, urn 4. 217, 119, 294. (p. 4), In urn i the necklace was made up of two flat plaits ending in lion-heads hooking on to a centre-piece, a filigree reef-knot containing an Eros holding a lyre': the design foreshadows the Artjukhov crown (p. 432, f. 322). Of simple pendants the best usually hang from a string of beads such as one from Theodosia (f. 294. 3) with vase-like drops, or one from Kerch with various charms, lions, combs, birds, shells or amulets against the evil eye: such also hang from plain chains\ When we have beautiful plaited ribbons, e.g. the Kul Oba queen's and its twin from Kerch", and those from Karagodeuashkh (p. 217, f. 119, IV. 3) and Chersonese wall, urn 4', we generally find the place of the vase-shaped drop taken by a tiny pendant whose outline is the same but whose section is like a three-rayed star, thus giving six surfaces to catch the light at various angles and being more effective than the much :
—
—
more elaborate hollow
vase.
Necklets in which the chain is more important than the pendants we find in the second best of the third lady in the Great Bliznitsa" which has a row of beads of three chief types and two sizes, the larger alternately plain and adorned with rosettes about the string hole, the smaller plain towards the end and adorned with spirals in the middle beads from every larger bead hangs a rosette and from it alternately a plain and a decorated vase. The ingenious arrangement of the best necklace at Karagodeuashkh The f. 119, IV. I, 2) forms a transition to the necklace of plates. 217, (p. from certain larger ribbed ones greater part of the beads are small and plain hang large vase pendants, to the front of intermediate ones are fixed X-shaped,
—
:
ABC. xn.
^ = KTR.
p. 320, f. 289. 318, CR. 1869, I. 15. XI. 7, Olbia, CR. 1903, p. 150,
^
V. p.
^
ABC.
^
Unpublished,
•^
ABC.
427,
"
op/ioj
f.
XII.
cf.
BCA.
3; XI.
I.
I.
pp.
6—9.
f.
296.
ABC.
IX.
dij.(f)op(
p. xxxvi., cf. Fl. "
v. p.
the two varieties were cnlled and Xny^^wTos, V. BM. Jewellery, XXXiv. 1943 1948, two from Cyme. i
:
427, f 318
—
=
C7v. 1869,
1.
14.
:
Goldwork
Greek Art.
400
[ch. xi
"double-axe") plates each with a rosette in the middle and a palmette above and below, from the lower edge of these plates hang lesser vases. This device of masking the actual string with plates is carried further in the well designed but rudely executed necklace from Ryzhanovka which is made up alternately of round rosette-plates and X-shaped pieces fitting A like arrangement occurs in the necklace from into them (p. 179, f. 74). Kerch in the Ashmolean, Oxford; this has acorns hanging from the rosettes\ As usual Deev barrow supplies an analogue to Ryzhanovka, its necklace is instead of the rosettes it has fourteen twin half-beads and as it were double the plates between them an inch high are cut out on each side to fit into them, These plates are of two varieties, in each at the top is a large so 8I8E. rosette and at the lower angles two such, but in six the middle space has a whorl of large leaves supporting a rosette, in seven a duck with niello eyes is From each pair of beads and from each plate as it were swimming on it. hangs a vase-pendant two strings half an inch apart ran through beads and The same double effect is seen in a necklace from Kerch plates alike'l the plates are of much the same shape with forget-me-nots at each end and a woman's mask in the middle but two separate rows of beads fitted into them, each bead of dull gold representing a knot tied in a textile^ The ducks and rosettes reappear at Chmyreva Mogila but on rectangular plates\ A necklace from Olbia, apparently Ionian work of the vith century B.C. and so perhaps the oldest piece of goldwork found in a Greek grave in South Russia, has no beads or chain, but consists of eleven plates, two terminal (or
:
:
triangles decorated with palmettes, five squares with rosettes in wire soldered
and four tall narrow plates with stamped Sphinxes to each of these hang two barleycorn pendants and to each square three\ With this were found two pendants in the shape of lion-heads. Finally instead of a row of vase pendants, varied though they may be in shape, we may have continued along the whole length of the chain a rich network of chains and vases like that below the more elaborate temple-plaques and earrings. A simple example is the second-best necklace from the first tomb of the Great Bliznitsa. Here we have the plaited ribbon and two rows of the vase-like pendants (cf. Karagodeuashkh), the points of attachment More elaborate is the same being covered with the usual forget-me-nots. lady's best necklace with three rows of real vases, each vase being covered The most perfect specimen of this style with ornament of wire soldered on". Theodosia earrings (f. 294. 4, ^ci)'- in this found at with the wonderful was case the upper row of smallest vases gives place to a row of tiny images of the Ephesian Artemis each hanging from a demi-horse put between the enamelled forget-me-nots that mask the attachments of the network chains. on,
:
Quite unique as a necklet is that found in the third lady's tomb of the Its affinities are Great Bliznitsa serving her for best (p. 429, f. 320). It is in shape a perhaps rather with the torque than with the necklace. '
p.
so ABC. Reinach, (1884), PI. XLVii. BM. Jewellery, xxxv. 1951, 1952. 170, BCA. XIX. p. 171, PI. xni. 14—17;
JHS.w.
137; ii
CR.
p.
/\,
94: duck from Kerch, Sai)atier,
1897, p. 31,
f.
ABC.
I, 2.
Arch. Aiis. 1910,
CR.
p. 58,
xi.
XII.
f.
p. 216.
1903, pp. 149, 150, f. 295, cf. Hadaczek, 106— 108: ^yl/./^w'^/Z^ry, IX. 888, Ephesus;
Camiros. ^
IV. 7. •'
* ^
CR. 1865,
II.
5,
4=Fontenay,
Jewellery, xxxv. 1947, Melos.
p.
173:
cf.
BM.
§12]
Fio. 294
Necklaces,
Plate-
and Complex.
Theodosia
ABC. XII a. Gold Objects from Theodosia, 6 electrum, 7 silver spiral, eold « chalcedony, 14, 15 from Phanagoria. -i. v. pp. 397-402, 409, 410 414
401
ends 5.
Greek
402
Goldwork
Ai^t.
[ch. xi
crescent formed by two twists of gold that make the inner and outer circumferences. In the space between them framed by a kind of ^%gand-dart we have figures of rams and goats ajoure with poppy plants and rosettes in the background. At each end a dog is pursuing some rodent. The ends of the crescent die into a flat collar, linked by a plait These lionpattern to the lion-heads which hold the fastening rings. heads are also exceptional, for in general a string of beads, or a necklet whose section is round, has lion-heads, whereas the flat necklaces or ribbon In spite chains end in U-shaped pieces each decorated with a palmette.
of
its
is no doubt that this was a necklet, ornaments {tsata) put on to icons.
strange form there
closely the metal neck
Armlets.
recalls
it
most
Various Goldwork.
The
Armlets do not shew so much variety as necklets.
general form
either a smaller torque, a twist encircling the wrist once with animals' heads at each end, or else a spiral of two or three turns with either a flat is
and palmettes as
finials or a general representation of a snake. type belongs the magnificent bracelet from Kul Oba worn by the king (p. 199, f. 92. i). The bold twist wormed with small strands ends in palmette collars which form the transition to the foreparts of Sphinxes whose paws hold a knot between them. Their style is so restrained that they must surely go back to originals of the vth century, although the actual work may belong to the ivth. Somewhat similar are the bracelets from the Great Bliznitsa ending in lionesses (p. 426, f. 317) and silver ones with gold lions' and rams' heads from Kerch and Chersonese wall, urn 4, respectively'. Among the flat-sectioned spiral bracelets a similar mixture of material is found in a pair from Theodosia (f. 294. 7); each has three turns and ends in flattened lion-heads. Examples of the same type with antelopes' heads we have from Kerch" and with a whole lion from the Great Bliznitsa''. At Karagodeuashkh similar armlets end in sea horses with curled tails (p. 217, f 119, III. 7, 8). Whole serpents appear at Artjukhov's barrow, tombs i and ii\ Rather special are the armlet of the queen from Kul Oba, a broad thin plate of gold with two bands of repeated groups grifiins attacking deer, finishing off at each end with four lion-heads in low relief, and a second worn by the king, also a flat band but narrower with a little moulded edge and archaic groups of Eos and Memnon alternating with Peleus and Thetis; the whole studded with blue forget-me-nots (p. 199, f. 92. 2, 3). Among other pieces of Greek goldwork may be mentioned the sheath from Tomakovka and its replica from Vettersfelde (p. 148, f. 45, cf. p. 236). The belt clasp from Kurdzhips seems so far unique (p. 224, f. 127). It is made up of two strips of gold adorned with enamelled rosettes and circles, hooking on to each other, and two side-pieces with an elaborate decoration of intertwined spirals, palmettes and rosettes one side-piece was firmly united to one strip, the other hooked on to the free strip.
section
To
the
first
—
;
1
^5C.
Text, Reinach.p. I38 = A'77?. p.6s,f. 85. RCA. I. p. 9, perhaps with more than
Unpublished, one turn.
.
^
*
•'
*
^5C.
xiv.
CR. 1869, CR. 1880,
i
= ATA",
i.
16.
i.
9, 11.
14:
p.
317,
1873,
285.
f.
ill.
7,
Kerch.
Collaj'^
12]
§
Ami/ets^ Clasps Plates^
Sto?ie
yewelry
403
Mention must also be made of the gold repousse and engraved work, the phalerae' for adorning horses, mostly of Hellenistic date, found in native graves such as Chmyreva barrow (pp. 168, 169, ff. 58 61), Akhtanizovka and Siverskaja (p. 215), Fedulovo, Taganrog and Starobelsk (p. 173, n. 3), and latest, Janchekrak (p. 171), and of the smaller plates of greater range in time used for sewing on to clothes'", and of the innumerable buttons, studs and other small pieces of gold found in some of the richer Greek graves as well. This is particularly the case in the Great Bliznitsa and is one of several points of resemblance which link it on to the Scythic graves in spite of the pure Greek character of everything found in it except one plate from the pyre of the second lady with a combat between a griffin and a lioness represented quite in the Scythic manner. How this piece found itself in such company it is impossible to say^
—
Transition
from Goldwork
to
Stone fewelry.
The goldwork
considered hitherto has been goldwork that relied for its upon the gold contrasts of colour were only introduced by the use of enamel which though more general than in other Greek districts was applied in the same primitive way, being run into the spaces it was desired to colour and allowed to keep its natural surface instead of being ground flat. The colours used were also primitive, limited to a light and dark blue and green. This use of gold by itself is characteristic of the Greeks in the best age. Stones only appear in rings (v. p. 410) and occasionally separately as beads. The difficulty of guessing the chief export centre among old Greek lands W'hich supplied the Euxine market with goldwork has been already mentioned. No doubt there is great resemblance between some of the little Attic jewelry known to us and some of the simpler specimens from South Russia. But Athens had no special reputation for ordinary goldwork nor any natural advantages such as she had in silver. The great chryselephantine statues stood quite apart. There is on the other hand a remarkable identity between the elaborate goldwork from South Russia and that found at Cyme in Aeolis\ The excessive complication of detail, the insertion of figures on a scale which did effect
:
not allow of their being satisfactorily executed, the luxuriant curls of the vegetwo of the older pieces (e.g. f 294. 6), such details as the Ephesian Artemis on the Theodosian The undoubted supremacy of Athens in necklace, all suggest Asia Minor. its own does not preclude the retention by Ionia of speciality pottery In works which can be judged its natural importance in other departments. by the canons applying to sculpture the subjects which are of Attic origin have been reinterpreted in the Ionian manner (v. pp. 284 and 394), and we may well believe that the greater part of the goldwork found north of the Euxine was either imported from Asia Minor or made on the spot by artists But this must not be taken to be under the predominant influence of Asia. table ornament, the actual material (electrum) of one or
—
—
^
BCA. XXIX.
^
BM.
Kul Oba Ogiiz(.'')
pp.
Jewellery,
(.')
and
;
18—53. p. xxxvii,
I'l.
xi..
2104—2107
LXViii. 2886, LXIX. I.XX. 3072 Olbia.
— 3085,
427, f. 318, CR. 1865, in. 1—32. pp. 392, n. 6; 395, n. 12; 397, n. 4; 399, n. 6 406, n. 3 BM. Jewellery, p. .xxxviii, the great find contained an Alexander coin. ^
V. p.
•
v.
;
:
51—2
Greek
4-04-
Ai^t.
Goldwork a7id yewehy
[ch. xi
Athens had special relations with the Bosporus and there without exceptions. no need to put everything down to Ionia. As time went on provinciahsms tended to disappear in the Greek world, and just as the koivi) dialect spread everywhere so a common acceptance of artistic and industrial fashions spread Hence we find in the patterns which arose in one town throughout the rest. the British Museum and the Louvre jewelry from Etruria and South Italy identical with that from South Russia preserved in the Hermitage. But as the Greeks came into closer contact with the Eastern barbarians after the conquests of Alexander they suffered to some extent the influence of From them they learned to rate much higher the people they were ruling. precious stones. At the same time, perhaps from the same the beauty of appreciate colour as well as form, at least cause, they were learning to They their love of colour took a new direction, gratified itself in new ways. came to prefer sharp contrasts to delicate gradations; as Riegl puts it the colouristic principle with its instant appeal to the senses replaced the tectonic it is curious that in ceramics they with its appeal to the understanding^ abandoned painting and took to plastic decoration just at this very period. The question arises as to what part of the barbarian world had most part No doubt the accumulations of the Persian realm in Iran in this revolution. and nearer Asia supplied material for it for instance, the garnet, the most characteristic jewel of the new movement, is usually referred to Syria but it is a question whether the impulse was not equally due to Egypt whose artistic influence has been so ably championed by Professor Schreiber". In South Russia the new fashion may be said to make its appearance in the splendid contents of Artjukhov's barrow (v. p. 430). In that barrow we have for the first time a general use of precious stones, both set and pierced for use as beads, the first cameo, the first example of Greek cloisonne enamel. .Such a use of precious stones was common in Egypt from time immemorial the cloisonne process closely resembles effects produced in Egypt from an early period, the decoration of one of the earrings though in general design quite Greek has among its ornaments the feather and cow-horn crown of Isis-Hathorl Also there were beads of Egyptian manufacture with Egyptian emblems such as the god Bes. At this moment too the reef-knot came into fashion and occurs on very many objects of the second and third centuries B.C. This very pattern occurs in Egypt and on Greek soil seems accompanied by a fashion for tassels very characteristic of the Artjukhov finds^ At first the introduction of the new element of precious stones did not make much difference in the jewelry into which it entered. The goldis
:
:
:
:
work of the Artjukhov crown and earring is nearly as fine as that of the pure gold technique of the Bliznitsa. But as time went on, less attention was paid to the gold, and it became coarse and clumsy, and the forms of were also changed to receive the stones better. however, the same forms went on.
objects
Die SpdtromiscJie Kiinst-industric^ p. 172 sqq. In many works e.g. Alexaiidrinische Toreuiik: see however the protest against the exaggeration of this point of view, in A. J. B. Wace's "Apollo on the Omphalos," BSA. IX. (1902-3). ' V. p. 431, f 321 = CR. 1880, III. 4, 5. Schreiber, '
-
On
the whole,
cit. p. 290 and PI. U. f. 8 v!^ BM. JewcHe/y, LI. 2328 (Calymnos), 2329 2331. * Cf. a necklet from Ithaca, Fontenay, p. 430: a reef-knot with a figure in it from Syria, BM. Jeivi'llery, XXXIV. 2001, cf XXVll. 1607 1609 for the whole change of taste, ib. p. xlii sqq.
op.
—
(.'')
—
:
§12]
Egyptian I/iflue7icc.
Colotcred Stones.
We
Artjukhov 4.05
have only one crown of the new style those described above belong one or two which have a scjuare centrepiece with stones at the corners', they shew its distinouishing features only by their progressive decadence. This Artjukhov crown (p. 432, f. 322) consists of a hoop formed of three 'parts joined by hinges, two tkitcd side-pieces adorned with a wave ornament and finishing in collars with enamel, and a centr(;piece in the shape of a reef-knot made of large garnets joined by gold bands. The middle of the knot is taken up by a group of an eagle lifting an Eros the eagle's outspread wings are enamelled. From the lower margin of the crown hang six characteristic tassels each consisting of a round or heart-shaped garnet, from which depends a round bead set in gold, the immediate head of the tassel which is made up of six garnets hung on gold chains and wire stalks. It has been doubted whether this can be a diadem because the tassels would get so much in the way of the wearer's eyes, but it would not be worse than some of the pearl fringes on old Russian headdresses. For neckgear in this Tomb I, we have, beside a simple neck-ring (p. 431, 321, I. 2), a chain'-, a row of small amulets^ and three necklaces, one of carnelians and gold beads, one of garnets held in gold rosettes (ib. i. 5)^ and one of which the main part is gold chain, but each end has a garnet heart and the centre an emerald between two garnets flanked by lion-busts with bodies of banded stone (ib. i. 6). The same lady had an armlet of chalcedony balls quite in the barbaric manner". She also had a pin (f. 321, 17) with a head in the form of a disk decorated with a rosette in real cloisonne enamel offering a smooth surface from the disk hangs down even such a tassel as hangs from the crown. Her left hand bore a ring with the bezel ^ embellished by a rosette like that on the disk of the pin (ib. i. 13) and her right a ring with garnets". This same taste runs through all the graves of the barrow each lady had such a pin, the lady in the second grave had the earrings with the Egyptian motive (f. 321, in. 5), the well-known ring with a bezel in the form of a shoe-sole bearing the inscription ECTIAIOC MAAAMIAI carried out in black enamel and gold cloisons (ib., iii. 7, 8) and the cameo of Eros and the butterfly'. The Artjukhov barrow is dated at about halfway through the iiird century by the coins of Lysimachus and Paerisades found in it. This gives just the date for the change of style, for in it not everything has yet conformed to the new fashion. For instance, the ordinary Kul Oba type of neck-ring with lions' heads at the ends is here but hollow and poor, suggesting that though the form still existed it was no longer held in its old esteem (f. 321 beloiv). Quite in the old manner are the snake bracelets', The the Erotes earrings" and the necklaces of the lady in the second tomb'". work and general type of the earring with the Isis headdress (f. 321, 11. 4, 5) is just that of the former period but for the introduction of that one detail. An ornament common to all the Artjukhov ladies, and occurring in other contemporary graves, seems to have come in rather late although it does not It is a round {)laque usually with shew any distinct trace of the new style. a border of enamel and bearing some subject such as Aphrodite and Eros. ;
to the late period, but excej^t the
:
f.
i.
:
.
.
.
:
434, f. 325, ABC. 1880, I. 3.
'
p.
2
CR.
*
Cf.
••
BM. Jewellery,
CR. 1880,
I.
8.
III.
3
—
''
5.
^
ib.
I.
7.
ib.
I.
14.
xxxviii. 1961. "
III.
ib.
p.
9 on
III.
152,
f.
"
CR. 1880,
'••
ib.
1.
f.
321
:
Kurtwangler, Ant. Gem.
106.
11,
i.
12.
9. '"
ib.
11.
9.
10,
11.
4o6
Greek Art,
Goldwork and ^Jewelry
[ch. xi
appears to have been worn at the intersection of the cross-bands' over
It
just where the terra-cottas often indicate a large ornamentl examples come from Egypt, and this would seem to be one more Still indication of a connexion between that country and the new fashions. we have in two plaques from Kerch (p. 195, f. 88)^ roundels executed in the old manner with wonderful filigree and quite suitable for the same One rather similar roundel from a man's purpose as the Aphrodite reliefs. grave in Artjukhov's barrow (f. 321, 11. 3^) is an unmistakable example of the new style, having pastes as well as patterns in gold soldered on. It has been noticed that a love of reef-knots is characteristic of the things This same love is exemplified by other jewels found in Artjukhov's barrow. which, whether adorned with stones or not, appear to belong to about the same time. The knot became a favourite motive for the middle of diadems^ and necklaces". In some of these the tassels also occur, and these continue in favour in a simplified form until the barbarous ages when we cannot tell if the dangling chains and stones derive from Greek originals or from the
the
breast,
Two
general Finnish love of
all
kinds of jingles.
Necklaces with coloured
stones.
The Artjukhov
necklace (f. 321, i. 6) is the first of an interesting series. distinguishing feature is that the middle or front of the necklace consists of several large oval or lozenge-shaped stones of different colours set in gold box-settings and joined by hinges': the two ends are the ordinary plaited chains. This fashion went on for three hundred years, for a later phase of it is seen in three necklaces which may be dated in the ist century a.d. The first was found at Olbia in 1891 in the tomb with the glazed pottery (v. p. 420)1 It is the most developed of the series and shews the love of bright-coloured stones and pastes pushed very far. necklace precisely similar I saw recently in the possession of Messrs Spink in Piccadilly, London. The chains on each side end in lynxes with crystal bodies and golden heads. Between them are five blue pastes, three oval and two square, set in broad bands of gold with lesser pastes and granular patterns. From the middle oval paste hangs a butterfly' of gold with a paste body, an emerald head, and wings each set with three blue and green pastes. On each side from the square pastes of the main row hang first a round emerald and then a pear-shaped drop of pink paste, each duly set in gold. From the lynxheads to the square pastes, and from these to the butterfly's wings, hang light chains of gold. In the same grave was found a pair of earrings consisting each of a garnet body set in gold, from which hangs a crystal amphora and several light gold chains (v. p. 408). The distinguishing
The
A
BM. Jewellery, xxxviii. 1984. CR. 1880, I. 16; 11. 13: Karagodeuashkh, the first and best, p. 217, f. 119, ill. 12 Chersonese, associated with a polychrome necklace, f. 295 T Kurdzhips, CR. 1895, p. 62, f. 141 cf. Schreiber, '
Cf.
^
:
;
;
op.
cit.
p.
311,
f.
51
;
BM.
Jewellery, l.xviii. 2883,
Egypt. ^ *
Cf ib. XXXVIII. 2059, Cyme; ABC. Cf BM. Jewellery, LX. 2945.
xix.
2, 3.
»
e.g. ib.
^
ABC.
xxvii. 1607-9; ix. 2, 3,
ABC.
vi. 3, 4.
had two knots and Fontenay, p. 174, where one
this latter
better illustrated in is shewn with the Medusa face that fills and the tassels that hang from it; ABC. X. i, is
knot
cf Nelidov, Xin. 329; Goiuchow, Vll. 36. " Cf BM. Jewellery, LViii. 2747; LXI. 2749. Oreshnikov, Drevnosti, xv. ii. (1894) Pi. " Cf BM. Jewellery, LXi. 2746, Rome. •*
it,
2,
i.
§
Coloured
12]
Sto?ie
Neck/aces
407
Garnet Paste
(larnet
Amethyst
Paste
Amethyst
or Sapphire
Emerald Topaz
(iarnet
Topaz
Garnet
\
Garnet Garnet
Emerald
Garnet
Garnet
CR. 1896, p. 76, f. 323. Chersonese, Tomb No. 630. a, Gold ring with engraved Amethyst. Gold ring with Garnet. 15, Gold plates, r, Gold roundel with Aphrodite and Flros. A, (lold Necklace with coloured stones. J.
Fig. 295. 6,
Greek
4.08
Goldwoi^k a7id
Aj^t.
y ewelry
[ch. xi
feature of this chain is the elaboration of the settings of each great paste. In the next butterfly necklace, found at Chersonese in 1896 (f 295), the The variety is even stones are smaller, all oval and put in simple settings. greater. With this necklace were found two roundels with Aphrodite to wear upon the breast and a wristband' made of gold tubes soldered to each other side by side and so building up hexagons and strips which could be threaded together. In 1898 a very similar necklace was found in a leaden urn at ChersoIt consisted of seven garnets and two green pastes, with two pendants with green pastes and a light blue paste in the head of the butterfly which had There had been other pendants, now lost, and more a garnet on its wing. stones in the butterfly, but the whole shewed signs of having been long used and roughly mended. With it was found other jewelry of much the same character as accompanied the fellow necklaces and also a coin of Domitian and one of Chersonese^ so that the objects may be referred to the ist century a.d. confirming the conclusions independently arrived at on the evidence of the other similar finds. Another necklace in the same taste was found at Hadzhi Mushkai near Kerch^ This has chain all the way round save for a medallion with an engraved garnet and a fastening disguised by the figure of a ram with its wool curiously rendered by small circles of gold wire soldered on. From the chain hang emeralds, aquamarines and turquoises in box-settings. The ram has been compared to a little lion found at Kurdzhips'^ and recalls another ram on a bracelet from Armavir on the Laba a tributary of the Kuban but this last is frankly barbarous". nese''.
:
Jewelled Earrings.
Whereas these many-coloured necklaces are the most extreme examples new taste in jewelry, the earrings are the commonest. Inasmuch
of the
it is useless to multiply references. The point is to observe how the necessity for accommodating the stones led to modifications in design and the weeding out of types unsuited to the new decoration. In the earrings and other minor pieces we meet almost exclusively with garnets. There remained a desire for some contrasting colour, but it could not often be gratified. The disk and amphora earring lent itself well to garnets one would make the centre of the disk, another perhaps adorn the vase flattened to receive it' more often, however, it was of gold merely and rather degraded*. In a more ambitious type the disk tends to become a triangle (cf f 290. 20), from the base of which hangs a row of chains with an amphora of onyx or crystal in the middle". The skill to make good figures became rare, and the Erotes had to give way. But the ring-shaped
as almost every grave yields a pair
interesting
:
;
CR. CR.
1896, p. 180, f. 556. 1898, p. 121, No. 1009 p. 505, f. 338. 1
2
on
Laureated head Burachkov, xvi. 91. * ^j9C. X. 3 = A'7'/'. 3
n.
I
:
p.
316,
f.
E^
"
i"
XEP
right.
CR. 1896, p. 62, f. 296. CR. 1902, p. 87, f. 196; cf. p. 232, n. 6. ABC. XXIV. 19. « e.g. CR. 1892, p. 109, f. 67 1894, p. 63, f. both from Chersonese. " Olbia, same tomb, Drevnosti, XV. ii. PI. Kerch, CR. 1903, p. 45, f 62. -
F and
between
282.
in
V.
cf Nelidov, Xiv. 396, from Ismid.
inf
wreath. p.
434,
;
89, i;
§12]
Stones in
Necklaces
and
Garnets
Earri?igs.
409
head continues, a setting for the stone being put helovv as at Chersonese, a double h'on's head (p. 507, f. 339), Init in general the thick end of the ring is turned merely into a setting for a round or pear-shaped stone'. type with a
the Hon's
lion's
mouth
Figs. 296, 297.
CR.
1891, pp. 37, 54,
17,
ff.
31.
Kerch.
Earrings
in
Gold and
(.arnct.
}.
To this shape a pendant is often hung, the old amphora (ff. 290. 19; 296) or a bunch of grapes (f 290. 24, cf. f. 294. 11), a club of Hercules'-, and most characteristically a bunch of chains whether forming a tassel (f. 290. 17) or all in a line (ib. 20; f. 297)^: by a survival Eros is even left hanging in the midst (f 290. 18). Garnet
Style.
This garnet style becomes more and more barbaric. It is applied to harness^ and to buckles^ Some buckles are interesting for the taniga they bear such as has been already mentioned on bronze examples". Other The harness mentioned, which buckles lead on to absolutely barbaric types'. also had the same tamga, was found in the famous tomb at Glinishche (v. p. 433) in which, alongside of the Hellenistic plate already described, was found an armlet which retains some traces of Greek technique, but is directly related to the little bottle found in the same grave (p. 434, ff. 326, 327), and with the e.xception so all such bottles are classed as Greek by Smirnov* though found in most barbarian company, of one from Olbia with a rude lion stopper" e.g. in the Novocherkassk treasure (p. 234, ff 141, 142'") and the late Ust Labinskaja barrows". This is in fact the end of Greek jewelry unless, as von Stern thinks, it was the Greeks of Kerch that began to make the jewelry of the barbarians'".
—
—
'
KTR.
Hadaczek, *
p. p.
66, 52,
f. f.
86 r?;
CR. 1894,
p.
64,
f.
93;
96.
290. 21, 23; Vogell, Sai/uiil. p. 91, f. 60; Jewellery, LM. 2412, 2420* Olbia; cf. 2417; armlets, ABC. xxiv. 3, 4: CR. 1892, p. 119, f. 74. f.
BM.
Also CR. 1892, p. Ill, f. 169. p. 435, f. 328; ABC. XXIX. 1—5. ^ ABC. XXXII. \6 = KTR. It p. 315, f. 280. an ox head. " ABC. XXXII. 19, 20, cf. supra p. 318, n. ^ ibid. Trans. Oil. Soc. XX. i. 1, 13. 13, 15 * Ar^enterie Oricntale, p. 5, I'l. Xii. 32. 3
:
M.
1
1868,
I.
" Smirnov,
Uvarovcup, XI. 27, V. suprapp. 234, 235, ff. 140, 144. " CR. 1902, p. 83, f. i84 = Smirnov, ex. 280; others from Siberia, xil. and CX. "^i iMozara, ;
*
i
CR.
io=.Smirnov, Xii. 31. xi. 29, gives better photographs of this, also of the box, XI. 30, the cup, x. 25, and the ''
is
Kamyshin {CR. 1898, rotitorovka, Kuban, Kherson
78,
CXIII.
f.
137), Xil.
242
;
34; .StaNovopelrovka,
(C'A*. 1903, p. 154, f. 305), CXIII. place, Coll. Botkin, St P., C.X. 281. Trans. Oil. Soc. XX. p. 1.
unknown '-
p.
279;
4IO
Greek Art.
Gems.
"Jewelry,
[ch. xi
Finger- rings. In this the One more jewel must be mentioned, the finger-ring. There are rings occurrence of stones is, of course, no criterion of date. of the ordinary shape with a bezel set with a stone whether plain or Others have a gold bezel likewise engraved'. Sometimes these engraved. engravings afford by their rubbed condition interesting evidence of the continuecl use of the ring, and warn us afresh that a stone too may have been worn a very long time before being buried with some possessor". Besides ordinary rings there should be noted the rings with a stirrup-like outline^ They are usually early, before the ring and the stone had adapted themselves Interesting are those which have instead of a flat bezel^ an to each other. animal or insect formed in the round. Then there are double rings like that of Many of the masked queen (p. 434, f. 325) and one with four lions upon it\ A special form the later ones have dotted inscriptions especially XAPA". is that of the serpent-ring sometimes forming a pendant to a serpent-bracelet". Some rings such as that with Aphrodite and a trophy and that with a large head of Athena^ both found with silver vessels on the way to Kerch Quarantine are too big to wear and were probably votive.
Gems.
13.
§
The gems found on the north coast of the Euxine are not very great importance* but the two specimens of work by sufficient to redeem the whole class from insignificance. Of special local interest are the oriental gems. In strong Greek influence is traceable, and Furtwangler in attributes almost all of them to Greek artists'". Perhaps them is a cylinder from Kerch" upon which a priest is sacred dragon that rises from the symbolic "sea" Apsu; behind :
on the whole of
Dexamenus
many his
of them discussion
the earliest of
worshipping a are the symbols V
Marduk
are
"
the elements of the name inscribed are " Marduk " or " Samas " and "iddin or "sum...": Menant'" assigns this to the Neo-Chaldaean Empire. Other specimens are Achaemenian. Perhaps the most interesting is explained by Menant'' as a forerunner of the scene represented at Bisutun Darius is slaying Gaumata the Mage and behind him four figures with ropes round their necks represent four rebels subdued behind them is a palm tree with fruit. Another notable example comes from Anapa out of the Nereid coffin'^ and bears of
:
:
;
1 e.g. BCA. I. pp. 6, 9, Chersonese wall, urn i, Athena, cf. Lysimachus coins on PI. vi. 19 21 urn 4, Aphrodite on silver ring, cf. p. 217, f. 19. 2 e.g. ABC. xvni. 3.
—
;
1
3
208,
e.g. p.
f.
106;
ABC.
XVI.
I,
2, 4,
7—12,
298 p. 427, f. 318, p. 431, f. 321 Vogell, Samml. No. 1242, p. 92, f. 62, gold bezel with double 14, 15, V.
f.
;
;
palmette. "•
ABC.
Fontenay, *
ABC.
"
Kerch,
II.
CR.
1865,
III.
23, 24, V.
XVlli.
«
6.
ABC.
xviii.
10,
ibid.
11;
I.
f.
318;
20—25. CR. CR. 1880,
Bliznitsa,
19 on f. 318, Artjukhov's barrow, 14, 16: Theodosia, in electrum, f. 294.
1869, II.
XVI. p. 28.
6.
also Konelsky's, v. pp. 384, 385. largest publication, T. de Kibaltchitch, Germnes de la Russie Mcridionale^ 1910. i" v. p. 56 cf. Stephani's list in CR. 1881, pp. 81 Furtwangler, -88, also 1882-88, pp. 62— 66 sqq. Die Antiken Giintnen, III. p. 1 16 sqq. '^ CR. 1 881, V. 6, 7 on f. 298. 12 Glyptiquc OrieiUale, Vol. n. p. 71, PI. X. 4 and Furtwangler, loc. cit. For the interpretation I am much indebted to Canon C. H. W. Johns, Litt.D., Master of S. Catharine's College. ^^ op. cit. Vol. il. ix. i and p. 168, f. \^7 = CR. 1 881, V. 9 on f. 298. ^^ CR. 1882-8, v. 3, on f. 298, v. p. 324. ^
ABC.y.V.(), 15
"
The
;
;
;
§§12
Finge?'-ri?igs.
13]
Orienta/
Gems
411
a king with crenelated crown' adoring Anaitis who walks upon a lion and is The worship of Anaitis was first allowed by Artaxerxes surrounded with rays. Mnemon'. In the same tomb was a very curious gem, not a cylinder, but a
One
four-sided prism'.
face bears a Persian distinguished as such by the shape
Kerch.
CKiSSZ&V
Fig. 298.
Oriental and Perso-Greek
Gems
found about the Bosporus.
}
.
v.
1
Anapa.
pp. 263, 267.
flat on top with its tip hanging backwards^ the next has a man with dog jumping up at him, closely recalling the composition of an Attic grave relief, upon the next is represented a cock fight much as it occurs upon the cylices of the lesser Attic masters, and the last shews a nude woman dancing. The style of the latter cannot be much before the end of the fourth
of his hood,
;
a
'
Cf. Ualton,
^
Menant, op.
The Treasure of the cit.
Vol.
\\.
p. 175.
Ox us,
p. 75.
3
CR. 1882-8,
•
Cf.
V.
Dalton, op.
I,
on
f.
cit. p.
298.
48 sqq.
Engrave fi Gems
Greek Art.
^12
[ch. xi
The whole prism has been at some time shortened so that the feet century. of the figures and the tail of one cock have been cut off. Of other cylinders one from Kerch' seems purely Persian, shewing a king struggling with two crowned human-headed winged bulls under the overshadowing of the Deity beyond is an ibex and a palm tree. Of purely Greek workmanship but clearly made for a Persian is a cylinder bearing a Persian King, his shoulders somewhat damaged by the fire through which the stone has passed, fighting for the body of a slain Greek against another Greek over whom his victory is assured by the protection of the Deity". The Greek settings in Stephani gives several plain cylinders in his list. ;
which these gems are found consist of little gold mouldings round each end of the cylinder and a half hoop ring of twisted gold. The poor cylinder from Kholodnyj Jar (p. 193, f. 85) is interesting mainly for its provenance. Beside the cylinders we have scarabeoids with oriental compositions. Very typical is a longshaped octagon bearing the traditional combat of a king and a lion found in the third lady's tomb of the Great Bliznitsa\ Very typical too is an oval of engraved glass from Nymphaeum out of the tomb Upon one side of this which offers such analogies with the VII Brothers. To this class also belong is a cow, upon the other the emblem of the Deity\ two specimens- one with a winged and crowned Sphinx, another with two such affronted with an uninterpreted inscription in what is said to be Lycian°. Hence they may both be referred to Asia Minor. With them may be mentioned the chalcedony with a winged monster now at Oxford^ and one with a winged human-headed ox'. The occurrence of these Persian gems does not really seem an evidence of any love of Persian forms due to a community of origin between the natives of these parts and the Iranians, but is merely due to Iran's having exerted upon Asia Minor and its dependency the Bosporus a general influence, which is most clearly shewn in the distribution of pure Persian proper names. Figures of barbarians occur upon gems of undoubted Greek workmanship made apparently for Greeks, but as has been remarked they are merely generalized barbarians of the Phrygian type* or definitely Persian as the Athenades gold bezelled ring which is nearly connected with the coins of the Persian Satrap Datames^ A head with a Phrygian cap has the artist's name PEPAA Perga[mos]". It is said to be too early to have anything to do with the city Pergamum. The work of a broken scarabeoid" bearing a cow seen from behind is so rude, shewing clearly the use of a coarse drill, that it is hard to say whether it is very early or very late. The meaningless combination of Egyptian elements seen on a broken carnelian above, the winged disk, on each side, a hawk wearing the double crown, in the midst, a lotus bud instead of a scarab, and below a boat, all within a twisted border betrays an Asiatic workman'^
—
—
—
1
ADC.
2
ibid. 2, 3:
3
p.
Vol. ^ ^
p.
CR.
318 = Cy?. 1869,
f.
165,
1877,
f.
III.
143. 8 on p. 208,
ABC. XVI. 14, 10, on JHS. V. (1884), XLVii.
' f.
427,
II.
<
XVI. 5, 6, on f. 298. Perrot-Chipiez, P^rwrt,
f.
Arch. Anz. 1908,
p.
I.
18,
p. 457, cf.
f.
226.
Menant,
106.
9.
1907, p. 79,
68. 8
Ant. Gem. X. 27. ABC.\.V\. 4 and Reinach, Jahrb. 1888, p. 198, PI. viii. 5 " ABC. xvi. 15. 12
e.g.
ABC.
XVII.
9
on
f.
298,
cf.
p.
56.
CR.
1861, VI.
11:
f.
:
10
CR.
5.
88, p. 88, ff. 178, 179: Furtwangler, d. deutscheii Arc/idol. Inst. 1888, p. 198 and
p. 66,
PI. VIII. 3
8. f.
A' 77?.
Jahrb. f.
298.
170,
Furtwangler, Aut. Gem. xni. ^ ABC. Reinach, p. 137:
iijij
,2^
more Egyptian
niy authority is
CR.
p. 58.
;
Aiit.
is
Mr
1872, in. 16.
Furtwangler,
Gem. F.
Xiii. 2.
W. Green:
!^
I
Persian a?ui Greek Gems.
3]
Dexame?ius
413
Greek Gems.
The oldest uiuloubted example of absolutely Greek work is a large chalcedony' found in the same grave, in Juz Oba, as the beautiful lecane f. it bears Medusa in the archaic pose of the Nike of 248) (p. 342, Archermus and the Medusa from Martonosha, she has snakes in her hands and four wings. The dry careful manner is typical of the archaic style, yet it is already shewing signs of coming freedom and has been assigned to the beginning of the vth century. Most of the things in the same grave seem to be of the end of the century and a pair of Maenad earrings still later (f. 318); so the gem must have been worn for a hundred years before ;
burial.
Another gem shewing archaic feeling is a crystal with a sow from No. iv of the VII Brothers-, noticeable is a nick in its mane seen also on the Vettersfelde boars, this Furtwangler' says is a characteristic of Ionian art.
Fig. 299,
Jiiz
Oba, Chalcedony;
Fic. 300, Tanian, Ayate.
Gems by Dexamenus
of Chios,
^f.
Of the severe style we know no better master than Dexamenus of Chios there are four known specimens of his signed work and two of them are from South Russia a heron flying\ and a heron standing with a cicada before him^ This latter has been damaged in the funeral fire, but the former is the best study of a bird in Grt^ek art; in some ways it rather recalls Japanese work.
:
:
Of the other Dexamenus gems one at Cambridge shews a lady Mica and her servant, just such a group as served as a model to put on a gravestone, the other has the portrait of an unknown Greek", one of the first portraits known. Sir A. J. Evans (loc. cit.) calls it Cimon without obtaining Furtwangler's The four gems are placed by Furtwangler (p. 137) in the agreement. following chronological order. Mica, the standing heron, the portrait head he assigns 430 to 420 B.C. as the time when and the flying heron Dexamenus flourished". This gives a definite point of the utmost use in determining the development of gem-engraving, and the two herons are :
'
CR.
i860, IV. 6 on p. 427,
Ant. Gem. vui. 2
CR.
1876,
f.
318.
P'urtwangler,
52. III.
300; CR. 1865, III. 40: Ant. Gem. in. p. 137, 1 am much obliged to .Sir A. J. Evans for leave to reprodiu e his enlarged photographs, Rc7'ue A7-cheolo<^iqia\ XXXII. 1898, p. 337, I'l. viii. •''
f.
f.
33 on
p. 208,
f.
106.
*
Vettersfelde., p. 24, v. pp. 237, 239, ff. 145, 147. « f. 299; CR. 1861, VI. \o p. 66, f. 87:
= KTR.
a smaller replica that Ant. Gem. Xiv. 4 perhaps be by the same hand, ib. xiv. 2. :
may
94.
"
CR. 1868,
'
.See also his "
\.^Xi^^
1.
12
:
Aiit.
Gem. XIV.
(]emmcn mit
i,
larger
1,1.
8.
Kiinstlerinschrif-
Jalirb. d. k. d. Arch. Inst. 1888, pp.
199—204.
Greek Art.
414
Gems.,
Cameos
.,
Coins
[ch.
xi,§i3
the most important ancient gems in existence because of the undoubted genuineness of their inscriptions, seeing that they have never been bought or sold. Another standing heron or stork on chalcedony from Theodosia does not come up to that by Dexamenus (p. 401, f. 294. 8). A very interesting early ring already mentioned as from Jiiz Oba bears engraved upon the gold bezel the curious device of a snake twined round Another gold bezel with Nike before a a bow so as to draw an arrow'. trophy adorns the only good ring from Kerch in the British Museum^ Rather later in style come the Asiatic gems spoken of above, that shewing a Phrygian supposed to be Paris, and those with the names Athenades and Perga[mos]. The latter was found in the same grave as a Lysimachus stater and a large burnt chalcedony bearing Apollo Citharoedus (or perhaps a Muse)^ Other specimens of Hellenistic work are a Venus accroupie mounted
among
on a beautiful chain^ and the two votive rings before noticed (p. 410), Aphrodite crowning a trophy and the ambitious Athena head in garnet which recalls the ring and emblema in the Konelsky collection, and to a less degree two Athena heads from Chersonese, the mould for terra-cottas (p. 365, 265, i. 4) and another garnet'. To this period belong two archaistic gems one with Artemis", the other a blue chalcedony with a remarkable attempt to reproduce the ancient Apollo type'' ascribed to Canachus but all the archaic points are ridiculously exaggerated on the arm is a bird in place ot the usual stag. A cameo from Artjukhov's barrow the earliest known Eros with a butterfly*, is dated by coins of Lysimachus and Paerisades and the style of the silver vessels (v. p. 351) to about the middle of the iiird century. A fine piece of work from Chersonese is a Medusa head of the beautiful suffering type* cut in onyx. The same site has produced a pair of ordinary cameo portrait busts". In this connexion we may mention a brooch with a magnificent portrait of L. Verus in rock crystal though it was found at Datum the head was sunk from behind and then gilt and so from in front appears as it were in relief". A very large number of poor gems with commonplace heads, animals or even whole figures, have been found about Kerch, but of recent years few that seemed worth figuring in CR. the best in ABC. have been noticed. To stones of Roman date there is no end, but it is curious to find one with a Roman warrior offering a wreath to Hecate, at Novgorod Seversk north of Chernigov in Central Russia (Fig. 301). Cutting coin-dies is an art nearly allied to gem-engraving: what measure of success it attained north of the Euxine, Plates I. IX. shew the gold staters of Panticapaeum are good, some f.
;
;
;
—
—
:
;
—
:
of the rare early types of Chersonese, especially the full-faced ones, and one or two issues of Olbia and Phanagoria are passable, but on the whole the interest that can be claimed for these coins is historical and not artistic. 1
CR.
2
F.
86 1, VI. 8 on p. 427, f. 318. H. Marshall, Catalogue of Finger-rings., Greek, Etruscan and Roman., in the B. '/!/., 1907, No. 51, PI. II., inscribed [nJap/jtVcoi' jSaaiXd. " * ib. XVII. ABC. XV. 10. 19. f'
«
1
CR. 1906,
ABC.
p. 81,
XVII.
8.
f.
81.
F"'^-
BCA.
3oi-
neiiaii.
Novgorod
Seversk.
\.
^ CR. 1882-8, 11. 13, 14 and p. 41. Furtwangler, Ant. Gem. Vol. ill. Text p. i6i, ff. 114, 115. CR. 1880, iii. 9 and p. 78 v. p. 431, f. 321 •*
:
;
Furtwangler, op. '•'
1° 11
cit.
Vol. HI.
152,
p.
f.
CR. 1892, p. 102, f. 59. CR. 1901, p. 46, ff. 87, 88 1906, Arck. Anz. 1908, p. 163, f. 7. ;
106.
p. 81,
f.
84.
4^5
CHAPTER
XII.
REPRESENTATIVE GREEK TOMBS. Almost all the objects of Greek art from South Russia occur in tombs, so seems worth while for that alone to give some account of them and their disposition on the whole we cannot say that we gain therefrom any knowledge of the special peculiarities among the Greeks of the Scythian coast. About Kerch graves are noticeably rich in their contents, which may point to it
:
a specially lively sense of the duty of providing all necessary for the departed in the next world: also the number of conspicuous barrows seems greater: but speaking broadly such a necropolis as that excavated by Pharmacovskij outside Olbia*, or by Duhmberg near Kerch*, is similar e.g. to the well-known necropolis of
Myrina^ Berezan.
Everywhere, though cremation was practised, burial was the more usual The only exception is the very early cemetery on the island Berezan^ Here were found large hollows with smaller ones about them. These latter proved to be grave-pits about r4om. (4 ft. 6 in.) deep and divided by stone walls in them were urns with ashes, fragments of vases and Olbian asses or fish-coins. The larger proved to be crematoria: one such pit 3'55 m. (11 ft.) deep having its chimney still preserved. In it were found successive layers of cinders and sherds of Ionian and black-figured Attic vases dating the finds as rite.
:
from the viith to the early vth centuries B.C. (v. supra, p. 338). In some cases the sherds belong to vases of which other fragments were found by the cinerary urns. Each body was burnt at the crematorium, and upon the fire were cast pots, weights, fish-hooks, even a charred semi-circular cake has been preserved afterwards all was gathered up and laid in a small pit together with arrow-heads, bits of rouge, coins, lamps and terra-cotta ;
one of which is usually a pot-bellied grotesque' in large low barrows were several funeral pits together, each containing a number of urns with ashes and similar offerings. Yet even at Berezan burials are not unexampled. One was covered by a deposit datable c. 600 B.C., but it was without any offering save the skeleton of a bird" in general the burials are rather poor and belong to the last period of the island's being inhabited, as with them the vases are of figures,
:
:
BCA.
sqq., ci.JHS. xvi. (1896), pp. 1904, p. 34 sqq. where ff. 48, 49, plan and section of a late barrow, shew very well how the different types of grave are intermixed. •
345, 346
;
-
CR.
i
E.
VIII. p.
I
and CR.
1899, p. 27; Pettier et S.
BCA.
I.
p. 80.
Reinach,
La
Myrina,
1888. 452, n. i, and esp. Cl\. 1904, pp. 41 49; Arch. Ans. 1905, p. 61. ' Arch. Anz. 1909, p. 161, f. 24. Trans. Od. Soc. xxix. Minutes., p. 82: Arch. ^
—
Paris,
v. inf. p.
"'
Necropole de
Anz.
1910, p. 225.
Greek Tombs
4i6
[
CH.
Attic rather than Ionian make they are set at the feet of the dead and in his hand is put an Olbian fish-coin. Burials are found in small flat barrows and The transition to burning is in the large barrow to the east of the island. exemplified by partly cremated bodies', as when only a single vertebra was charred'. An interesting point about Berezan is that the interments were often made not in the necropolis but close to or in the houses, in pits similar in form to the rubbish pits but distinguished from them by the absence of kitchen refuse, the completeness of the pots they contain and the presence of terra:
cotta statuettes
and other
offerings'.
Olbia.
1
u
'-'-?
Figs. 302, 303.
BC.4.
Olbia.
Simple Pit-grave.
VIII. p. 9,
f.
Figs. 304, 305. ceiling.
8.
Olbia.
BCA.
Pit-grave with plank
vili.
p.
19,
f.
11.
At Olbia Pharmacovskij (I.e.) describes three main types of grave the simplest is that of graves sunk perpendicularly into the earth, the coffin lying at the bottom and having the earth heaped directly upon it {((. 302, 303) by a development of this to avoid direct contact with the earth, the pit is lined with stones and planks laid across to make a kind of chamber (ff. 304, 305): the place of such planks has been taken by five amphorae likewise laid ;
:
'
Trans. Od. Soc. XXIX. Minutes.,
p. 45.
-
ib.
xxviii. Minutes.,
p. 141.
XII
Bereza?i.
]
across', or
more usually above the
fitted slabs forming
a
two-pitched
Olbia
was a double row of carefully such tombs vary in length fnjm
lininjr slabs ro6f-'
:
270 metres
A
417
(8 ft. 10 in.) to 5-22 metres (17 ft. 3 different constructional principle is applied
in.).
by undercutting one of the long sides of the grave-pit and making a rect-.ss for the coffin: this was then walled up and the shaft or pit iilled in with earth (ff. 306, 307).
Figs. 306, 307.
BCA.
Olbia.
Undercut grave.
VIII.
II,
p.
f.
9.
Under special geological conditions at Kerch this form developed into roomy funeral chamber or catacomb approached by a shaft piercing the particular limestone layer which conveniently held up the roof (v. p. 308). At Olbia, where there was no special advantage in going so deep, the undercut grave did not in its development get beyond a simple Bp6ixo<; leading down by earthen steps to the entrance of a bare grave chamber which never approached the size and decoration possible at Kerch the body was put within, the entrance blocked with a rough wall, the dromos filled up with rammed earth and a monument placed alongside^ When a more splendid resting place was desired at Olbia a stone vault was built: a late Roman example (c. 200 a.d.) is that of Heuresibius and the
:
Arete\ which is identical in plan with the common earthen chamber, save for the addition of a vestibule. Here, as may be seen by the plan and section annexed (ff. 308, 309), the approach with steps cut out of the earth led down to an elaborate erection entirely below the original surface of the ground. corridor, with its outer door tightly closed by a stone, led through a door flanked by architectural pilasters into the main chamber. Both corridor and inner chamber were covered with true barrel-vaults and adorned with simply
A
'
p.
CJ?.
170, '*
f.
CR.
1905,
p.
34,
f.
Ans.
1909,
y/^^_ xvi. p. 346 /JC/^. viii. p. 12, f. 10. At XI on the Plan of Olbia, p. 450, f. 330; BCA. in. (1902), pp. 1—20. »
;
*
1904, pp. 34—39, ff 1905, p. 64, ff. 11 13; '909,
M.
Arc/t.
31;
30.
—
48—55; Arch. Ans. p-
167,
ff.
28, 29.
53
v.
4i8
Greek Tombs
liiii
[CH.
Olbia^
XII
Heuresibius
419
4) -5-.
53—2
Greek Tombs
4-20
[ch.
The tomb had been opened both by ancient and modern cornices. only found fragments of a bench and a marble table inscribed: the last robbers: moulded
EYPHIIBIO2KAAAlS0ENOYlKAlAPETHnAniOY TOMNHMAZANTESEAYTOIlS IZ
KATE2KEYASAN ENHMEPAIIE Von Stern, who first published the inscription', took the eV -qixepaif; t^' be the addition of modern forgers, and in spite of Latyshev's defence of them^ they seem to be the work of the Brothers Hochmann through whose Pharmacovskij when he carried out his scientific hands the stones had passed. exploration only found one or two bits of a glazed vase (v. supra, p. 357) and of millefiori glass, also a coin of the end of the imd century a.d.^ The approach was filled in with earth as could be seen from the unbroken edges of the earthen steps, and the whole structure covered by a barrow enclosed by such a solid stone plinth that some took it for the foundation of a defensive tower\ In the case of another barrow'' much the same in type just enough of the plinth was preserved to make its restoration possible. It consisted of a rough foundation in the form of two steps, a course of long plain stones laid on their sides, another course of broad rusticated stones laid alternately as headers and stretchers and a simple cornice, making a total height of i "88 m. (6 ft. 2 in.): the stones came from the ruins of the town-wall. The diameter of the circle was ft.) and the original height m. of the heap some 15 m. or 50 ft. The (120 2,7 chamber consisted of an outer and inner room of the same breadth roofed with a barrel-vault. It was absolutely empty, but the resemblance to the masonry of the former barrow argues that it belongs to the same time in spite of its imminent fall Olbia must have been flourishing to allow of its citizens having such expenThe two barrows can be distinctly seen on my view of Olbia sive monuments. from the river (p. 450), but since that was taken they have necessarily been In the necropolis of Olbia burials are almost universal and almost destroyed. cremation occurs only in isolated instances. Except in the very simplest interments the body was put into a shell which was enclosed in a monumental wooden coffin but Olbia has not yielded any fine- coffins in good preservation^ One grave discovered at Olbia in 1891 deserves mention because of its to
;
:
exceptional character and the interesting fate of its contents' unluckily it was ransacked by peasants, so we cannot be sure of its exact arrangement. In a chamber lined with stone lay two skeletons with gold leaves upon eyes, mouths and ears (cf p. 507, f 339). Of the man we know no more the woman, laid on a wooden couch with bronze feet, wore also a funeral wreath, a necklace with many-coloured stones and pastes and a butterfly pendant (cf. p. 406), another of transparent beads, gold and garnet earrings, a silver roundel with Aphrodite and Erotes, and two gold rings with engraved garnets on her dress were sewn repousse gold plates: in her mouth was a silver coin rather like PI. in. No. 6 with a countermark dated ist century a.d. There were also found a plain bronze mirror, a bone spoon, a clay lamp, a small black vase, ;
:
:
1
^
3 *
*
Trans. Od. Soc. xxin. Miimtes, p. 5. losPE. IV. 461 more strongly BCA. ill. p. 53. Burachkov, VII. 168 orix. 226, cf. inf. PI. lu. 15. e.g. Uvarov, Recherches, PI. VIII.a. IX on the plan, p. 450; cf. Arch. Anz. IQ04,
pp. 102, 103,
;
ff.
1,2; iS'Cy4. XIII. pp. 7
— 39,
ff.
4— 18,
PI. v.
— ix.
A
;
xxxni.
pp. 107, 108.
one on p. 322, f. 232. Mostly figured by A. V. Oreshnikov, Z^rift/wfi//, " Remarks on antiquities found at xv. ii. pp. 13, Parutino in 1891," or vim Stern, Trans. Od. Soc. XXVII. p. 88, "A Tomb-find made at Olbia in 1891." "
sin.ple
''
i
—
\
XII
Olbia^ Heui^esibius^
]
i
89
1
.
421
Chersonese
p. 346) and a
a pot shaped like a seated lion (v.
of Paris (v.
p.
obtained by him from Messrs Spink. I was at once struck by their resemblance to the above and had photographs sent to Professor von Stern who proved that they came from this same grave. They include two silver canthari, a bronze hairpin with a silver head (v. p. 383, f. 284) and a glazed oenochoe with dancing skeletons (p. 356, f. 262). The couch, mouthplates and butterfly necklace recall Chersonesan customs so nearly that we may believe that here we have the tomb of a Chersonesite living in Olbia. Chersonese.
Figs. 310, 311.
CR. 1897,
p.
125,
ff.
240, 238.
Plan and Section of tomb No. 982 at Chersonese.
At Chersonese K. K. Kosciuszko-Waluzynicz has given full descriptions they include simple pit-graves, undercut over two thousand graves graves and sepulchral chambers, of which the most usual type is square with Figs. 310, 311 which e.xplain a pillar in the middle and loculi in the walls'. of
;
'
CR. 1892— 1906;
BCA.
II.
sqq.
;
v. p.
552, bibliography to Ch. xvii.
;
KTR.
p. 31,
ft".
28, 29.
Greek Tombs
42 2 more
[ch.
example adapted
to accommodate a the thinness of the soil most of the excavations had to be hewn in the rock, and were often shallow so that they have usually been plundered or at any rate their contents are in poor Where the bedrock is not reached the cist of the grave is often preservation. formed of tiles. At Chersonese cremation is more general than at Olbia although far less frequent than burial, e.g. the passage under the ivth century town-wall contained six urns with ashes and the beautiful jewelry already mentioned (v. pp. 380, 397 399, 402, 410 n. i, 499 and inset of Plan vii. Near by were two columbaria of Roman date with niches for urns. p. 493). Reference has been made to the practice at Chersonese of laying gold leaves upon the eyes and mouth of the dead (v. p. 507, f. 339): the nearest analogues are in Seleucid graves dug by Loftus at Warka in Mesopotamia and Mycenaean plates from Cyprus like the funeral masks they seem to have served to make it less painful to look upon the face of the dead at the time of the funeral ceremony, or to prevent the entrance of demons'.
themselves shew a large
number of
persons.
elaborate
Owing
to
—
:
Bosporus. It is in the graves about Kerch that most interest may be felt, since these have yielded the most precious spoil. Duhmberg^ enumerates sundry varieties, simple graves sunk in the earth or hewn out of the rock, covered with boards or tiles or slabs of stone (often enough old gravestones with inscriptions). Sometimes there are cists made of stone slabs. Beside these are the undercut graves and subterranean chambers in which the dead were laid either directly upon the floor as at Olbia or upon a ledge or bench as at Chersonese. Out of 81 graves opened in 1899 only two shewed cremation. Coffins in these lesser graves seem either to have been absent or to have left no traces. These various classes of simple graves are well described in the introduction to ABC.\ and diagrams are added giving the arrangement of the stock sizes of tile to make a cist (Plan B) with plans and sections of stone cists and chambers (Plan C) and accounts of their contents. The catacombs have been already discussed (v. supra, p. 307), they seem to have exact analogues in other Greek sites. Most characteristic of the environs of Kerch are the more ambitious tombs with barrows. Such occur in other Greek lands and references to their heaping up are common enough in the literature, but I do not know of any Greek site surrounded by the rows and groups of barrows that occur in the neighbourhood of Panticapaeum and Phanagoria (v. p. 435, n. i). It seems as if native influence had some part in producing this result. It was these conspicuous barrows that first attracted the notice of the various grave robbers of old times and also of the archaeoloAccounts of gists of the last century, so that very few are still untouched. their contents are to be sought in and in the older series of the CRJ',
ABC,
1
F.
H. Marshall,
BM. Jewellery,
ni. 196.
CR. 1899, P- 27; BCA. I. p. 80, see bibliography to Chap. XIX. for excavations in Bosporan 2
cemeteries. ^
Reinach's ed.
p. 17
sqq.
Pavlovskij barrow, CR. 1859, PI. v. pp. others on Jiiz Oba ridge, ib. pp. ix, x: i860, Vitjazevo near Anapa, 1881, vi, PI. vi. pp. iii Little Bliznitsa, vi. pp. 31—38 p. iv. 1882-8, PI. I. 82. ib. PI. vii. pp. 76 *
6
—
e.g.
15,
—
:
—
—
;
; ;
Great Biiznitsa
Bospoi^us.
Kll]
423
l)e found in KTR.^ Here it will be give some account of the contents of three important tombs the Great Biiznitsa and Artjukhov's barrow, both in the Taman peninsula, and the grave of the Oueen in the golden mask at Glinishche north of Kerch.
and a hasty description of many may sufficient
to
Great Biiznitsa.
The richest Greek barrow opened near the Bosporus is that called the Great Biiznitsa or Twin near Vyshe-stebleevka north of Lake Tsukur upon the Taman Peninsula-'. Its circumference was about 350 metres and its height 15. Operations were begun on the west side and first there was found an empty masonry chamber with painted architectural adornments (ff. 312, 31 3). Near was a plain chamber in which was the tomb of a lady whom Stephani has called a Priestess of Demeter, as the decorations of her elaborate jewelry
vmsM •>'»
inilJ
CR. 1865,
Figs. 312, 313.
p.
> 'J.'Aiy
lilOi
>
111.'
'->'JL«JJ IJ'^
mill
IM
Great Biiznitsa. Grave-chamber, v.
14.
\,m
>>
l.lill
'.VLAI-J
urn
lllll>
'^AK'J t'^\JiJWJ-
IJil
l
irr^iTlTrTtfT-rnnl
Man's Tomb. p.
't -^
im
•A-J.'^'J^'J'.^Tr^
l.oi null
Painting
in
mlinmn
Corridor and
307.
By this was the place all have reference to the cult of Eleusinian Goddesses. upon which a second lady had been burnt, and at a lower level a bricked Here an interesting feature was platform with the traces of the funeral feast. a funnel-shaped hole defined by a limestone plate \'2^ m. x '62 m. in which was an opening '27 m. square shut by a stone fitting it e.xactly. This '
pp. 22
—69 and
1
1
1
sqq.
obtain a clear idea of the disposition of the Great Biiznitsa as its exploration was not conducted continuously but fell Accordingly we in the years 1864, 1865 and 1868. have accounts of the finding of various interments and objects in them in the formal Report for each *
It is
a
little difficult to
years, and in the Supplement to the Report for the year following each of these we have .Stephani's elaborated account of the objects themselves. Cf. CR. 1864, p. iv sqq., 1865, p. iii 1866, p. 5 sqq., PI. i.— ni. and p. 5, PI. I.— vi. III. No plan has 1868, p. v; 1869, p. 6, PI. I. been given.
of these
;
—
.
[CH.
Greek T'ombs
424
fl'd^meuts of Ivory
VI
\nl.xy
'^,
Ivory lnUjfl-'^'"&<»'
Kerch.
Fig. 314.
Inlay, mostly
from the Great
Bliznitsa.
\.
v.
pp. 331, 334-
from
Coffi
a
XII
Gi'eat Bliznitsa
]
425
hole went clown into the earth and must have been a ^6dpo<;^ for offering Twenty feet to the s.w. were fragments of a dish. liquids to the dead. On the south side of the hill were the traces of another funeral feast, and at a higher level a number of amphorae buried, not far from the empty tomb'. In this part also were the traces of a great pyre and another ySo'^po?. Here Near by was a stone tomb belonged a late red-figured vase with Europa-'. This had collapsed and crushed the coffin of the man with a prismatic vault. buried beneath it: but precious fragments of its ivory inlay remain (v. f. 314) Finally in 1868 there was discovered the tomb and some other objects. of a third lady yielding only to that of the first lady in richness. The accounts of the exploration give such uncertain particulars as to the relative positions and levels of these various finds that it is impossible to say exactly in what order the different people were laid to rest in the barrow but it is clear that they all belonged to one family in spite of the differences of ritual, and they must have lived at about the same time, for gold plates struck from the same dies occur in different tombs, although they are so delicate that The date is approximately indicated they could not have stood much wear. by the stater of Alexander found on the burning place of the second lady, and The most important of the works of the style of all the objects confirms this. art have been discussed under the categories to which they belong, but the inventories of the different tombs have an interest of their own. :
Fig. 315.
Centre of (iold Calalhos from Great Bliznitsa.
CR. 1865,
Priestess's tomb.
i.
3.
f.
•
""'
PP- S^, 39i-
The Priestess of Uemeter was most completely furnished with all adornments, comprising a best and second-best set. There were in her coffin, itself enriched with inlay\ a gold calathos for state occasions (f. 315) and a simple would be the right where we have a very
-
C/\. 1865, p.
^
similar case on pure Greek soil (Daulis): v. Frazer, loc. for parallels from all parts of the world.
*
CR. CR.
'
word,
I'erhajjb cf.
after all oni) i'ausanias, X. iv. 10
iii.
1866, HI. 1865, VI. 4,
5
on
f.
314.
ad
M.
54
stlengis, a pair of
necklace
rich
[CH.
Greek To7nbs
426
316), and a pair of gold
temple-ornaments
and a simpler one,
(f.
two pairs of earrings, a bracelets
Great 317. Gold Bracelet.
Pig.
U.
Great Bliznitsa.
Fig. 316.
Temple-ornament. V. p.
T-
KTR.
Tomb. Gold J^^CR. 1865, 11. i.
Priestess's p. 59,
f.
394.
6.
Bliznitsa.
KTR.
p.
317),
four
Priestess's
Tomb.
(f.
65,
f.
%\=CR.
1865.
\. V. p. 402.
gold rings\ twenty-two varieties of gold plates making up 1875 in all-, gold beads, a pair of boots and a mirror handle. Of other objects found near the most important were the remains of the harness of four horses with bronze bits and highly decorated phalerae^ The tomb of the third lady, found in 1868, offered remarkable analogies to the Priestess's in the selection of
adornments. Again we have a calathos, this time the figures only were of gold not the ground, they comprised a row of Bacchanals going '
^
One ib.
with a lion, CR. 1865,
III.
I,
2—5, 20 on
f.
318.
ill.
23 on
f.
318.
3
ib. V. VI., cf.
supra
p.
155
n.
i.
"J
IV. 6. JurOba.
CA. VI
Pr.e^.Jj's
S
Tomb
2.
3
I Th«e«lo»ia.
mBUma.i
1861
J
&
Fk;. 318.
Jewelry mostly from
J liz
Oba and 399)
the Great Bliznitsa.
}.
v.
pp. 66, n.
7,
374,
392— 393,
410—414, 426-429.
54-2
+-/
Greek Tombs
428
[cH.
by Scopas', a stlengis (f. 319), earrings, an even fuller remarkable collar (f. 320) and two necklaces, bracelets, rings, one (chalcedony) with an oriental subject, and another in the shape of a serpent ^ two hundred gold plates in eight varieties some of them identical with the Priestess's. So far the correspondence is almost complete but the Some may be a matter of date, for of the two differences are very curious. the third lady would appear the later, a glass bottle, an Egyptian Bes and the Persian stone might point to the orientalizing work whose influence becomes Original are the golden griffin-heads which stronger a very little later. probably adorned the coffin unless they went along the rim of a stephane^
back to the
tj^pes fixed
set of necklets
— the
;
we may put down a whole series of miniature bronze and clay, a doll and tiny cymbals. But only a most perverted taste can have had pleasure in the extraordinary series of terra-cottas^ Some are merely Bacchic, some mere genre figures, others caricatures, but They do not stand alone, but in no other Greek several are most obscene. tomb have so many disgusting grotesques been found. Stephani calls them aiTOTpoTTata, "lucky," but they go too far in the direction of aTonov koL yeKolov\ The lady (No. II) who was burnt has naturally left us less on the site of her pyre than her relatives in their graves, still she had her rings and her gold plates of these there were 322 in eight varieties, some are interesting as being identical with those of the Priestess, others for their technique as being cast not stamped", and one for being unique in this whole barrow as shewing traces of It is clearly the barbarous imitation of a Greek group of a Scythic influence. This touch of the native is interesting, as it sea-griffin devouring a lioness. strengthens the idea that the great richness of these graves was partly due
To
vessels
a kind of childishness
in
.
:
1
2 ' >
^
KTR.
p.
54,
CR. 1869, CR. 1869, CR. 1869, Cf.
A.
J.
f.
b7
= CR.
I.
14,
I.
28 on
II.
B.
1869,
18, 19
15, f.
on
I.
7, 8, 9.
318. 318, V. sup, p. 393, n. f.
8.
"
III.
Wace
asserts the sovran power of grotesques and obscenities against the evil eye and instances these examples among others, v. supra p. 369, n. 7.
in
BSA.
X. p. 103 sqq.
who
CH.
1865,
III.
27, 31, 32
on
f.
318.
XII
Great
]
Bi,rznitsa
429
to barbarian views of the next world, although the people's artistic tastes were purely Hellenic. Finally it is in this tomb that we find the stater of Alexander which fixes the earliest date for the whole barrow. The l369po<; associated has always claimed the attention of students of funeral beliefs. It too may be a reflexion of native usage at any rate the Volga Finns still leave a channel by which nourishment can be poured into the tomb (v. p. 106). :
Fig. 320.
Gold Necklet.
Great Bliznitsa. ij.
Ilird Lady's V.
p.
Tomb.
A'/"/?, p. 62,
The decoration of the masonry tonib has been The chamber was quite empty, so on what evidence it man's tomb, is not clear. The other man's tomb was vault which had
f.
8i
= CA'.
1869,
i.
13.
400.
discussed is
said to
elsewhere.
have been a
chiefly interesting for
fallen in, and for with ivory inlay (f. 314). Besides there was a most remarkable helmet", beino- a translation into bronze of a soft Phrygian cap, two gold rings, one of which had been long in use, and the usual gold plates, over 60 in five varieties, one like that figured from the Priestess's tomb", and others which find their analogues in other Kerch tombs. The vase with Europa found by the place of the funeral feast belonged to the last red-figured style. The whole barrow is very remarkable, and it is a pity that a more intelligible account of its contents has never been compiled nor a plan supplied. its
1
KTR.
p. 48,
f.
its
55
= Cy?.
1866, frontispiece.
coffin
^
Cy?. 1865, MI. 5
on
f.
318.
Greek Tombs
^30
[ch.
Artjukhov s Barrow. Belonging to the following century, dated by coins of Lysimachus, we have the rich Barrow of Artjukhov whose importance in the history of jewelry But having regard to this importance has been pointed out above (p. 404). seems worth while to give a more systematic account of its contents\ it The tumulus was to the north of Sennaja, the ancient Phanagoria on the Taman peninsula, not far from the site assigned to Cepi. It was opened by In it were three important tombs. Tiesenhausen and Lutsenko. In the east part of the barrow in Tomb I, which was in two compartments, a woman was buried alone; she possessed a gold diadem (f. 322), six necklets'", four on f. 321, a chain with lion ends and a row of amulets, 3 bracelets, 3 gold earrings; on her left hand she wore a ring with glass mosaic she (ib. I. 13), on the right one with garnet and filigree and a plain carnelian of Aphrodite with bust and a gold pin with tassel medallion a a also a had (ib. I. 17), also four round gold plaques; in silver she had by her a cyathus and two other vessels, a spindle and a saucer on a stand, also a bronze mirror. In the outer compartment were a pot, four saucers, three small bottles, two flutes and part of a lock I In Tomb II (plan and section, ff. 323, 324) lay a man and a woman. In the vestibule was little but some vessels whose importance has already been :
discussed
(p.
351).
On
the man's body were a golden wreath, a gold ring, a medallion with garnets (11. 3 on f. 321), four silver rings and a gold stater of Paerisades. The woman by him also had a bay wreath, a neckband or frontlet, a neck-ring, a neck-chain ending in oxen's heads, two necklaces, a gold medallion, a gold pin, a pair of gold earrings (f. 322, iii. 5), a chalcedony ring (ib. iii. 6), and a ring with a shoe-shaped bezel in enamel from the inscription on the ring we may call this pair Hestiaeus and Mammia (ib. III. 7, 8), a cameo of Cupid and a butterfly (ib.. iii. 9), four other rings one with an engraved garnet, three round gold plates, a coin of Lysimachus, eight silver vases including cyathi, a saucer on a stand, a box, a silver spindle, in bronze a mirror-box, a lamp^ and another box also a pelice like the one from Olbia (p. 350, f. 255). The man wore In Tomb III again there lay a man and a woman. an iron ring, convolvulus and by him were gold wreath with a stlengis and a woman also wore a convolvulus wreath, likewise a gold a few clay pots'. The neck-chain, a necklace and bracelet of rock crystal, garnet, chalcedony and smalt, earrings with Erotes, a gold ring with Heracles, an iron finger ring, four By her there were two engraved gold roundels, and a wrap of felt or fur. silver vessels (f. 321, iv. 8, 9), a plain round mirror box, a shell with rouge and white, and several clay vessels. As has been remarked already, in all there is a love of garnets and stones, of vessels, of reef-knots. Specimens also of certain objects occur in more than ;
;
'
p.
For accounts of
xliv sqq.
1880, p. 2
6,
:
cf
its
excavation
v.
CR. 1879, CR.
for discussion of the contents,
KTR.
CR. 1880,
I.
p.
2—7.
54 sqq.
^ A good lock with two hasps, Trans. Od. Soc. XXI. p. 274, PI. A. *
KTR.
5
For one
p. 55, v.
von
Stern,
f 6(^=CR. 1880, p. 19. p. 56, f yo=CR. 1880, p. 21.
KTR.
xii]
I.
.3.
t\i?i:
CX.lSSo
431
Artjukhov'x>&.\t^\->v
GoloT. Glifs Hoia-'^C Gold.trooch"!'
GAi»n«t-
Neckl\cc.
^^^^'^^^ Cornet.
<3,,
E
N'^r. lr.5.
Gold
.
CbiSonnt
I.-
Fig. 321.
2
Objects from Artjukhov's Barrow.
.
GoU |.
MeclcUt
v.
.
^sIqx5X\SP
pp. 351, 385, 397, 399.
404—406,
410, 414.
432
Greek Totnbs
CH.
^^-.....^
s
g ^ c c o
5-*
D,
C
p_be
o nl
P3
> o
3
o S
v T3 ClJ
2
XII
Artjukhov
]
Barrow.
s
Glrnis/ichc
433
one grave, the gold roundels in I, II and III, the plaques with Aphrodite and Eros (similar to that on p. 407, 295 T) in I and II, in the same two the silver boxes, spindles, and saucers on stands plain saucers and two-handled The coins of Lysimachus and Paerisades point silver vessels in II and III. to the same time, the end of the iiird century or the beginning of the iind. A tomb opened by Ashik on the way to the old Quarantine in 1839' must have been very similar in its contents to any tomb of this barrow. f.
;
Figs. 323, 324.
CR. 1880,
p.
12.
.Vitjukhov's
Banow.
Tomb
I'lan
11.
and Section.
Glintshe he.
As a specimen of a rich tomb of the latest period we may take that opened by Ashik at Glinishche near Kerch in 1837. It is usually known as the tomb of the Queen with the Gold Mask. In a barrow he discovered a great marble sarcophagus with a cover ending in pediments. The skeleton within was that of a woman, wearing the golden mask", and wrapped in a woollen robe with a gold pattern sprinkled with gold plates (f 325). Her gold wreath was of an ordinary late type with a centre piece of a horseman
drinking from a rhyton (ib.)'. Her belongings shewed a strange mixture of Greek and barbarian work the latter would appear to be her own, the other objects heirlooms. Personal to her must have been her bracelets (f. 327) in gold and garnets, her scent bottle recalling that of Novocherkassk (f 326, v. She wore p. 409) and the harness adorned with the Bosporan taniga ft (f 328). three rings, one plain, one double and one bearing an Eros rudely engraved upon a garnet (f. 325) unluckily it does not seem possible to identify a coin* found with her; it is in poor preservation. In strong contrast to this rude contemporary work are the various vessels handed down from Hellenistic times. Chief of these is the great dish in silver and niello which must have been made for one of the Diadochi, an Antigonus or an Antiochus it can hardly have On the back is been less than four hundred years old when it was buried. an inscription with the name of King Rhescuporis, and it is usually referred :
:
:
'
ABC.
*
ib.
M.
\
p. Ixiii.
= KTR.
Reinach,
p. 70,
f.
p. 20, v.
supra
p. 351.
94, V. supra p. 390.
3 ^
ABC. ni. 4,
p. 230,
f.
204.
55
.
Greek To tubs
434
[CH.
—
Rhescuporis II (III) who reigned from 211 228 a.d.', but the silver cups, ewers and vase and the bronze basin and jug, also perhaps the sceptre and some of the small things, spoons, rouge pot, bronze pilaster and others must also go back long before the time of the "Gothic" jewels. to
ABC
.
XKX
.
11
.
Bor<3ei-,
2.\\k Irvscription
Centre-piece
from 5iivGr DisH
from sinie tomb.
{ound withhold Ma^aiGlniishcU neir K?rch Jittems in Niello.
Cimeo,
gAC'A^ -V
AfiC.XV.3,
W
GQl<^R(.n
A6C .Tir.4 .Golj Plite .caelum at
Eros.
Anglei.Gjntr
^'-c-
piece oJ'Wrea.tH
<.'-•
Ate. xxm Gold Plates 1^ ^12.
from same tomb.
^ 6avne
fnom Fig. 325.
except XXX.
},
Figs. 326, 327.
11
Kerch, Glinishche,
ill.
Tomb
ABC.
Gold and Garnets.
in
and
of
xxiv.
In finishing this survey of the
must ask
4 which are about \.
v.
pp.
Queen with the Mask. 25, xiv. 4.
1.
v.
384, 390, 410.
Bottle
and Bracelet
pp. 235, 280, 409.
Greek objects found
in
South Russia
I
my
readers' indulgence for not being sufficiently acquainted with the finds in pure Greek lands to institute instructive comparisons. I have en-
deavoured to put within their reach material that is not very accessible to them, and it is for the student of Greece and the Hellenized East to throw light on this material from the observation of other parts of the Hellenic world. Especially I should like to know whether there appears any substantive '
V.
This because in the tomb at Hadzhi Mushkai, Reinach, p. 43, containing almost identical
ARC.
diadems
(v.
harness,
BCA.
p.
390, n.
xxxvii.
7),
jewelry
p. 33,
f.
p. 408) and together with
(v.
15,
old Greek heirlooms, among others apparently a ivth century aryballus, ABC. LViii. 6, 7, were found "indications" of a coin of that king: but the form of the genitive in -ft recalls later coins, v. p. 384.
KercJi.
XII
difference in the ordering of the
what appears
me
tombs
Gli7iishche in
43 5
South Russia and
in
1
lellas,
whether
a singular richness of the former is merely due to the opulence of a commercial community or to the influence of barbarian ideas making people more anxious that the dead should hav(; the richest and fullest provision for the future life a minor point would be the question whether the to
cjuite
:
Fig. 328.
Harness from Glinishche, Kerch.
KTR.
p.
314,
f.
27()
= ABC.
Leatlier
XXIX.
mounted
4.
¥.
v.
in p.
Gold 318
set with
n.
Carnchans.
i.
immense number of barrows about Olbia, Panticapaeum and Phanagoria can in Greece or Asia Minor', and if not, whether it is merely a
be paralleled
question of soil or of influence exercised by the barrow-heaping tribes of the country. It is not for me who have never been in Greece to answer such questions, but I have supplied one term of comparison, may some one who can supply the other bring his knowledge to bear upon the matter. '
Mr Wace
tells
and Pherae, Northern Greece, Ui. Larissa,
s(\(\.;
JHS.
me
of such in Thessaly e.g.
Leake, '\px- 1909, p. 27 p. 367; UpaKTiKu, 1907, p. 153 XX. (1900), p. 20; Macedonia, Pydna 'E(^.
;
and Pella, Annals of Archncoloi^y and Anthropoloi^y, Liverpool, II. (1909), p. 159; Perfjamum, Mitt. 1907, p. 231 1908, Sardis which again is not Greek.
A/Ji.
;
p.
365,
and then
55—2
43^
CHAPTER
XIII.
COLONIZATION AND TRADE.
The Euxine coast was the first El Dorado, the first mysterious land to draw adventurers across broad seas in search of fame and treasure. Heroes of old had won glory enough by voyages across the Aegean, but they would not have lived upon the lips of men whose wonderland had broadened with their knowledge, had not the poets set their feats ever beyond the bounds of new Thus Jason who but crossed from lolcos to Lemnos' must discoveries. later have sought the golden fleece by sailing et? Oacriz^ evOa vavalv eax^^To^ and Odysseus on his way from Troy to Ithaca must pass through Sp6jjio<; Later when the the dangers recounted by sailors returned from the Euxine. Greeks had dared Italian and Sicilian seas a yet wider scene for adventure was displayed. Even Jason must return by the West, faring up the Ister and down by its other branch into the Adriatic, yet for him the great field ;
—
Aea with its king of his achievements remained Colchis, the city Cytais Now, Aeetes and his daughter, Medea the sorceress, skilled in herbs. brought Odysseus could not be things, through nature of the Pontus by the The winds that blow him into the Western sea have nothing to Ithaca. But in the Western sea there was room for all the impossible about them. hero could not sail the Euxine, the wonders of world if the marvels of the Cities of Italy or the Euxine could be put in his course through the West. Sicily became proud that at their straits, or bays,, or headlands, the hero had met adventures which nevertheless still bore every mark of Pontic scene. Their place was on the Cimclear case is that of the Cimmerians. merian Bosporus, a land weird enough with its mud volcanoes and marshes Yet the to supply the groundwork for a picture of the Lower World. perpetual night in which they live, just like the long days of the Laestrygones, points to the far North: and the general build of the poem makes us think of them as far in the West upon Ocean stream. Clearly the poet combines the details of his picture without caring that he takes them from three different Poseidonius wished to identify the Cimmerii with quarters of the compass. the Cimbri of Jutland, so would Professor Ridge way- and Professor Bury^ for me the Black Sea but I fear that I cannot do so (v. supra p. 40) remains the one historic place for the Cimmerii, and if they appear anywhere else they have come from the Black Sea. Dubois de Montp^reux :
A
;
1
^
Demetrius of Scepsis Early Age, i. p. 390.
ap. Strab.
I.
ii.
38.
Klio VI. (1906), p. 79, adducing the splendid story in Procopius B.C. iv. 20 (n. p. 567, Bonn) •*
about the fishermen ferrying souls over to Britain, but the fishermen are not called Cimmerian and I do not see how they come in.
—
CH. xiii]
Rxploratio7t.
Jason.
Odysseus
437
and K. E. von Baer' actually make the Black Sea coast the scene of the The latter not only sees the harbour of the Laestry<(ones in Odyssey. Balaklava Bay, but recoj^nizes in a grove of poplars on the Sea of Azov, near the mouth of the Protoka, the very grove of poplars and willows by But mere descriptions of scenery have no bearing which Odysseus lands. on the question. The Laestrygonian harbour, shut in by overlapping headlands, is just the port a poet would describe as ideal without any need of It might just as well be Dartmouth or Balaklava for a model. Boscastle which lays claim to a resemblance: such a port is difficult for a sailing ship we lost a frigate off Balaklava and its white calm throws into relief the
—
wildness of the inhabitants. The attempts to set the Nekyia in Campania are very much more forced: there is nothing to play the part of Ocean stream and the etymologies proEphorus, to whom they go back, was kind to the posed do not help at all. patriotism of Circeii and other towns about, and moderns have developed his hypothesis with a perverse ingenuity". Another link with the Pontus is Circe with her island Aeaea, own sister the account of the island sounds like a stray to Aeetes with his city Aea piece of Colchis, and the lady is skilled in herbs like her niece Medea. Strabo (i. ii. 10) thinks not unreasonably that this is the ground of their ;
relationship.
The view that Odysseus once sailed the Euxine is well stated by von Wilamowitz-Moellendorf, who however puts the Laestrygones on the south coast of Asia Minor, but it is clear that the further north they are the better'. When the Odyssey was coming into shape the Asiatic Greeks clearly knew a good deal about the Euxine, and the poet could use that knowledge Even in the Iliad (xiii. 5 7) we have the to provide scenery for his poem. Mare-milkers mentioned, that is he had some idea of the Nomad's life, but their acquaintance was not full and its mysteries were not yet fathomed. When the mariners of the Aegean first sailed the Euxine and what men they were we cannot say: with our new knowledge of ancient sea powers we must put much further back the time of first exploration. If the pots of the Tripolje culture really point to Aegean influence, this may have been
—
exerted by sea. Certain spots are said to have once belonged to the Carians: Cios^ Caria and the Carians' Harbour to the south of Callatis'', Amastris^ even the country about the mouth of the Tanais', and this may be evidence of ancient settlement.s of Aegean peoples or may be due to mere coincidence of names. Of the presence of Phoenicians there is no real trace ([)ace M. Berard): if they did penetrate into the Euxine they were not the first to sail it. Indeed it is not quite certain that the sailing all came from the south: in the Middle Ages of Greece immigrants from Central Europe may, on striking the Euxine, have Ueber die Homerischen Lokalitdten iti dcr Brunswick, 1878, the final form of an
—
Odyssee,
Roscher's Encycl. pp. 15 31. * Schol. Ap. Rh. \. 1177.
Reden mid Aufsdtze, \'ol. \\\. Les Ph^niciens ft rOdysscc,\\.^.->,\\. ^ Homerische Untersuchiiui^en, Berlin, 1884, cf. E. H. Berger, Mythische Cosmographie p. 165 der Griechen, Supplement to Leipzig, 1904,
' .Arrian, Peripl. 24. 3, also in Mela II. 2 Peripl. Anonymi, loi (75). « Schol. Ap. Rh. II. 943. ' Pliny, NH. vi. 20 (7). For all these Neumann, Hellciit'/i, p. 340: Biirchner, p. n.
*
article in ^
\' .'^€x?iX^,
;
and
see
Colonizatio7t a?td
438
Trade
[ch.
taken as kindly to sea raiding as did the Goths in the iiird century a.d. The old familiarity with the Euxine may have almost faded away when Troy rose to power and could block the way thither, or when new and savage tribes Certainly the occupied the dangerous coasts on each side of the strait. beginning of the last millennium B.C. was a period of groping for more
knowledge of the Euxine coast. The Asiatic Greeks knew something of it but not enough to light up every corner, and leave no room for marvels. The hero could always escape into Ocean stream which would bear him to all the wonders of the world. As we have seen the ordinary man in Greece never advanced much beyond this stage. He always had a vague feeling that the Euxine, even though no longer called "A^et-os, was dark and strange, he could never disabuse himself of the idea that the Sea of Azov joined the Caspian and the Caspian opened into the outer Ocean. With the Milesian sailors it was otherwise. Navigation of the Euxine continued to be dangerous, but the dangers were known and the risks reckoned; sudden storms, rocky coasts, hostile tribes and pirates were to be set against the chance of carrying off valuable slaves or making a piratical seizure oneself. With time enterprise became more regular, instead of carrying off slaves men bought them from those who had taken them in war, and peaceful gains became worth winning, the gold of Phasis, the fish of the great northern rivers, in time the hides of the steppes, the corn of the lowlands by the river mouths, the gold of the far interior, Transylvania or But this commerce depended on regular relations being perhaps the Altai. established, such as could only be secured by the founding of factories. Such gradually sprang up round the whole coast wherever it was convenient for Milesian ships to put in for the night, wherever a defensible rock or island commanded a safe cove or a beach upon which the ships could be easily drawn up. Between these settlements a struggle for existence would be inevitable: where suitable topographical conditions occurred in a favourable geographical situation, some spot at which land and sea roads converged, the factory would attract the produce of a wide area and flourish: when communications with the Hinterland were difficult the spot remained a mere refuge for the night, and as skill in navigation increased perhaps it faded away. It was by such a process of natural selection that the famous Greek colonies arose at the right points, and have mostly survived to the present day where physical or ethnological conditions have not been utterly changed, whereas when the later Greek statesmen did more than give a town a new name and some splendid buildings, that is when they used their wide knowledge of geography to choose a new site which should enjoy all possible advantages, the cities mostly decayed with the short-lived states of their founders. need not then credit the Milesians with a profound knowledge of the Hinterland of the Black Sea because the sites they chose have remained The permanent settlements if not hapthe commercial cities of the coast. hazard were dictated by the comparative success of the factories, and we have clear cases of their missing points of world importance because of local It seems to us a strange oversight that they should have disadvantages. allowed the Megarians to forestall them at Chalcedon and Byzantium, and
We
;
XI 1
Milesian Factories a7jd
1]
Colo7iies
439
no one has refrained from jeerin^- at the bUndness of the Chalceclonians themyet the disadvantages of Byzantium on the land side, where until Roman times its fields were open to Thracian inroads, went far to excuse those who {^referred sites less suitable for the capital of the Eastern Mediterranean, but more favourable for an a
:
:
—
•''
'
V.
Polybius,
^2
V.
Hasluck, Cyzicus, pp. 157, 163.
iv. xxxviii.
i
5. •*
Beloch, Gr. Gcsclt. i. p. 180, .Athenaeum, xn. 26.
ap.
n.
i.
Coio7iizatio7t
zj.40
and
'Trade
[ch.
Trade then was the origin of the Greek settlements on the north coast of the Euxine and each flourished and attracted population according to the commercial advantages of
its
position.
Chersonese
is
a possible exception
No doubt agriculture and had their farms on near by, some commercially the broad lands exploited of which but the main part of them they had seized the gates. In his accounts of the advantages and drawbacks of the site of Byzantium The chief exports Polybius (I.e.) gives us a summary of the Euxine trade. were cattle and slaves, less important were honey, wax and dried fish, of corn he says that according to the harvests it was imported and exported: to this list we must add hides (Se/o/xara, v.l. dpeixixaTo), also salt, timber, some precious stones including amber', drugs'^ and perhaps gold. Of the slaves the greater part came from Asia Minor whose natives were peculiarly fitted for servitude; the Getae also furnished a large supply. Scythian slaves are not specially common; less adaptable than the Asiatics they would be more suitable for outdoor labour than for personal service. The best known instance of their employment is as policemen at Athens. On the fish trade Koehler has written a whole disquisition called TAPIXOS. He comes to the conclusion that preserved fish of every quality from jars of precious pickle, which corresponded to our caviar or anchovy, to dried lumps answering to our stockfish sturgeon, beluga, mackerel, tunny, mullet were all sent to Greece, and later to Rome, from the mouths of the Dnepr, the straits of Kerch, the fisheries of the Sea of Azov and the mouths of the Don. Of the cattle trade we do not hear so much, but it is not surprising in view of the Nomads living all about. Herodotus (v. 10) tells of the bees beyond the honey and wax were among the chief products of mediaeval Russia. Ister The men of Olbia made salt at the mouth of the Dnepr and the Chersonites later gained it from the same region; near Perekop too were great salterns. This salt was marketable both among barbarians and Greeks. Sadowski has described the old salt-way^ leading up towards the Amber coast, but as the salt has left no traces the way is purely hypothetical, the coins found at Schubin may just as well have come up from the head of the Adriatic, and Herodotus tells us of no nw. trade route though he describes so fully that leading ne. Constantine Porphyrogenitus^ and Pope Martin' The process tell of the exchange of salt in Cherson against the corn of Asia". of salt-extraction as practised in the xviiith century is described by PeyssoneP. The Crimean timber was not reckoned as good as that of the opposite coast, and of course in the steppes there was none to spare*. These same raw materials meet us in any account of the trade at a Scythian port, e.g. Tanais exports slaves and hides, and nomadic products'. As to gold there were many stories to attract enterprise, the gold worn by the Agathyrsi (this seems the most tangible, the Romans dug gold in but
it
was trade that kept even Chersonese alive
in later times.
of the colonists carried
:
;
1
Pliny, N//.
64
xxxni.
161
(57),
65 (17), 119(38). 2 ib. XXVII. 2 (i), 45 (28), Marc. XXII. viii. 28.
(11),
xxxvii.
23^
40
^
Hatidelstrasseji, p. 88,
^
De Adm.
Imp.
c.
42
Amm.
128 (105);
484 180, Bonn).
v. inf. p.
(p.
" 6
(16),
Mansi, Condi, xv. pp. 64, 65, Epp. xvi. xvii. Q{ Shestakov, Sketches of the History of
Cherson, pp. 68 sqq. (v. inf. 538). ^ C(^ww. /« ^l/^r A't^wr, i. p. 169 ^ Theophrastus, de Plantis, IV. v. " Strabo, XI. ii. 3 (inf. p. 567). (^i'f
n. 6.
;
grain, p. 165. 3.
XII
i]
Trade.
Slaves.^
Fis/i,
Salt^
Gold.,
lVi7ie
441
Transylvania, Constantine, I.e., speaks of a "Gold Coast" between the Dnestr and Dnepr), the sacred gold of the Scythians, the gold trappings of the Massagetae and later of the Aorsi, the gold of the griffins and Arimaspi. These added to the rich finds made in tombs no proof that the gold was abundant, but only that the royal families hoarded it for generations had made us all believe too easily in a naturally auriferous Scythian area. Now Bertier-de-La-Garde has shewn that there is no real evidence for this, but that gold flowed into Scythia from oversea to pay for exports (v. inf. p. 631). As to the imports Polybius (I.e.) mentions wine and oil as the chief, but Strabo gives a better account when he says that Tanais received clothing and wine, and everything that belongs to civilized life. That this was just so is shewn abundantly in our earlier chapters. Products of early Greek industry penetrated the interior (Ionian pots to the Middle Dnepr, p. 339', gold work even to Vettersfelde in Lusatia, I feel p. 236). how far the Greeks themselves voyaged is another matter. less and less inclined to doubt that there was some foundation for the circumstantial story that the Geloni were of Greek blood, and quite believe that Aristeas had wandered up into Asia to the land of the Issedones (v. He no doubt had heard tell of the gold in the Altai, and they p. 105 sqq.). had probably made themselves intermediaries in the fur trade between Permia and Iran, which brought into the far north so many Sassanian dishes. I can find no authority for the use of furs among the Greeks except perhaps those on the coast of the Euxine'-. Speck (i. p. 117) seems to think that the furs were the object of the ne. caravan route. have already seen (supra, p. 359) that the wine trade has left evidence of itself in the amphorae found all along the coast and even in the interior. Beside those of local manufacture we have the stamps of Rhodes and Thasos that occur in large numbers and those of Cnidos and Paros, which are comparatively rare. It is clear that the custom of affixing stamps was not universal, for we know that other wines came into the Pontus. The speech of Demosthenes against Lacritus gives us an idea of the ways of Greek tramps in the second class wine trade, especially as it preserves the agreement made between Artemon of Phaselis, who wished to speculate in the Pontic trade, and Androcles of Athens who advanced him three thousand drachmae for the purpose. Artemon was to sail in the twenty-oared ship commanded by Hyblesius his fellow-citizen, and to take in three thousand jars of Mende wine at Mende or Scione, dispose of it on the Bosporus, or if he liked go on to Borysthenes, take in cargo from the Euxine and bring it all back to Athens on the same ship. Androcles could claim his money twenty days after the return of the ship. He was to have 2 2 '5 per cent interest if the ship left the Pontus by midsummer, 30 if she were later. This high rate gives some idea of the profits Artemon might reasonably make, and incidentally of the risk run. As a matter of fact Artemon did not propose to run any risks. He raised a further loan on the same security, only took in 450 jars of Mende wine, carried it over to Bosporus and there sold it and
—
—
We
Cf. Arch. Am. 191 1, p. 230, Pasterskoe (iorodishche (Kiev); p. 235, f. 42, Nemirov, Fodolia, '
cf.
Spitsyn, "Scythians
M.
and
Hallstatt," Bobrinskoj
Miscellany, .St P., 191 1, pp. 155—168. ^ .Stele of Greek yoi/i/n/jios (furrier), Kerch, vith cent. A.D., Trans. Oil Soc. xxix. Minutes, p. 8.
56
^^.2
CoIo7tization
and Trade
[ch.
took on board eighty casks of sour Coan wine, ten or eleven pots of salt fish, a little wool, and two or three bales of goatskins: the wine and fish were Lacritus, the defendant, for a farmer at Theodosia to give to his labourers. who took the place of Artemon deceased in the meanwhile, represented that this consignment was destined for Athens, but that the ship had been wrecked "As if," between Panticapaeum and Theodosia, and all the goods lost. said the speaker, "any one ever heard of wine being brought from Pontus to Athens: whereas it is sent there from these parts, from Peparethus and Cos and Thasos and Mende." As a matter of fact the captain had met a Chian in Pontus, and had borrowed money from him under promise to bring the ship and everything it contained to Chios, strictly against the Athenian Navigation law it was not even lawful to lend money for a voyage which should not bring corn to Athens. So now the ship was hidden in a thieves' harbour, waiting to get safely to Chios, and Lacritus was trying to avoid paying his debts because she had been wrecked off Theodosia. Whether this complicated story be true or no it cannot have been contrary to possibility and gives us a vivid idea of what the Pontus trade was like. have the same tale of rascality in the speech against Phormion, but the Here the defendant documents are not supplied so it is not so instructive. contends that he paid certain monies to the agent of the prosecutor, but that An interesting point is that the goods exthey were lost in a shipwreck. from Athens did not always find an instant sale on the Bosporus. ported pity that we are not told what they were. The shipwreck was caused It is a by an extra consignment of hides on the deck. Yet in spite of the high rate of interest charged by the moneylenders we must not imagine that the risk was as great as would appear from these private orations. Cases naturally arose out of shady transactions or unfortunate ventures and we do not hear of the normal and successful voyages. In the preliminaries there is no difficulty found in obtaining money for the Pontic trade and nobody thought much of its dangers until something went wrong. Most interesting was the trade in corn which Polybius says that the Pontus exported or imported according to the yield of each harvest. Another important factor which varied more gradually was the degree of civilization in which at any given time the coast tribes might happen to be. When a fresh tribe had lately come to the front with a fresh reinforcement of savagery or when intertribal wars were specially disastrous, the coast strip from which the corn supply was drawn was rendered unavailable, and the limited area of land in the actual possession of the Greek states might be insufficient to supply their needs in a bad year. For a hundred years before the time of Herodotus the tribes of Scythia seem to have been in fairly stable equilibrium, and the Aroteres to the north of Olbia had, as he says (iv. 1 7), taken to growing wheat for export, and no doubt the same sort of thing arose in the Eastern Crimea. So the Euxine for the first time had surplus corn, and the Pisistratids found it worth while to secure this trade by their establishment at Sigeum. It was this corn which paid for the black-figured vases and archaic gold and bronze work imported into Scythia. As far as Athens was concerned the Persian wars put a stop to this exchange, but the conditions in Scythia remained the same, and when Athens again obtained access to the
—
We
—
Demosthenes.
XIIl]
2
Trade
lVi7ie a?i(i Corii
443
Scythian markets her population was increased and her demand still more'. The comino- of the Sarmatians seems to have upset the equilibrium. New tribes succeeded to the half-civilized ones, and the state of thinj^s sIk-wu by the Protooenes decree (App. 7) would not encourage agriculture in the interior of the country so too in the Crimea the relations of Greeks and natives were even the cornlands of the Bosporan kinti^dom can hardly have interrupted given so full a return as before. Accordingly the time just before Polybius was unfavourable to corn production in Scythia, whereas in other parts of the Greek world it had spread and Hourished. Hence the necessity of imj)()riing corn into what used to be the granary of Greece. Mithridates again secured peace his opponents, Scilurus and Palacus, were also almost civilized, and the area under corn in the Crimea no doubt spread. About Olbia the Getae probably prevented much progress unless Scilurus was strong enough to give But Crimean agriculture, although burdened with heavy efficient protection. taxation, could provide in kind 180,000 medimni of corn as tribute and 200 talents in silver, the result of prosperous trading. The Greek tombs dating from the early centuries of our era shew a fair prosperity all along the Scythian coast; even in a little town like Gorgippia the guild of shipowners could, under royal patronage, set up a temple and but with the approach of fresh tribes things again statues to Poseidonchanged for the worse. We know most of Chersonese, once an agricultural state, self-sufficient but not apparently exporting much with the loss of territory on the main peninsula and the impoverishment of its own stony soil it ;
:
:
;
;
became absolutely dependent
for all the necessities of life
upon supplies drawn
from the opposite coast^ for these it paid with salt and the products of trade with the interior a state of things just the reverse of what had been. Little evidence is left that the Euxine coast traded with the far interior amber mostly came to the Adriatic Gree k and Roman things may have reached Sibe ria through Iran perhaps some ot the China trade, mterrupted in ^outh-western Asia and travelling by the Oxus from which even if there were no direct water communication it could easily get to the Caspian, debouched at Tanais, though the more usual way was across the Transcaucasian This was the trade on which Genoese Caffa isthmus to Dioscurias or Phasis. and Venetian Tana flourished in the Middle Ages they relied on very precious goods which could stand the very expensive land transit, not on the bulky raw materials that Bosporus and Olbia had exported the slave trade was common to both periods but the Genoese had sometimes to send provisions to Caffa because the Tartars were not yet agricultural, or at any rate were not disposed to sell their corn to strangers with whom they were not on the best of terms. In the xviiith century the Crimea exported some sixty shiploads of barley a year to Constantinople. Though on a smaller scale, the trade The described by Peyssonel is essentially similar to that of ancient times. same would be true of modern times but for the influence of protected
—
;
:
;
;
:
:
;
For details of the Bosporan corn trade, v. inf. L. Gernet, Bibliothiquc de la Faculty de Lettrcs de Paris, xxv. (1909), p. 269, esp. 315 316, " L'Approvisionnement d'Atht;nes en Ble au Vet IV" siecles" minimizes the importance of the Pontic corn trade, but Ur Grundy, Thucydides and the History of his Age, London, 191 1, pp. 74 sqq., '
p.
574.
159 sqq. shews that it was vital not only to Athens but to almost all states of Hellas: Pericles tried to make a corner in it and thereby exercise influence over cities Athens could not reach by arms, this was what they found most intolerable, p. 187. "
^
App. ^\ = BCA. xxxvn. p. 38, No. Cf. Pope Martin I.e., Const. Porph.
2.
cc. 42, 53.
56
—
Colonization
^^4-
and
Tirade
[ch. xiii
which lessen the import of manufactured articles. Also the export drawn from a larger area instead of a narrow fringe along the Dnepr and Bugh, upon which Olbia had to draw in 1903 Odessa sent out 2,200,000 tons of grain (in 1908 only 655,000), coming from the governments of Bessarabia, Kherson and Ekaterinoslav, besides what went from Nicolaev and Kherson the central provinces feed Russia itself, the south-eastern use Taganrog this had no counterpart in ancient times, as there was no agriculture so far east and Strabo does not give corn as an export of Tanais. Intercourse with other Mediterranean countries besides Greece and Asia Minor does not seem to have been frequent. In early days we have engraved gems from Western Asia; from the ist century B.C. we find Italian pots and bronzes with glazed pots, beads and charms from Egypt and Phoenician glass. The epitaphs of foreigners dying in Scythia and the foreign coins which have strayed there all tend to shew that the opposite coast was the land with which other communications were merely fortuitous. the people had most to do Coins of the Scythian coast hardly occur outside their own region men of the Euxine, though they did travel for business or pleasure or instruction, and in particular journeyed to Rome on state affairs, have not left many traces of their presence in foreign lands one or two epitaphs, some dedications made by Bosporan kings and some names in lists of Delphic proxenies, make up The dislocated grammar of the later inscriptions at Olbia and the number. on the Bosporus, the pedantic adherence to Dorism of the Chersonesites, It was their place in suggest that there was not much going to and fro. the scheme of things to stay at home and export corn to feed the great centres of civilization or later to defend them against roving barbarians. industries
of wheat
is
;
:
—
:
:
;
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Colonization.
Neumann, K.
Die Hellenen im Skythenlande, p. 335 sqq. Biirchner, L. Die Besiedelitng der Kiisten des Pontos Euxeinos durch die Milesier, I. Teil. Kempten, Unluckily the second part which would have dealt vvith the N. coast has never appeared. 1885. Hertzberg, G.
Kurze Geschichte der Altgriechischen Kolonisation.
Giitersloh.
1892.
pp. 24
— 28.
Trade. Koehler,
TAPIX02, Mem. de I'Acad. des Sciences de St P. S^r. vi., Sc. Polii. etc. T. I. pp. 347—490. Ueber die Bedentung des schwarzen Meeres fiir den Handel jaid Verkehr der alien Welt.
H.
(1832), Preller, L.
K.
E.
Dorpat, 1842.
von Sadowski, J. N. Die Handelsstrasscn der Griechen utid Romer an die Gestade des Baltischen Meeres: deutsch von Albin Kohn. Jena, 1877. " Le Commerce des Cereales en Attique." Perrot, G. Revue Historiqiie, iv. (1877), pp. 1-73. Mishchenko, Th. G. "Commercial Relations of the Athenian Republic with the Kings of Bosporus." Kiev University Bulletin, No. 7 (1878), p. 477. von Stern, E. R. "The Significance of Ceramic Fmds in South Russia for elucidating the Cultural History of the Black Sea Colonies." Trans. Od. Soc. XXII. (1900), p. i. "Die Griechische Kolonisation am Nordgestade des Schwarzen Meeres im Lichte archaologischer Forschung."
Klio, ix. (1909), p. 139.
Handelsgeschichte des Altertums. Vol. i. (1900) passim under the heads of various trade articles; Vol. 11. (1901), pp. 445 458. For mediaeval commerce, Heyd, W. Histoire du Commerce die Levant au Moyen Age, tr. by Furcy Ravnaud. Paris and Leipzig, 1886. Vol. II. pp. 156 215, 365 407.
Speck, E.
—
—
For the xviiith century, Peyssonel, Traite du commerce de
—
la
Mer
Noire.
Paris, 1787.
I
++5
JL.:
i-ttM.
Fig. 329.
CHAPTER
XIV.
TYRAS.
North of the Danube the first Greek colony was Tyras. It has aheady been shewn (p. 14) that Tyras was at Akkerman, on the right side of the Dnestr Hman, about ten miles from its mouth, and that the statements of Strabo (vii. iii. 16) agree thereto. Ptolemy (in. x. 8) is troubled by conflicting data, Some confusion was caused by the the other authorities* are perfectly vague. Ophiussa. This was probably the existence of a second name for the city real name superseded by that derived from the river and current in the mouths of strangers. Herodotus (iv. 51) mentions the Tyritae, but not the city, yet it was probably founded about the same time as Istrus and Olbia, in the middle of the viith century B.C. Its position at the mouth of a great river corresponds to that of the other Milesian colonies. But it never seems to have attained any distinction. It is mentioned rather as a geographical point what than as a political entity. It must have had a certain amount of trade inscriptions we have deal with trade rather tiian politics, but that is all. Under certain conditions its position might have strategical importance, but formerly those conditions were not present in ancient or in modern times it was overshadowed by Olbia, now by Odessa. The Romans may have had some regard for it during the period when it was under their sway, while Olbia still maintained a precarious independence. For that interval it was the This was last outpost of the power holding the upper Balkan peninsula. again its position in its time of greatness in the later Middle Ages, when there :
;
;
Byz.
Ps.-Scylax, 68; Ps.-Scymnus, s.v. Anon. Peripl. ^ 88 (62); ;
1.
803; Steph.
Mela
H.
i.
7;
Amm. Marc. xxn. viii. 41 Pliny, iV//. IV. 82 (26). derives Tyras from Tyros and talks of Phoenicians.
Tyras
44^
[ch.
it was on the north-eastern frontier of Moldavia, fortified At that time it was the great port Russians and nomads alike. and fortress of the north-western Euxine, and its buildings were worthy of its greatness. It is still one of the most complete of mediaeval fortresses with its keep, inner and outer bailey standing deserted but intact, and now It remains transferred to the care of the Odessa Archaeological Society. a monument to Genoese, Wallachs and Turks, who strengthened it in turn. The present name due to the latter means White Fortress, in old Russian General Bertier-de-La-Garde Belgorod the Genoese called it Moncastro. says that it never was Genoese, that the inner and outer baileys were built by Moldavians under Greek direction, and the keep constructed by the Turks when they took the place in 1484'. This great fortress has been the destruction of the Greek town, most In von Stern's excavations Greek potsherds were of whose site it must cover. Chinese porcelain and Venetian glass in a way which found mixed up with been dug over again and again. Hence the two shewed that the area had most important Tyras inscriptions were found far from the town at Korotnoe and Chobruchi, sixty and seventy miles up the river and this led to doubt as
was no Olbia, and
to resist
;
;
to the true site of the city.
The earlier of these" is the end of a decree conferring public honours on one Cocceius, who had approached the Emperor on behalf of the town. It is "sealed" by the Chief Archon {npcoToq apxav), four others, the proposer {ela-rjyrjTrj';) and the leading citizens, passed by the Senate and People, executed and enrolled by the Secretary in the third consulship of Commodus and that of Antistius Burrus (181 a.d.), year 125 by the Era of Tyras, giving The later inscription' gives a 56 A.D. as the starting-point for the latter. letter from Ovinius TertuUus, legate of Lower Moesia, covering a letter to him from the Emperors Severus and Caracalla and another to Heraclitus, probably the procurator of the province. The tenor of the correspondence is that the citizens of Tyras have confirmed to them an immunity from customs of which they could not prove the origin, but which was supported by letters of M. Aurelius and Antonius Hiberus, a predecessor of TertuUus. But before future citizens whom they may elect can enjoy the privilege their names must be submitted to the legate that is a distinct encroachment on the freedom of the city. The inscription is dated in the consulship of Mucianus and Fabianus (a.d. 201), in the 145th year of the Era of Tyras, in the archonship of P. Aelius Calpurnius. A very fragmentary inscription^ mentions freights, and stamps, and bankers (?), so it also deals with trade. Fragments of dedications we have, one in Latin for the preservation of Septimius Se;
verus,
name
Caracalla and Geta (his of Priscus the archjon.
deoU
...
(rvv[v)doL<;
name erased
as usual)^ and one" giving the Another, ...§ Kparivov SapctTrtSt, "lo-iSt,/ ^apKTTrjpLov', imd or ist century B.C., is the only inscription
My
1 sketch is very unsatisfactory but it is all that I had time to make, and I have never been able to obtain a photograph of the fortress as seen from the river. There are some poor views in Uvarov, Recherckes, PI. xxxii. to xxxv.
^ 3
App. App.
2)
i,
= IosPE. = IosPE.
I.
2.
I.
3.
Trans. Od. Soc. XXIII.
*
iv.
p.
3,
No. i=IosPE.
452. ''
*
No. '
losPE. losPE.
IV. 2. IV. /^^'},=
Trans. Od. Soc. XXIII.
p. 2,
i.
losPE.
Istrus,
IV.
I
;
cf.
iVIommsen/?.G.
a dedication to Sarapis at 284 = /'ro?7. /?.£. I. p. 310.
V. p.
History
XI v]
4^y
cults of Tyras. If only we had a faithful copy of another fragment, MEIYTHEOI HIAQHII', mijj^ht be of interest as it apparently belongs to an early stage in the development of the alphabet almost unrepresented to the north of the Euxine. Such with the coins is the sum of our materials for the history of Tyras the lost work of Poseidonius the Olbiopolite (v. p. 465) would have been Founded presumably in the viith century h.c, it was a colony of welcome. Miletus, as Scymnus (1. 803) tells us, and the names of the months Artemision and Leneon agree-. It has been suggested^ that Pericles on his expedition to the Pontus in 444 B.C. made Tyras a member of the confederacy of Delos. Some town beginning with T paid a talent after 424 B.C., but there is not evidence enough to justify a restoration (cf. p. 561). The city probably flourished until the coming of the Sarmatians, when must have shared the harassments to which Olbia was exposed, falling it under the power of native kings (v. p. 19). With Olbia on one side and the towns to the south on the other, it probably submitted to Mithridates (cf. the coin, PI. I. 6), whose commander Neoptolemus may have founded Turris Like Olbia, no doubt it suffered from Neoptolemi at the mouth of the river. the Getae about 50 B.C., for Dio Chrysostom^ says they took all the Greek During all this peri(xl cities on the left of the Pontus as far as Apollonia. it owed its existence to fishing in the liman, to corn growing on the lowlands by the river and to cattle raising on the steppes perhaps also to viticulture Accordingly the most such as now produces the excellent Bessarabian wine.
that witnesses to the it,
:
1
;
common head upon
—
the autonomous coins is that of Demeter (PI. i. 4), crowned with ears of corn, with a bull or a horse on the reverse. Other deities are Apollo (8 10) with a lyre, Athena (11) helmed with the bull, a river god with a fish (13, 14), Dionysus with cornucopia and a bunch of grapes (5 7), Asclepius with the snake upon an altar (12), and Hermes with his petasus and caduceus (Burachkov x. 25). After the destruction by the Getae we cannot say what came to Tyras. i
—
—
tempting to think that it lay waste until 56 A.n., the year of its new and that then Ti. Plautius Silvanus, legate of Moesia, who later (about 62) extended his province and made Roman influence reach beyond the Borysthenes, raised the city from its ashes as a frontier defence to Moesia". The retention of its old kalendar argues autonomy. Mommsen quotes many examples of town eras dating back to the year in which a city came definitely under the Roman suzerainty and was at once granted autonomy". But there is a coin ascribed to Augustus (No. 15), and if the ascription be right the town must have been under Roman sway long before. Yet the account of Tomi given by Ovid would make us think that Tyras must have been untenable during the first decades of our era. In any case we find the town under Roman protection, governed by its is
It
era,
1
losPE. I. 7; No. 6.
after L.
Waxel, Recueil iVAtiti-
guilds. 2
Latyshe%- in losPE.
i.
2,
3
and "Kalendars"
in novTiKd', p. 37.
p. 46 n. citing U. Kohler, Untersuch. z. Gesch. d. DelischAttischen Bundes," Abh. d. k. Ak. d. W. zu Daiin, ^
Lalyshev,
"Urkunden
u.
Olbia.,
1869, pp. 74 and 164 sqq. V. App. 2 = CIAti. He has also supplied NiK[&»'('a]. z""'*7.
1.
^y,
fr.
"
Or. xxxvi.
p. 49.
App. I = CIL. XIV. No. 3608; cf. A. v. Domaszewski, " Die Dislocation des romischen Heeres im *
J.
66 «
n. Chr.", AV/^"/;/. J///J. 1892, p. 207.
R. Staatsrecht, HI.
i.
p. 707.
—
—
Tyras
44 8
[ch.
Probably its constitution was and a popular assembly. time the of Domitian we have a regular series much like that of Olbia. From of Roman coins (PI. i. i6 It can 27) as far as Alexander Severus (d. 235). hardly be a coincidence that in his reign the Goths drew near to the Danube, which they crossed in 238 a.d., and began to cut short the coasts of the Roman Empire. The Tyrani enjoyed the confirmation of their free port Zosimus (r. xlii. 1) expressly names their not much more than thirty years. river as the base of a Gothic raid under Gallienus. five archons, a senate
Plate
Coins.
Tyras did not begin
HN} p. and
5-2 grm.,
Head
of
273), later silver coins are lighter, No. 2 weighs 8o*i grn, the didrachm, always rudely restruck, 144 grn. = 9-34 grm.
Uemeter
r.,
wheatears
Giel, Kl.B.,
Later
I29'5
A'.
ander,
to coin until the latter part of the ivth century B.C., to be No. i (86 grn. = 5-57 grm. Aeginetic
known seems
the earliest coin
drachma /R.
I.
it
in hair.
No.
3,
even essayed a gold
gm. = 8'4 grm. Head of somewhat degraded r.
Horse-protome
|
B. X. 27
;
r.
TYPA.
Oieshnikov, Cat. Uvarov, No.
i.
a stater on the Lysimachean pattern.
issue,
deified Alex-
=
Pallas Nicephoros throned 1. with spear in exergue trident flanked by dolphins
I
I
BASIAEni AYZIMAXOY
;
and 1.
;
shield: in field
under throne TY.
British Museum, unpublished, cf. HN.^ p. 273. Fk;. 329 bis. My special thanks are due to Mr G. F. Hill who shewed me the coin, discussed its date and gave me leave to publish it.
The southern neighbours of Tyras did the same and their issues fall into two groups according as the head on the obverse still remains that of Alexantier, idealized or degraded, or has been assimilated to the features of Mithridates or Pharnaces' this coin belongs to the ideal group it may be :
down
put
Most Tyras types rich, JE.
but
Head
it
of
B. X. 25, JE.
Head
;
nnd century
to the late iiird or the
of
lacks
Hermes HN.^ p.
B.C.
are here represented as the series at
Odessa
is
specially
two coins recalling types of native princes in petasus
234,
cf.
r.
PI.
|
ni. 23
KAY, 24
Demeter under kerchief r.
Caduceus. .Scilurus,
I
TYPA-
Pick XUI.
11
Sarias,
and
inf.
p.
487.
Fish (?) vertical between two wheatstalks making a square with ground line. TYPA.
I
Hermitage, B. X. 23
(after
von
Grimm No.
2);
Pick, XII.
16,
cf
PI.
III.
20, Canites.
The general question of native kings and their coins touches Olbia more nearly than Tyras (v. p. ,487, PI. in. 20 Dionysus and the .spread 27). eagle (No. 6) looks Mithridatic (cf. PI. vi. 8, 9, ix. 16, 17, 23). Of the imperial coppers .specimens enough are given to represent each Emperor ' Pick, op. cit. pp. 64 n. 2, 91, 154, 170, Regling, pp. 591,606: to the first group belong No. 255, Callatis; Nos. 2471 to the 2473, P'- v. 6, Tomi latter, Nos. 256 266, Callatis; No. 482, PI. 11. 27,
ib.
—
—
:
—
Istrus; Nos. 2474 2486, PI. XXI. 6, Tomi cf Panticapaean staters on this model inf p. 583, PI. vi. 19 21. The cities are distinguished by letters under the throne: KAA, IZ, TO.
—
:
XIV
Bibliograp/iy
Coi?is.
^^c)
whose coins are known, the series extending from Domitiun to Alexander Severus, and to shew that the types are thoroughly imperial. The coin assigned to Augustus (No. 15) might very well belong to some other town Pick does not seem to recognize it. Of the coins put down to Trajan by Jurgiewicz, J. 39 seems to be a poor specimen of No. 17, Hadrian; J. 40 one ;
of the later ones with Heracles reverse.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. History and Geography. Becker, the
Tyras and the Tyiitae."
"
P.
Odessa, 1849. the Site of Tyras."
Tyritae.
Bruun, Ph. "On von Stern, E. R.
"The
Trans. Od. Soc. U.
p.
Trans. Od. Soc. in.
Latest E.xcavations at Akkerman."
p.
416.
I
have not seen his Civil Life 0/
47: C/wniomorje,
i.
p.
Trans. Od. Soc. XXIII.
3.
33.
p.
Inscriptions.
App.
I
—
Becker and Bruun as above.
4.
"On the Inscription from Chobruchi." Trans. Od. Soc. XIII. p. 7. losPE. I. 2 7 (with summing up of previous hterature), iv. 455. 8, 452 4. von Stern, E. R. "New Epigraphic Material from S. Russia." Trans. Od. Soc. XXIII. pp. 5, Nos. i Latyshev, V. V. " On the Kalendars of Olbia, Tyras and Chersonesus Taurica." Trans. Villi Riiss.
Jurgiewicz, \V. N.
—
i
—
—
i
Archaeological Congress.
Odessa, 18S8,
11.
p.
c^6
= Uovtik(i,
p.
—
—
:iJ.
Coins.
"Die Miinzen von Tyras."
von Grimm, A.
Berliner Blatter/. Miinz- Siegel-
u.
Wappenkunde,
vi.
(1868), p. 27.
Gardner, P.
Giel,
Ch.
Museum
British
Burachkov, P. O. the Euxine. Ch.
Moscow,
"New
(B.).
PI.
(G.).
Catalogue of Greek Coins., Thrace, Sr^c, p. 13. London, 1877. General Catalogue of Coins belonging to the Greek Colonies on the N. Coast of xii. x. Odessa, 1884. Kleine Beitriige {Kl. B.) zur Antiken Nuinismatik Siid-Russlands, p. 2.
—
1886.
my
Additions to
"Coins acquired
in
TRAS. TRAS. vii.
Collection."
1892,
1893."
v.
(1892), PI. iv.
5.
4,
(1895), PI. xviii.
12—14.
Oreshnikov, A. V. Catalogue of Antiquities belonging to Ct A. S. Uvarov. Cities N. of the Euxine," pp. i, 2, Nos. i 7. Moscow, 1887.
Pt
"Coins of
Vii.
Gnek
—
Miinzen d. k. Musecn zu Berlin, i. pp. 31, 32. 1888. of Tyras City." Trans. Od. Soc. xv. (1889), pp. 12, PI. i. Bruun, L. "Ueber die Miinzen von T. unter Hadrian." Zt. f Numismatik, xvi. (1888), p. 182. Pick, B. (P.). Die Antiken Miinzen von Dacien und Moesien I. 15erlin, 1898. PI. XII. 1—28, Xlli. I (Most complete but without the corresponding text.) 12, p. 919. Head, B. V. Historia Nuniorum {HN.) 'p. 234, -p. 273. Oxford, 1887, 191 1. Tyras is not included in Koehne's Description du Muse'e Kotschoubey {MK).
von
Sallet, A.
Jurgiewicz,
W.
Beschr.
(J.).
d. ant.
"The Coins
i
—
—
Akkerman. Kochubinskij, A. A. Soc. XV. p. 506.
"XV
Century Stone Inscriptions from Belgorod now Akkerman."
"Tura (Tyras)— Belgorod- Akkerman and "
On
its
stone Inscription of 1454."
the state of the Fortress of .Akkerman."
XX. Minutes, XIX. Minutes,
ib.
"An Expedition to Akkerman." ib. "Latest Excavations at Akkerman," with Plan of Fortress, Also short articles on various details in Trans. Od. Soc.
von Stern, E. R.
Bertier-de- La-Garde, A. L.
M.
ib.
p. p.
xxiii.
p.
79.
5.
13.
xxm.
"Report on the condition of the Fortress."
ib.
Trans. Od.
ib.
p.
33.
xxii. Minutes,
p.
75.
57
;
CH. XV
Olbia
450
0^(90^, 5>cvir Fig. 330.
View
of Olbia looking West.
^ J
AB. Metres.
Furlongs
Hare's Ravine. Cross Ravines. ABC. Extent of earlier town. ADE. Extent of Acropolis and of Roman town. VIII, BC. Line dividing Ct MusinPushkin's land from the common of
BC, DE.
Parutino.
Here six layers of remains going back to VI VII cent. B.C. E. Quay, Spring and Prytaneum(?) north of it River-wall and Tower. D.
—
{Arch. Alls. 1910,
p.
227; 1911,
p.
212.)
I— VI, VII— VII,
XI, XVIII. Heland Roman Cemeteries. Most ancient graves of VII— VI
lenistic
VIII.
cent. B.C.
Great Barrow with vault
IX.
420): beneath
House:
{BCA.
p.
XIII.).
Corner of
X.
(v.
(1902-3), Hellenistic below all Polygonal wall it
Roman
City Wall
;
CR.
1902, p. 25.
Barrow of Heuresibius (1900), v. 417 sqq., ff. 308, 309. XII. XIII. Hellenistic Buildings: between them ancient gate and paved XI.
p.
way f.
(1907-8);
BCA.
xxxiii.
p. 105,
2.
XIV. Ancient Town-walls and Roman Tower; CR. 1904, PI. i. XV, XVI. Town-walls and place of gate; CR. 1905,
XVII.
PI.
i.
Traces of Town-walls;
1904, p.
CR.
3.
XIX, XX. cent. B.C.
Graves of vth and ivth More such north of the
boundary. Large building on the Acropolis, perhaps a Temple.
XXI. Fig. 331.
451
CHAPTER
XV.
OLBIA.
and constitution I have been von Stern says that it is the best of modern books dealing with our region. Therefore have not given references every time I am indebted to him, but have rather indicated the few cases in which I have presumed to differ. I have accordingly paid less attention to older writers whose views were strangely fanciful, founded upon few inscriptions and very subjective judgements of coins. These vagaries have led our author to undervalue the style of coins as an evidence of date, and in the question of Scythian kings 1 have preferred to be guided by an experienced New inscriptions found since the publication numismatist. A. V. Oreshnikov. of Latyshev's work have thrown comparatively little fresh light on the history and constitution of Olbia, epigraphic material has been more important on the other sites, but it has added to our knowledge of the cults of Olbia even since the appearance of Miss G. M. Hirst's excellent papers. It is especially upon the purely archaeological side that most progress has been made, and our ideas of the first stages of the city's existence are decidedly more definite. Olbia' is the clearest example of a Milesian colony which seems to have come into being gradually, having developed out of a trading factory. In the following- sketch of Olbia
its
history
well content to follow Latyshev's "Olbia," of which
I
Berezan. least there is a presumption that the early Greek settlement on the Berezan was the factory surviving on its original site down to the Not that anything has been found there that can be definitely vth century. placed before the earliest finds on the mainland", for on both sites Ionian pottery (v. supra, p. 338), archaic terra-cottas and examples of the early Olbian Nor indeed are we quite justified in calling Berezan aes grave have occurred. probability that when first settled by the Greeks it was every there is an island,
At
island
'
'OX^lrj or 'OXjSia
gave to their
city.
was the name the inhabitants
They
called themselves Olbio-
Foreigners spoke politae (Latyshev, O/d/'u, p. 33). of them as Borysthenitae, a name that they themselves kept for the natives dwelling along the river Borysthenes. This river-name was applied to the whole region and by strangers to the city, which is called by Herodotus ^opvuBtviiTiuiv efirrofiiov or TToXts.
They themselves
in
a decree (App.
5=
ivth cent. U.C.) apparently erected at the entrance of the Thracian Bosporus and directly concerning strangers and foreign currency in Olbia begin "These are the conditions
losPE.
I.
II,
early
of free entrance [Eiy li(>]i)va-a6(pr]" which Latyshev says must mean the town, but it might well apply to the whole liman to the port of Borysthenes in the wider sense. Pliny, N//. iv. 82 (26) gives the forms Olbiopolis and Miletopolis which occur nowhere else (for the real Miletopolis near Cyzicus v. Hasluck, Cyzicus, p. 74), the former must have existed to account for Olbiopolitae of the latter we can say nothing. In .A.non. Firiplus (86(60)) we find '()X,:Ji'(i ^aiita. but this is mere dittography, OABIACABIA.
—
:
^
Except perhaps a Geometric
1910, p. 227,
f.
pot,
An/i. An:.
27.
57—2
Olbia
452
[cH.
joined to the mainland': geologically it is a piece of the South Russian steppe with cliffs all round and only one or two inconvenient landing places: it is about looo yards by 350 (900 x 320 m.), and some mile and a half (2^ km.) from the land the sea in between is mostly only three feet deep and nowhere more than six: the island lost 28 yards (25 m.) in breadth in the last century and antiquities have been dredged up from the sea between it and the land, so the question merely seems one of the time when the separation took place. Strabo is the first to mention it as an island but says it had a harbour, which is certainly not the case now he clearly distinguishes it from Leuce and so does Ptolemy, who but later writers hopecalls it Borysthenis though he gives it a wrong position The suggestion of Papadhimitriu that the settlement lessly confuse the two. upon it was the iixvoptov twv Bopvo-deveireMv of Herodotus (iv. 17), which ought to be right on the coast, would be attractive if it could be reconciled with the archaeological evidence, but von Stern will have it that continuous occupation ceased in the first decades of the vth century B.C. and the natural inference is that shortly before this the site had become detached from the mainland and consequently was no longer a convenient place for trading or living, so that perhaps the name was finally deserted even by the fishing population it Scythian as the traditional centre of the coast. Herodotus survived for on Berezan fall into classes, the necropolis and burial two The early remains the houses: in both we can distinguish two periods, pits (v. supra, p. 415) and the first comprising the end of the viith and the first half of the vith centuries B.C., the second the latter part of the vith and the first decade or so of the vth. have many house walls of both periods, the former distinguished by being set upon virgin soil or upon a specially prepared foundation of clay and ashes in layers, such as we also find at Olbia, the latter being built upon made ground, even over older refuse pits, but naturally more perfect we have for instance the plan of a one-roomed dwelling with a verandah^ and another with two rooms The has walls standing 9 ft. 6 in. high, with door and window complete^ earlier houses are built of larger stones than the later, and in connection with them we have the round foundations or 66Xoi{?)\ One or two pits von Stern puts at the beginning of the early period as being pit-houses such as the first In both settlements we settlers occupied temporarily, roofing them with sails. find rubbish-pits about 5 ft. deep widening as they go down, store-pits with wider entrances and steps down to them and burial-pits close to or in the houses, as well as in the necropolis, and wells, round in the older, square in the newer :
:
:
:
—
We
;
Trans. Vith Russian Arch. Cotigress, R. A. Prendel, " Archaeol. p. 216, logical Investigations on the Island Berezan." CR. History. Bruun, Chenioviorje., 1907, p. 71, f. 60. 1. p. 14 identified it with the Island of S. Aetherius this is denied by Latyshev, Hoitiko, p. 285, v. supra, p. 16, n. 3. Ph. Kovalevskij, T?-ans. Od. Soc. XXVI. Minutes, No. 361, p. 48 relates its modern military history: S. D. Papadhimitriu, ib. XXIX. For p. 97, re-examines the ancient accounts of it. its connexion with the cult of Achilles Pontarches, v. inf p. 480. For the pots therefrom bought of Fr. Levitskij and M. Voitinas v. CR. 1901, p. 133; 1903, BCA. XXXVII. p. 81 for pp. 152, 153, ff. 303, 304 a Naucratis cylix, BCA. XL. pp. 142 158; scarabs and beads, ib. pp. 118 120. The first excavations 1
Maps.
Odessa, 1884,
:
;
—
—
;
were G. L. Skadovskij's, in 1900 1901, to be published with Levitskij's pots in a number of Mat. but meanwhile summarized by
after Prendel's
and
Pharmacovskij in Arch. Anz. 1904, p. 105 and E. von Stern in Trans. Od. Soc. XXIII. Minutes, In these same Minutes, xxv. p. 97 xxvii. p. 88. ;
p.68 xxviii.pp. 46, 137 xxix. pp. 39, 80, von Stern publishes his own excavations from 1902 on; and his reports in good time come out in C/?. from 1904 ;
;
on meanwhile Pharmacovskij summarizes them in Arch. Anz. 1905, p. 61 1906, p. 117; 1907, p. 144; :
;
1910, p. 223; 1911, pp. 1908, p. 177; 1909, p. 161 228 234, ff. 38 41. ^ Trans. Od. Soc. XXIX. Minutes, p. 39. ;
—
—
^
ib. p.
^
CR. 1906,
89,
Plan
B*.
p. 51,
f.
64.
Berezan.
xv] period.
Site
of 01hia
453
Further points of distinction are that arrow-heads are mostly
flat
82) in the older, triangular in the newer stratum, and most important of all the presence of Milesian and other Ionian pottery in the older layer and of y\ttic down to the "severe" style in the later (v. p. 338). These enable the various strata to be dated so confidently. There is a period before fish-coins or triangular arrow-heads and with very few black-figured occurrence of the coins when they appear is interesting: I he Attic sherds'. the fish, scattered, in lumps or held in the hand of the dead, among them two of a new flat-fish type, begin in what is still the first period; the acs grave, archaic Medusa and Pallas, only comes in the later and with it occasionally smaller pieces of the same type (v. PI. 11.). From early in the vth century Berezan has ceased to be a place of In spite of considerable excavations hardly anything permanent habitation. of later date has been found upon it, a few amphora necks, a few Roman lamp.s, a piece of glass of the iind century n.c. and several inscrijjtions to Achilles Pontarches (e.g. App. 13), but other such were found at Bejkush on the coast opposite, as well as at Olbia: there can hardly have been three temples to him, though if there were one on Berezan it would help the confusion with Leuce in the later authors and might be regarded as the oldest shrine of the commimity, unless indeed it was a mere substitute for the temple on Leuce of which the Olbiopolites may have lost the patronage after the ivth century n.c. In more recent times we have to note but a Swedish Runic inscription to the memory of a Variag", a few Cossack pipes, the Turkish fortifications and the monument to a French lieutenant dating from the Crimean War. But the island or peninsula is a pi^iori the point on which foreign traders who were not sure of their ground would fix: whereas the inconvenience of the site once they had established satisfactory relations with the natives would soon lead them to open an agency on the mainland and this would gradually supersede the first site, especially if its harbour was spoilt and its communication with the land cut off. (four-sided,
v.
p.
190,
f.
Olbia.
Site
and Excavations.
The site of Olbia itself is perfectly clear. The city stood on the right bank of the Bugh liman, there about three miles broad, at a point about a mile south of the village of Parutino. About four miles below the city the liman opens into that of the Dnepr or rather into a common estuary some nine miles across. If we follow this common estuary eastwards about nine miles from the mouth of the Bugh it is narrowed by a sharp promontory Cape Stanislav, and beyond begins the Dnepr liman proper. This Cape Stanislav must be the Cape of Hippolaus mentioned by Herodotus (iv. 53) and Dio as running out between the Hypanis and Borysthenes rivers. From the mouth of the Bugh to the narrow entrance by Ochakov is about twenty miles (32 km.), but as was said before the wide estuaries with shifting channels make it hard to give exact distances from point to point in any less summary way than measuring them upon the map (v. supra, p. 15). Upon the Cape of Hippolaus Herodotus says there was a temple of »
Trans. Od. Soc. xxix. Minutes,
p. 88.
^
BCA.
xxiil.
p. 66.
;
Olbia.
454
Site
[ch.
Demeter (v.l. Myytpoi), and Bruun thought that he had found its site a mile to the north of the actual headland', but no certain remains have been investigated. At other points in the environs (e.g. Hadzhi Gol, Kisljakovka and Kotseruba and at Bejkush on the Berezan liman) coins and traces of habitation have been reported but no such site has been thoroughly explored; at Nicolaevka a little below Berislav on the Dnepr was a town of Roman datel The ground covered by the city itself is triangular in shape, the apex On the west side is a considerable ravine (Hare's Dell, pointing to the south. To the east was the Bugh liman. The on the plan). Zdjachia Balka, northern boundary varied according to the prosperity of the city. always remained populated. In Greek times it may The triangle have formed an acropolis, but only one of its surrounding walls (at xiv on f. 331) can be certainly referred to an early date in Roman times it contained the whole city and was duly fortified with massive walls (xiv, xv, xvii), in places reaching the enormous thickness of 13 ft. 5 in. (4*70 m.); at xiv they were strengthened by a great tower, 82 x }j2) ^^- (25 x 10 m.), in the imd or iiird cenThe work was of tury A.D. near xvi was a gate of which nothing is left. three periods; good masonry with a face of massive headers and stretchers having been repaired with poorer work and again patched up very roughly'. In Greek times the city stretched as far as the line BC. Along the so far no walls have been found, but to the north of Hare's Dell north of are foundations of a piece of river-wall with a tower^ and along the south side of the ravine the early settlers seem to have dug a trench which no doubt had a palisade on its inside. Later on a splendid wall was built on the very edge of the ravine north of the trench and the latter was filled up and its site built over. This wall has lost all its facing and almost all its material but has been traced by its foundations 16 ft. (5 m.) thick, built in layers of clay and of charcoal with cinders alternately, a combination which hardens into rocklike consistency. Such foundations were found in the oldest deposits of Berezan and continued in use in Hellenistic Olbia, inasmuch as its natural soil the loess is very friable. For this technique Pharmacovskij quotes the accounts of charcoal under the foundations of the temple at Ephesusl Between xii and XIII were the traces of an early tower and the remains of another with great facing stones: between them was the site of the main gates and a patch of pavement. Cut into the foundations of one tower was a tomb with Attic pots of the ivth century B.C. shewing that the tower must be yet older. In its position the tomb is just comparable to that in the wall at Chersonese (v. inf., Another interesting thing about it is that it is covered with a true p. 499). vault". Here then were the walls and towers that Protogenes repaired (v. inf., p. 461) and of which Dio Chrysostom saw the remains far out in the country. The upper part of the walls was of sun-dried brick and nearly all the solid material went to build the Roman Olbia, and so they lay hid till quite lately.
BDA
ADE
:
;
D
E
BC
'
Trans. Od. Soc.
2
BCA. XXXIV.
^
CR. 1904,
Tower xiv);
v. p. 991. Siippl. p. 140.
pp. II, 12, ff. 6, 7, 9, PI. I. (plan of ^«5-. 1905, p. 63; 1906, p. 118;
y^rc//.
Hermes (Russian), 1907, p. 19. 1907, p. 146 * Arch. Aiiz. 220 ff. 24, 25. 191 1, pp. 211 ^ Diog. Laert.li.ix. 19; Pliny,A'//;xxxvi.95(2i). ;
—
" Pharmacovskij has only given a general account of the trench and walls found in 1907 in Hermes, 1907, pp. 45-49, 68-70; CR 1907, p. 7 sqq. Arch. A71Z. 1908, p. 180; 1909, p. 162; plan, BCA. xxxili. p. 105, f. 2. In the trench was a terra-cotta mould for a woman's face perhaps taken from a work of Calamis, BCA. XL. pp. 121 129.
—
xv]
F.7iviro7ts.
Walls.
Necropolis
455
E
is a sprino- and a considerable space of low j^rouiul suitahle for Near beaching ancient ships: under water are the remains of a mole: roundabout most of the coins are picked up and this was presumably the site of the commercial district. Here two streets met, one along the back of the riverSix layers of dt^bris have been distinguished wall, the other running- inland. the sixth or lowest only goes back to the iind century B.C. and stands in marshy soil. To the fifth layer belong buildings round a peristyle court (p. 457): on the analogy of the Prytaneum at Priene' Pharmacovskij has suggested that they served the same purpose, but he prefers to speak of them as a house: the big supporting wall to the south might be the boundary of the :
Ecclesiasterium".
The
was thickly inhabited right up to the Greek wall. Excavations on the spots marked ix, xii and xiii shewed foundations of Hellenistic buildings and under those at ix (p. 456) Pharmacovskij unearthed a wall of polygonal In Roman times on this very masonry that he refers to the archaic periods spot was reared a great barrow (v. p. 420), proof positive that by then this area was without the city boundary. At that time it seems to have been waste land. Some idea of the changes the city's area underwent may be gleaned from city
the positions of the burying places of different ages. It is remarkable that the older the graves the farther they are from the town. This [)oints to the greatest period of the town having been in the viith and vith centuries i?.c. when people went as far afield as viii to bury and even across to the next ravine parallel to Hare's Dell. Less remote are the graves of the vth and ivth centuries about
XIX and xx and to the north on the site of Parutino. Still closer in were the Hellenistic graves i vi, vii, and xviii, whereas Roman interments trespassed on the Hellenistic city. The time of greatest expansion in Olbia would accordingly coincide with the time of close and often very friendly relations with the Scythic power to which Herodotus and the spoils of Scythic graves with their strong Ionian influence alike bear witness. This supposes an extremely rapid growth at the very first, which is just what we do see in Uvarov was not wrong in the main, really was the line successful colonies. of the old walls although the towers that he found along it have proved to be The many other but barrows ix and xi with retaining walls of masonry. barrows all about have given the place its name of the Hundred Barrows. The advantages of the site do not seem very obvious the chief attraction seems to have been the low-lying space of shore upon which ships could be drawn up, commanded as it was by higher groimd itself defended by the ravine Probably too the channel of the Bugh was in ancient on the further side. times favourable to Olbia of the alternative sites which suggest themselves, Nicolaev was too far up country, Kherson channel has never been good and there must have been some special reason against Ochakov, which when in hostile hands was undoubtedly a thorn in the side of Olbia. Dio Chrysostom* Be this as says that in his time it belonged to the queen of the Sauromatae. it may it was Olbia that the Milesians chose as the point which could control the trade routes of the Hypanis and Borysthenes and become the chief emporium of the North Western Euxine.
—
BC
;
:
'
^
Wiegand-Schrader, p. 231 sqq. Arch. Anz. 1910, pp. 227—234,
''
ff.
28, 29, 32.
^
CR.
1903, p. 17,
Or. xxxvi.
f.
p. 49.
15.
4.56
Excavations
Olbta.
[ch.
Until this century the site of Olbia, though ascertained in the time of The northern necropolis was has not been fortunate archaeologically. part of the communal property of the village of Parutino, and was exposed to To the south of the line viii the main every kind of predatory digging. area belongs to Count Musin-Pushkin whose predecessors refused to allow scientific digging while taking insufficient steps to prevent the raids of the Hence the bulk of the inscriptions and objects discovered Parutino peasants. have lost half their value through their exact place of finding not being known. Even the occasional attempts of archaeologists were unsystematic and ill But a new era opened with the advent of Mr Pharmacovskij in recorded. conclusion of an agreement between the Archaeological Comthe 1 and 90 1 The opening up of the walls described mission and the owners of the soil. above gives us the position of the acropolis and the limits of the Roman In the middle of the triangle have been found the remains of a town. considerable building apparently a temple, and further work may tell us where were the temples of Zeus Olbios and the chapel of Achilles Pontarches. Several inscriptions found to the north of the inner walls indicate the probable position of the temple of Apollo Prostates. The point whose exploration has been of most interest is that marked ix. This was rendered conspicuous by the great barrow with its chamber and Below three layers which had to do with plinth of masonry described above. the barrow and so were dated in the iind century a.d., Pharmacovskij found four others. The lowest is only represented by a fragment of polygonal masonry referred to the archaic period. The two layers above this were Hellenistic but the buildings in them were too fragmentary to tell us much except that they were dwelling houses\ From the fourth layer, though much disturbed by the heaping up of the barrow, still could be made out the plan of a Hellenistic house. comparison of its arrangements with those of other Greek houses shews that it comes between the earlier houses at Priene of the iiird century B.C. and that described by Vitruvius which seems to lead on to the Delian type of the ist century B.C. It is specially close to that called by Vitruvius (vi. 7 (10)) Rhodian. This as well as the details of style point to the middle of the iind century b.c.'-^ The house consisted of two systems of chambers each surrounding its court. Of one not very much is left but of the other a most attractive restoration has been made. It is just the moment in evolution of the Greek house before the peristyle becomes the same on all four sides. In our example whereas three sides of the square have each four ordinary Ionic columns, making five spaces, the west has a facade of two stories the upper is Corinthian having antae with two columns between, while below are two Ionic columns flanked by antae forming what Vitruvius calls the prostas, and again antae at the corners of the court. The court was paved with cobbles, the centre having a square panel of primitive mosaic made of unshaped pebbles. The design consisted of a circle whose content has perished inscribed in a square, the spandrels being filled with palmettes, the frame outside has a frieze Pallas,
BC
A
;
V.
^C/i. XIII. PL IV. and pp. 98 — no. For a most detailed account of this house, BCA. xiii. pp. 37—98. Plans, PI. vi, vii, x re1
storations
2
Cf.
;
Arch.
mosaic.
PI.
xii, and CR. 1903, pp. 8 sqq. 1904, p. 103 with pictures of the
XI,
Am.
Hellenistic Houses
xv]
457
of animals arranged
in pairs each lookintr towards a palmette, on each side a lion and a boar and two panthers. The outermost member of the frame is a wave-pattern, broken in the middle of the north and south sides by paths leading out of the centre across the plain pavement to the East of the court was a long chamber with a fine view over the colonnade. Bugh, perhaps a spring and autumn dining room. To the south were large spaces which have not been fully explored owing to the desirability of leaving some part of the barrow untouched. One of them, however, yielded the three precious heads of Asclepius. Hygiea (p. 292, f. 208) and Eros (?). Beyond the north wall of the court was apparentl)' a blank wall. The entrance was from the ni:. An alley ended in a vestibule which led by a narrow passage into the north walk of the peristyle. The narrowing of the passage gave space for a porter's niche between the corner pier and the north anta of the prostas or east face of the house which made the west side of This prostas led into two considerable rooms which with those the court. above them made the chief part of this division of the house. These reception rooms were plastered and painted in the first Pompeian style to imitate marble panelling". To the south were three rooms of one story only one of them, which came at the sk. corner of the court, had a great cistern beneath it, fed from the converging roofs of the whole complex of buildings. T\irther to the west was a store room with seven great pithoi. The orientation of the house is interesting. In Greece the prostas would have looked south as Vitruvius recommends. But in Olbia that would have made it unbearably hot in summer without there being much gain of warmth in winter. A western aspect is exposed to bad winds off the steppe whereas Hence the eastern aspect of the the breezes from the Bugh are pleasant. Vitruvius mentions that special arrangements were necessary in the prostas. The Pontus.* What appliances they had for artificial heat does not appear. winter snow determined the steep pitch of the roof, about 20', as we know from a ridge tile'. This house was built upon banded foundations of clay and ashes carried ri":ht down to virufin earth hence its erection meant great disturbance of all lower layers. The duration of its existence, about a century, is marked by It perished by fire towards the lettering of the astynomus stamps on its tiles. 50 B.C. evidently it succumbed to the Getic storm. The heaping up of the barrow again disturbed the soil, hence in its mass and in the layers below it are found pottery fragments of all possible periods, beginning with Ionian, through black- and red-figured Attic of various styles to Hellenistic and Roman products, also terra-cottas of corresponding dates. This confusion makes it hard to place particular strata but gives us the right to infer that the site was continuou.sly inhabited from the viith century b.c.^ The house at E. the prytaneum (?), is a little later in date, the peristyle, an irregular oblong with five and four columns a side, being without a prostas; The entrance was in the middle was an altar once surmounted by a tripod. through a vestibule from the street behind the river-wall, and into this the peristyle drained. Between the street and the court was a handsome room
two winged
lions,
;
:
;
'
M.
BCA.
XUI.
p. 65,
f.
36.
-
ib.
pp. 185
— 231,
V.
supra,
p.
339.
58
Olbia.
458
History
[ch.
paved with pebble-mosaic like the former in technique, but with simpler wave, maeander and guilloche on it was another little altar and Destroyed in the Getan sack this terra-cottas of Cybele and a priestess'. house was patched up immediately and again burnt.
partly
patterns
—
:
History.
The date assigned by Eusebius to the foundation of Olbia (Ol. -^i. 2, But regard 647-6) thus quite agrees with the archaeological evidenced being had to what has been said above about the gradual growth of the factory B.C.
definite dates are clearly out of place (v. supra, p. 453). The history of Olbia is divided into two parts at the destruction of the city
by the Getae
in
that of a typical
is
the middle of the
Greek town,
ist
century
During the first part it on hard pressed by
B.C.
at first prosperous, later
the surrounding tribes, probably more or less tributary to barbarian chieftains, During the later period its population had accepted but essentially Greek. a strong barbarian element and the town existed at first on sufferance, later by the support of Rome, but there was some connexion with the former inhabitants, it was not an entirely new community upon the old site, for the old personal names lived on though mixed with foreign ones, the Greek language survived in some form, and the institutions (e.g. the names of the months) still shew a resemblance to those of Miletus and her colonies. During the vith and vth centuries b c. we cannot say that we know any definite events of Olbian history. Herodotus gives us stories of the relations between the Scythian kings and the Olbiopolites from which we may gather that the princes were attracted by the higher civilization, its conveniences and its pleasures, and established friendly and even intimate relations with the Greeks, whereas the mass of the nation having less chance of enjoying all this was less well-disposed. But to make the most of every detail of these stories aiTd argue as to the state of architecture in Olbia because the house of Scyles was adorned with sphinxes and griffins, as to its fortifications and sallyports because from a tower a citizen shewed the Scyths their king making one of a Bacchic thiasus, or judge of the size of the town because Scyles could leave his "army " in the Trpoaa-Telov, is to take too literally the stories of Tymnes. But we can conclude that the Borysthenites had friendly dealings with a fairly powerful nation which proved a very good customer for all their Greek wares. How the expedition of Darius affected Olbia we do not hear. Presumably it was a source of anxiety and nothing more. More serious was the expedition of Pericles into the Pontus. Its main effects were probably to strengthen Athenian commerce in this region, from the middle of the vth century the Attic pots come in again (v. p. 339), whether Olbia were enrolled in the Delian confederation we cannot say. In the new list set out in 424 b.c. there is a town beginning with (App. 2, cf. pp. 447, 561) but it only paid a talent which is no more than Nymphaeum and perhaps Tyras paid. From this period we have three epitaphs, the earliest was found beyond the Hares' DelP, and also the coins EMI/^AkO (v. p. 487) who may have been a foreign ruler.
O
1
Arch. Atiz.
1910,
pp.
228
— 234,
207—220, ff. 18—23. 2 Schoene following B gives Oxford MS. seems with A and P 191
1,
ff.
28
— 30;
F is right Scaliger gave Latyshev, Olbia, p. 38, n. 2. ^ App. 4'' = /6)j/'^. I. i2o(facs. iv. p. 275 = Roehl, Gr. Antiquissimae^, No. 48, perhaps the oldest
against
it
;
perhaps 654
01. 31. 3, B.C.
pp.
Ol. 33. 4 but the to turn the scale
/.
;
33. 3 of cf.
:
xv]
Scyt/is^
Zopyrio7i
4.59
From the ivth century a few inscriptions have survived, mostly epitaphs and grants of proxeny' to foreigners, Chaerigenes of Mesembria, Hellanicus of Rhodes (?), Nautimus of Calhuis and a Dionysius whose city cannot be read. This last stone was found at Chersonese. All this points to lively intercourse with other trading cities. A decree found at the temple of Zeus Urius at the entrance of the Thracian Bosporus gives regulations for the treatment of foreign money at Olbia*, directing that all copper and silver and gold other than that of Cyzicus should be exchanged against Olbian currency according to the market and that such transactions should take place " upon the stone in the ecclesiasterium " upon pain of confiscation of the amount in question l)ut Cyzicene gold (or rather electrum) staters were fixed at 1O5 staters (Olbian silver like PI. 111. 2)''. Cyzicene staters have been found in Olbia and in later times their place was taken by those of the Macedonian kings. So far only one autonomous Olbian gold stater (just like PI. in. 2) has been discovered\ It seems clear that the Olbiopolites mostly used foreign gold such as the Alexanders and Lysimachi, at least a thousand of which were found at Anadol in Bessarabia', and that this is meant by the gold pieces mentioned in the decrees thanking :
—
and later Protogenes (v. inf. pp. 460 462 and 4H5), This decree in honour of Callinicus son of Euxenus" in the ivth century records the bestowal by the grateful people of praise and a wreath worth a thousand gold pieces to be presented in the theatre at the Dionysia and the setting up of a statue. But what Callinicus had done to deserve this Callinicus
is lost.
The one event in this century for which we have a literary source is a siege of Olbia by Zopyrion recorded by Macrobius", for the sake of the extreme measures taken by the citizens to rally to themselves all possible defenders. They set slaves free, gave foreigners the citizenship and cancelled all debts. This means that they must have been reduced to great straits, either that the city was not in a position to resist an attack or that the forces of the invader were overwhelming in any case the shock to the city's prosperity must have been serious. Almost certainly this Zopyrion was the governor left by Alexander in Thrace after his reduction of that country and Zopyrion wishing to his demonstration against the Getae across the Danube. distinguish himself went farther whether against Getae or Scythians (v. p. 123) and was destroyed with 30,000 men. But what the mutual relations of Olbia, the Scythians, the Getae and Zopyrion may have been we cannot make clear. Also the date of the occurrence is doubtful, Justin says Alexander heard the news just after Arbela, O. Curtius, when he had returned from India to Persia: and Curtius says that Zopyrion perished in a storm, presumably on shipboard ;
:
N. of the
28
Euxine,
cf.
pp. 447, 560, 618),
and Trans. Od. Soc. xxiv. Minutes, losPE. I. 8—10, 14, 15. BCA. x. ^ App. = IosFE. I. 1. '
i,
^
Latyshev, Olbia,
losPE.
IV.
p. 39. p. I,
No.
1.
1
p.
48
n.
quotes Uittenberger,
Hermes, xvi. p. 189, cf. Sj'//<>jJ-e% 11. 546. Bertier-deLa-Garde, " Comparative Values," p. 54 sqq. after considering the amount of gold in a Cyzicene and of silver in an Olbian stater declares that this decree put a premium of about 2\ per cent on Cyzicenes
in order to attract gold in its then most general form to the Olbian market. Burachkov, p. 64, No. 167, PI. VUl. 201, Pick, a dozen \ staters are known, IX. I, now at Brussels :
v.
p. ^
485, PI. Hi.
BCA.
i.
HI. p. 58.
"
losPE.
1.
12.
Borysthenitae, obpu^Saturnalia, i. xi. 2,},. nante Zopyrione, servis libcratis dataque civitate peregrinis et factis tabulis novis hostem sustinere potuerunt. '
58—2
Olbia.
4.60
History
[ch.
but a governor of Thrace would not want ships to attack the Getae, whereas they would be invaluable against Olbia of which the river side was not fully defended until the time of Protogenes. Bertier-de- La-Garde^ refuses to believe in the siege of Zopyrion saying that you cannot besiege an unwalled town, but part of the circuit had been completed in stone and the rest was no doubt defended by walls of crude brick or a palisade and ditch for which very likely Protogenes substituted stone. Grote (xii. p. 299) regards Zopyrion as an unknown person and declines to fix any date for his attack upon Olbia, To the end of the ivth century belongs a tantalizing inscription", in praise of a man who appears to have brought the citizens to one mind by arranging an impartial compromise. Presumably there had been a faction fight. Perhaps when the danger from Zopyrion had passed there were difficulties between the old and the newly enfranchised citizens. But this discord may have to do with the subsequent decadence. Protogenes.
After the attack by Zopyrion, Olbia appears to have begun to decay. Circumstances were no longer favourable. Her customers in European and Asiatic Greece had mostly fallen on evil times, mixed up in the rivalries of various dynasts, or had diverted their attention to the richer regions of Asia laid open to them by the conquests of Alexander. For instance the steady corn production of Egypt must have competed fatally with the fluctuating exports of South Russia. Worse than this, changes in the population of the interior interrupted the trade routes, ruined the Scyth power with which Olbia had established tolerable relations, so that the remnants were driven to encroach upon Olbian territory, and brought new foes from East and West. This decadence is fully illustrated by the decree in honour of Protogenes to which reference has already been made. It is perhaps the most important epigraphic document from the Scythian region^ Its interest may be grouped under two heads, the information it affords as to the tribes surrounding Olbia and her relations with them and the internal economic questions of providing money to buy off these tribes, to fortify the town against them, and to relieve the distress of the citizens due to these exactions and to bad harvests.
The tribes mentioned in the inscription have been already dealt with 118 sqq. ^). hear Towards them Olbia stands in no pleasant relation. (p. most of a King Saitapharnes to whom one year the Olbiopolites give four hundred gold pieces (for the question as to what coins are meant, v. p. 459), provided by Protogenes, another year he paid other four hundred pieces to the Saii, perhaps the tribe of which Saitapharnes was king, soon after some part of 1500 gold pieces was spent on "douceurs" {id^paTrevdrjo-av) to lesser chiefs {aKrjTTTov-^oi) and the advantageous preparation of gifts for the king.
We
Co7nparative Values, p. 86, n. 2. IV. i,ib=Tra7is. Od. Soc. xxni.
'
losPE.
2
No.
6.
For a full commentary see Boeckh, 7. 2058; losPE. I. 16; Schmidt, Rh. Mas. (1836), pp. 357 sqq., 571 sqq., and Dittenberger,
^
App.
CIG. IV.
Syll.'^
\\.
I.
226.
Braun, Jnvestigatio/is,
i. pp. 89, 102 sqq., 117, supra, pp. 125, 126, puts the inscription in the iind cent, to suit his theory that the Galatae were the Kelts afterwards known as the Britolagae on the Danube, but originally from further north. Niederle, Slav. Ant. 1. pp. 303 311, after stating all views comes to no conclusion.
*
p. 9,
129, v.
—
1
xv]
Protogenes
461
were not merely money (as was said by the famous tiara) but money's worth which could be j^ot cheap or dear accordino- to circumstances. Saitapharnes would have been much pleased with Rachumovvski's work had it becMi executed in time. Fittini^ out an embassy to the king cost 300 gold pieces and could hardly be done for Later Protogenes himself went on an embassy to the king and offered that. him 900 gold pieces Latyshev suggests that this was two years' tribute with an extra hundred to make up but he was not satisfied, found fault with the gifts and prepared for war here the narrative breaks off; but Protogenes had spent 2000 gold pieces on embassies and gifts, besides the 500 for general purposes most of which went the same way. On the other side of the stone we find that worse foes have appeared, Galatae and Sciri, and that in fear of them the Thisamatae, Scythae and Saudaratae try to take shelter in the city walls, driving its inhabitants to despair and to the desertion of the city. Also their allies the Mixhellenes to the number of 1500 and all their slaves turn against them. do not quite see where Saitapharnes and the Saii come in. It is likely that they were on the eastern side of the Hypanis and even of the Borysthenes and so more or less safe. have no means of sayincr where Cancvtus may have been and to -rrdpav might conceivably be the Hylaeaand the parts beyond, where Herodotus puts the Scythae Nomades, whereas the other tribes were probably to the west and north exposed to the new comers. In any case the danger .seems to have passed away after rousmg the town to complete its fortifications along the river bank. The most pressing need was the want of two stretches of wall along the river, that by the harbour' and that by the old fish-market. All this Protogenes had to undertake at a cost of 1500 gold pieces; next we are told of five towers restored by him, two by the great gate (v, p. 454), Cathegetor Tower, Waggon-way Tower and Epidaurius Tower, he also built up the three curtain walls {axoiviaia) between them and he completed another piece of wall from the Tower ot Posis to the upper place (this cost a hundred gold pieces), besides building the grain store and the bazaar gateway*. All this in the face of difficulties with the contractors .so that he had to take the work over himself and repair at a cost of 200 gold pieces the barges kept by the city for the transport of stone. That makes a total of 1800 gold pieces spent upon This phrase
some
su^'o'ests that the oifts
in discussint]^
—
—
:
1
We
We
buildings.
amounts went to the meeting of other calls on the treasury times of famine. To begin with Protogenes redeemed for 100 gold pieces the sacred plate of the city which the foreign creditor was just taking to be melted down next year he paid 300 for a cheap lot of wine bought by the archons under Democon the following year he .sacrificed 200 by selling 2000 medimni of corn at half price. When elected one of the Nine he offered 1500, much of which went in gifts to chiefs. The following harvest was again bad, Protogenes advanced 1000, 300 without interest for a year: he was repaid at the rate of 400 coppers evidently at a loss (v. p. 483). The same year he sold 2500 medimni of corn making an abatement of about Still
mostly
larger
in
:
:
'
See Hertier-de- La-Garde on these walls, Comparative Values,
p. 86, n. 2.
462
Olbia.
History
[ch.
about 4400 making no allowance for loss In some of these transactions it is of interest or on copper repayments. not clear whether the town intended repayment or took as a gift the sum provided. But this does not make much difference as the inscription represents Protogenes as cancelling the debts due to himself from the city by the singular process of crediting it with non-existent surpluses and applying All this he did during three these to the extinction of its debts to himself. years as " financial director of the city's affairs," in the course of which time he used no harsh measures against the tax-farmers, but let them pay at their own convenience, while he submitted to the people at due seasons accounts falsified for the city's benefit. Yet the city proceeds to ask him to sacrifice private debts due to him and to his father amounting to 6000 gold pieces and to remit In all, then, he spent about 9200 gold pieces on the interest due upon them. town of which we seem to hear of 2500 being paid back, though with loss of interest and at a lower rate of exchange that makes 6700 in public benefactions and the 6000 of private debts brings the total up to 12,700 gold pieces, a colossal sum. The question that rouses most wonder is how Protogenes and his forbears amassed a fortune from which they could make such sacrifices whereas no one else in the town is represented as ready or able to help at all'. Yet we have another inscription of about the same date, the peculiar lettering is almost identical, saying^ " Cleombrotus son of Pantacles saw to the building of the Gate and Curtainwall," and the same Cleombrotus^ dedicates a tower to Heracles with six bombastic elegiac couplets. This man, his converse Pantacles son of Cleombrotus (if this is his father we have the base of his statue dedicated by the people to Heracles, the lettering is a good deal older)^ Heroson son of Protogenes converse to the hero of the great inscription, two Aristocrates (the name of Protogenes's colleague as envoy to Saitapharnes) and several sons of Aristocrates, several sons of Herodorus, the name of an eponymous priest during his activity, further Heuresibius son of Demetrius, who on losPE. i. 105 made a dedication to Zeus the King, and Agrotas who with his brother Posideus set up a statue to their father Dionysius priest of Apollo Delphinius", are all mentioned on a list of citizens'. Further Posideus son of Dionysius an Olbiopolite receives proxeny in an inscription at Delos dated about 180A.D.' This means that unless we have been misled by the customary repetition of ancestral names all these men belong to the first half of the iind century B.C. Latyshev, who believes that the Galatae mentioned are the forces of the
2270 gold
pieces'.
That amounts
to
:
;
The first dearth runs up the price of corn to a gold piece for a medimnus; P. sells for ^^. Next time it goes up to | and even to i-|, P. sells for ^^ and Jf. If we take the gold piece to be an Attic stater of Lysimachus or Alexander, 15 would be about 136 shillings a quarter. Bertier-de-LaGarde {Comparative Values, &c. p. 65) says this is an impossible price and supposes the gold pieces to be such as PI. ill. i or rather electrum hects of Cyzicus reducing the sums to a filth of the above, but failure of crops can be absolute in S. Russia and if the exchange of which Polybius speaks (IV. 38, v. p. 440) were prevented siege prices would naturally rule, much higher than anything at Athens, to which all the corn of the Greek world gravitated. ^ If I were inclined to wild hypotheses I should '
\ of
suggest that Protogenes was really a tyrant who had come into power on the shoulders of the democracy afcer a rising against an oligarchy devoted to Heracles, dedications to whom by Cleombrotus and Nicodromus, losPE. IV. 459, had been defaced by the people if not a political tyrant P. must have been a commercial monopolist for he had evidently concentrated into his hands all the money in the town. No doubt he ruled through democratic forms. :
^
losPE.
^
BCA.
®
losPE. I. losPE. I. Latyshev
^
*
100.
*
p. 41,
No.
ib.
i.
99.
i.
106. 1
cf IV. p. 273. Jour>ial of Min. Public Instr.
14,
in
i890 = noj'TtKd, p. 55; also losPE.iS. 264 quoting Foug^res, BCH. xiii. (1889), p. 236.
St P. Feb. p.
I.
XXXIII.
xv]
Protoge7tes.
Mithridates
Scilurtis.
463
kingdom of Tyle which fell in 213 h.c, prefers to see grandsons where it is just Thereby he puts back Protogenes into the as possible to see grandfathers. Protogenes himself is represented in the decree as comparatively iiird century. young, at least the dei)ts due to his father are remembered apart from those due to him that is in the list he is maybe a survival from the iiird century and Cleombrotus too but the lettering of the decree is placed by Mommsen at the end of the iind century, by Bocckh in the ist or iind, by Dittenberger in the Iind century, Latyshev shews that it might be iiird, but he is driven The list of citizens looks if anything thereto by the date of the fall of Tyle. Braun's argmnents in favour of bringing the Galatae from the later still'. Carpathians rather than from Thrace agree with the prima facie date of the writing and a fair view of its relation to the document at Delos as dated by Altogether I should put the decree in the first half of the iind Fougeres. Some other points in it will be touched on in the review of the century b.c. institutions of Olbia (p. 474). A further illustration of financial affairs in the iind century h.c. is afforded by an inscription' giving the fees for sacrificing various beasts. They are fixed by the Seven, apparently the commission that managed the finances of the Gods, twelve hundred coppers, that would be three gold pieces, for a bull, three hundred for a sheep or goat, sixty for some other animal or according to The fees went to the sacred treasury but Jernstedt's conjecture for the skin. reserve for the public needs. that was no doubt used as a Soon after this we would put the period of vassaldom to Scythian kings (v. p. 119); the danger from that quarter had become more and more threatening and it is conceivable that the suzerainty of a strong ruler like Scilurus was rather a relief, if he protected the city against other barbarians and allowed That this was probably so her merchants to trade in his extensive territories. we judge from the occurrence in his capital Kermenchik (Neapolis besides a stone bearing the king's name^ of three inscriptions recording dedications made by Posideus the son of Posideus to Zeus Atabyrius, Athena Lindia and Achilles, lord of the island (of Leuce)\ the last in celebration of a victory over the Satarchaei pirates. The same name occurs on a dedication to Aphrodite Euploea found at Qlbia', and there is good reason to supply it in No. 49, a decree of the men of Cos, and perhaps in No. 48, a decree of the men of Tenedos in honour of an Olbiopolite. There is no call to make Posideus a Rhodian as is usually done because of his dedications to Rhodian deities; he :
;
.'^),
was evidently a seaman by the victory over the pirates, with close connexions with the islands of Asia Minor, and there was special reason for his having to do with Rhodes, just then the chief commercial state of the Aegean and carrying on a great wine trade with Olbia, as we know by the amphora stamps. Whether the Olbiopolites liked their connexion with Scilurus or not, it came to an end at the defeat of his son Palacus by Diophantus with the forces of Mithridates and Chersonese". That Olbia submitted to Mithridates seems
O
See the forms of E, TT, C, on facsimile losPE. I. 16, PI. 11. fas against I) and in the list is placed in the ilnd century losPE. IV. loi at Chersonese. For the dates of '
A€ZC03;O
t: .u\\T ^ L I- f V. K-W. Grabreltefs, Scythia Watzinger accepts Latyshev's dating.
.. leltenng 1
m •
\.'
••
p. vii,
u . but
App. % = IosPE. 1. 46. "9, i- l = IosPE. I. 241. \losPE.\.2\^—1^,i,. ^
'
„ ,
P-
?^
o r orlosPE. App. \6= •
f^^ 3> ^- '" P•
,:,
3-
,
I.
.0/:- c. .,k„ .,., 185, IV. 67, btrabo, vii. ...
•
iv.
Olbia.
4.64
History
[ch.
I honour
of Philocrates a master implied in the fragmentary decree' in mariner of Amisus thanking him for services in transporting supphes to certain Armenians in Sinope, also in facing a storm to bring home an embassy of the Rostovtsev" refers the city's and reinforcements granted to it by the king. former service to a running of the blockade of Sinope in 70 B.C., when Machares had deserted his father the Armenians being the Cilician troops borrowed from Tigranes, who were holding the city for Mithridates. The second transaction he assigns to the king's last moment of power in 64 B.C. when Olbia wanted support against the threatening Getae and he himself would be glad to secure a pied-a-terre with a view to his intended Western campaign. After his death it again became a prey to the indiscriminate attacks of the Of this time we have a glimpse in the decree in honour surrounding tribes. He is praised as a peacemaker among the of Niceratus son of Papiasl citizens and a defender of the city against the attacks of outside foes, whose name is not given, but they were probably not the Getae as the scene of his The honours he receives are interesting, a public death is laid in the Hylaea. funeral, on the day of which the workshops were to be closed and the citizens to wear black and attend in order, a gold wreath, an equestrian statue, a yearly of. ..son
;
rehearsing of his merits at the ecclesia for electing magistrates and at the horseraces in honour of Achilles established by oracle, and the setting forth of the complimentary decree upon a fair white stone to rouse the emulation of others.
Sack by the Getae.
The
sack by the Getae. Our Getae took this and the other Greek cities on the west of the Pontus as far as Apollonia, which happened a hundred and fifty years before. The speech was delivered about 100 a.d. but we may have to reckon back from the time of Dio's stay at Olbia, which may have been about 83 a.d. So the sack must be put between 67 and 50 B.C. This corresponds exactly with the time when Byrebista had raised the Getae or Daci to greater power (v. p. 123) and no doubt the destruction may be laid at his door. It is borne out by the burnt layer found by Pharmacovskij (v. p. 457), by such expressions as that of the decree in honour of Callisthenes^ c. 200 A.D. which speaks of his descent from the founders of the city, hardly the first founders of eight hundred years before, and by hints from the other towns affected^ Indeed the inscriptions of such towns as Istropolis and Odessus, and the description, maybe exaggerated, of Ovid's life at Tomi present close parallels to the state of things we have found at Olbia. Dio speaks of this sack as the last and greatest capture, and says that the city had often been taken before: that it had been on the verge we know from several inscriptions, after a capture there would be no decree set up, so we cannot say whether it were actually taken but there is so far no trace of any such break; when he says "often" Dio is almost certainly exaggerating. Scilurus may well have entered the city and done comparatively little harm.
next event
authority for
it is
in
the history of Olbia
Uio Chrysostom, who says
is
its
that the
;
:
App. c) = BCA. XVIII. p. 97, No. 2. "Mithridates of Pontus and Olbia," BCA. XXin. p. 21. ' losPE. I. 17. Latyshev, Olbia., p. 139. 1
2
<
losPE.
i.
24.
Latyshev, Olbia, p. 147, quotes an article of his own in Ath. Mitt. xi. (1886), p. 200, citing in^
scriptions from
Odessus and IstropoHs.
(
]
Games Art
Sack hy Getae.
XV
a?i(l Lite7'atiire
^
465
Olbian Life. Reviewing- the history of Olbia as far as we have Lione we must confess The citizens' main occupation was that it is a sufficiently depressiiiL;- record. commerce with the natives, a commerce in which the civilized man usually makes unrighteous profits, and one branch of which was no doul)t the slave trade this was varied by internal disputes of which we have hints from time to time, constant petty w^ars with ever fresh tribes of barbarians, stru<(j^les ayf'dnst bad harvests once exhaustion came to the lands which had at first been Yet in spite of these disadso fertile, and ever growing financial difficulties. vantages, in spite of their severe winter, the Olbiopolites strove to live the They must have concentrated into the summer the activities life of Hellenes. of the whole year, for they endeavoured to keep up the due festivals and read of Dionysia held in the theatre' and horseraces in honour games. Dionysius son of Nicodromus the gymnasiarch seems to have of Achilles. gained some prize abroad perhaps in Athens" from which Panathenaic vases were brought back in triumph (supra, p. 347). special point is the archery contest in which Anaxagoras son of Demagoras made the record shc^t of 282 fathoms^ a contest most natural in Scythia. To anticipate, the very archons and strategi in the later period record their victories in running, leaping and throwing the lance and discus (v. p. 473). Of special interest is an inscription recording a statue by Praxiteles^ so that the statues of which \ve hear so often were not all specimens of mere municipal art, and the Hellenistic houses are better than we might expect. Some of the earlier coins also attest a fairly high standard of ta.ste and execution though degeneracy soon sets in. As regards literature Olbia gave birth to a well-known philosopher Bion'', but the stories we hear of him suggest not .so much a serious thinker as a sophist with keen mother-wit and unstable intellectual interests he first attended the Academy, then joined the Cynics, passed on to the Cyrenaic school and finally became a pupil of the Peripatetic Theophrastus before When rivals hinted at his lowly origin, setting up for himself at Rhodes. said that his father was a freedman dealing in .salt he turned on them and cheating the customs, his mother no better than she fish and was sold up 'for should be, and he himself, having been the favourite slave of a rhetor who left him all his possessions, began his free life by burning his old master's writings: this was merely inverted boasting, we cannot learn from it anything about life in Olbia: Bion flourished in the iiird century B.C. Sphaerus, his younger contemporary, though called a Borysthenite by Plutarch, is more usually stated Lastly Suidas" speaks of a historian Poseidonius to have been a Bosporan". the Olbiopolite who wrote about the phenomena of the ocean and the land of Tyras, also, if it be the same man, Attic and Libyan histories, and a Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius (11. 660) .says that Dionysius Olbianus (v.l. ;
We
A
—
'AX/Siai'ds) la-Topel ra? eupetas '
losPE.
3
p. 66, n. 10
*
V. p.
*
Cf.
*
Plutarch, Cleoinenes,
M.
I.
'^
12.
ijt.ova';
ib. IV.
and App. 6 = IosPE.
Xeyecrdat 'A^iXXecKS Bpoixov^.
459.
iv. 460.
*
295, nn. 10, II.
Diog. Laert.
"
getcs
iv. vii. II.
Diog. Laert.
vii. vi.
Lexicon ap. Latyshev, Olbia, Miiller,
p. 877.
This as
FHG.
iii.
p. 144.
Hckker,
p. 172.
is not a confusion with Dionysius I'eriehe emphasizes the narrowness of the
Tendra.
59
—
466
Olbia.
We A.
^
have one
relic
KpTlKUiV T[o]t9 iv
olKi.r)
vapa
V)U,[a9]
of private
History
life at
Olbia, an early ivth century letter.
B.
olKi>i\C\
[7r]ap8t8ajf et 8e fiij, TTapa 'AydOapKov ets tol... napa KepS(o[y^o^ ipioju
rjv
MuXXtcut'
'Atcikous,
[CH.
TO
[e]s to OLKirjfia
ixepo
KoixLcr da 6 oil^i).
So Latyshev reads: Articon to the housefolk greeting; if Myllion from Ataces if not to turn you out of the house (go) into the chamber if he offer it Agatharcus into the [other ?] let him take the share of the wool from Cerdon\ ;
:
Fig. 332.
Letter on lead.
BCA.
Olbia.
x. p.
11,
No.
7.
V. V. Skorpil' has published three more lead tablets from Olbia, two are defixiones, lists of names of people cursed, one of about the same date as Articon's letter, the other of about the iind century B.C., the date also of the third, apparently an anonymous letter to a judge (?) offering him a bribe (ere TeLfXTJcro) /cat crot dpiarov Bcopov TrapacTKevdcro)) if he will deny access to his court to certain dangerous persons enumerated.
merely
O/dia restored.
Poor as was the life of Olbia in the last centuries B.C., it was magnificent compared to that of the resurrected Olbia. Dio tells us about it and his picture is probably true in outline though no doubt the light and shade are exaggerated. We must not forget that we are dealing with a professional rhetorician who wishes to lay stress on the desolation of Olbia, the calamities it had suffered in the past, the hourly dangers from foes outside, the meagreness of the intellectual fare within the citizens' reach, in order to throw up the survival among them of the true Hellenic spirit, of martial courage, proud independence, love of the old national poet and eagerness for any chance of culture. 1 Cf. G. S[chmidt], BCA. xiv. p. 138, Artikon sagt denen ini Hause x"^P^t'^- Wenn euch Mylaion aus der Wohnung hinauswirft, so soil er (der Sklave) zu Atakes' (Sohn) in die Vorratskammer denn gibt er sie her (gut) wo nicht, soil er zu :
in die (Kammern) die er von Kerdon hat, die Partie Wolle tragen ; Wilhelm, Jahresh. d. oesterr. Arch. hist. xu. p. 118 with a better fac-
Agatharkos
simile thinks nothing lost after 2
BCA. xxvn.
p. 68.
ra.,
B.
1.
2.
I
Private Letters.
xv]
Restored Olhia.
Dio
467
His account is that after the capture by the Getac the survivors came tot^'ether ag^ain' by the consent of the Scythians themselves, who missed the convenience of Greek trade which had ceased with the cHsappearance of Greek speakers. It is to this period we woukl assion the coins of Pharzoeus (one ookl stater PI. iii. 26) and Ininsimeus (Inismeus) which witness to settled a rekitions between Olbia and the natives (v. p. At the time of his visit 19). Dio describes ([uite another state of thin^^s, as one of his main points is the perpetual danjj^er from hostile natives, the greater because the town had not been able to fortify itself properly. He gives a graphic picture of the poor buildings huddled up against a few towers that remained of the old circuit, whereas other towers stood out in the country not looking as if they belonged the sun-baked i)rick walls had naturally collapsed as soon to the city at all He next pourtrays the eighteen year as they were breached and neglected. old Callistratus as he rides back from the war girt with a great cavalry sword and dressed after the Scythian fashion in trousers and all, with a little black cloak over his shoulders. The general wearing of black is a curious point as it cannot have been universal in the older Olbia for it is decreed as a sign of mourning (p. 464), Dio derives it from the Melanchlaeni who were never anywhere near Olbia. Yet this barbarous figure (very much like the Bosporans on the walls of catacombs, p. 313 sqq.) is well known for his good looks as well as for his courage, and his features recall the Ionian type, moreover he takes an interest in philosophy and even wishes to follow Dio for the sake of 1
;
opportunities of study. Dio then enters into a conversation in which he banters them for their excessive devotion to Homer (even now they only had blind poets to encourage them Tyrtaeus-like) and quotes a couplet of Phocylides :
KOI ToSe ^(x)Kv\ihov
7roA.i?
iv cr/coTreXw /card k6(T[xov
OLKevcra ayi^iKprj Kpiacroiv Nivov a<^paivov(Tiq<; is more sense in it than in the shoutings and leapings of he is interrupted by a bystander who asks him not to speak against Homer and Achilles, and goes on to explain that the day before the natives had made an attack and killed some sentries and they did not know when they would have peace to listen. And indeed, says Dio, the gates In spite were shut and a Hag flying as a signal that hostilities were going on. of this trouble Dio is pleased to find them so anxious to hear and so truly Greek that nearly all had collected round him. So they adjourn to the temple of Zeus where was their place of council and plenty of space and there they Dio is delighted at their old-fashioned range themselves in order about him. Two citizens had shaved but this was look with their long hair and beards. imitation of the Romans. Yet these old-time Greeks as disiJfraceful resfarded Dio goes Greek clearly {aacj)(u<;). on with his speech about could no longer speak one Hieroson (one would like the well-administered city, but is interrupted by to speak in the earlier Olbia) and asked to read Heroson a name so typical of Platonic style about the government of the universe, inasmuch as Plato is the favourite author next to Homer and so with great applause he discourses of
suggesting that there Achilles.
P"or this
:
the '
government of the universe. The excavations shew a very
short interruption, Arch.
Anz.
191
1,
p.
217;
BCA.
XXXIII.
p.
113.
59—2
Olbia.
468 The whole
History
C
CH.
quite unique, it reminds one of a French litterateur Canadian habitants, but actuahty underHes its idylHc borne out by the inscriptions: Ovid supplies the other side
picture
is
criving his experiences of
surface and much is of the picture. The truth lies
among the three. The stage and main situation are the same in all, but Ovid insists on the barbarism and discomfort, whereas Dio makes us have a kindly feeling for the Borysthenites, he shews them simple, brave, independent yet courteous, keeping in all their barbarism touches of true Hellenism that had died out elsewhere, and feeling in all their ignorance and narrowness aspirations after higher things. But this is not borne out by the inscriptions, a whole series of which consists of complimentary decrees couched in a turgid style equally full of showy bombast and inextricable
We
might yet think that they represented the inarticulate anacolutha. strivings of real gratitude had not chance preserved us one precious document\ telling us that the Senate and People crown Dadus the son of Tumbagus in recognition of the services he might have rendered had he lived, seeing That the people that he was a well-educated young man of great promise. should sympathize with a bereaved father is all very well, but such an example shews what a farce the complimentary decrees had become. It was only necessary to b.elong to the inner ring of the leading families and you might have any number of lines of ungrammatical rhetoric dedicated to your
memory. the restored Olbia we have a very considerable naturally far more than from the ancient time. of the organization of the city and give us the names of
From
inscriptions,
much
number
of
They tell us many magis-
and citizens, but very few refer to anything which can be called an and very few can be dated. The chief criterion of date is the event assumption of Roman praenomina and nomina in accordance with a fashion which changed with each change of Emperor. It would seem that for some two hundred and fifty years there was no trates
;
economy of Olbia. All that happened was that the magistrates succeeded each other duly, performed their duties, made some dedication or restoration in their own honour and handed on their offices to other members of the aristocratic families. Magistrates and citizens alike strove to adorn their city, but rather in a spirit of ostentatious emulation than of civic virtue, and the place must have been full of bad statues and fulsome eulogies. Dio says the good statues of former times had all been mutilated by the Getae. Now we read of the building of a gymnasium", a portico in the time of Tiberius' and another in the time of Severus Alexander^ a tower'*, an exedra" and baths^ under Septimius Severus, also of restorations, of the theatre^ a praetorium (crr/oaTTyytoi^)", the temple of Apollo evidently the Prostates^" and the chapel {Trpodevyr]) of Achilles Pontarches" look of the city was improved during the hundred years following Dio's visit.
alteration in the internal
;
3
losPE. I. 26. App. \o = IosPE. losPE. I. 102.
<
ib.
I.
*
ib.
I.
loi.
6
ib.
I.
103.
1
2
add. 97'.
''
I.
22.
^
8 '0 1^
losPE.
I. 97. 104. ib. IV. 26. ib. I. 58, 61.
ib.
I.
ib.
1.
98, at least
who mostly made
it
was roofed by the aichons,
their offerings to him.
XV
Restored Olhia.
]
Buildings.
Rome
469
in the precedinj^ century the statues had been it is liard to believe that without any attempt to make oood the damai^e'. Externally the restored Olbia had dealincr.s with the natives, with the other Refounded by the permission of the Scythians Pontic cities and with Rome. after the Getan power had collapsed, her relations with the natives soon may believe that Rome helped her to throw off the became uncertain. yoke of l^harzoeus and Inismeus, for in the early years of Tii)erius Ababus the son of Callisthenes had already dedicated a portico to Auj^ustus, Tiberius and the People. Such a dedication means oratitude or expectation on the He is very likely the father of Orontes, son of an Ababus part of 011)ia. described by the Byzantines as havinjj^ attained the honour of bein<( presented A^ain in 62 a.d. Ti. Plautius Silvanus', lej^ate of at the Imperial court Moesia, boasts of having made a Scythian king raise the siege of " Cherronensus which is beyond the Borustenes." To this display of Roman activity is usually ascribed the annexation of Tyras, but this was probably in 56 a.d. Howex'er, it must have meant something for Olbia. When Dio says that two citizens were held in contempt for having shaved in imitation of the Romans, we must remember that he had been exiled by the Roman government. The steady attraction of Rome is shewn l)y the increasing frequency of Roman names, such as Ulpius and Aelius it must have been much increased by the Antoninus Pius granted help against the Tauroscythae conquests of Trajan. and made them give hostages to the Olbiopolites, so from his time there can have been left but the shadow of independence \ However the Olbiopolites themselves did their best in their own way, we hear of generals gaining triumphant victories and making dedications accordingly*, and of citizens thanked for going out to meet barbarian chiefs, and we may be sure they did not meet them empty handed Finally the inevitable happened. find Olbian coins with the image and superscription of Septimius Severus, baths dedicated to Severus and Caracalla while Cosconius Gentianus was legate of Moesia', statues of Caracalla and Geta Possibly the set up by Senate and People and all signs of full Roman sovranty. difficulty experienced in the reduction of Byzantium moved Septimius Severus have coins of Severus, Caracalla to get all the Pontic towns more in hand. and Geta, then an interval and then again those of Severus Alexander. Meanwhile the Olbiopolites kept up a lively intercourse with other Greek Reference has already cities, especially those on the Pontus and Propontis. been made to a decree of the Byzantines in honour of Orontes son of Ababus-. It is written in elaborate Doric and praises Orontes for hospitality to strangers at Olbia and dignity when himself staying at Byzantium. A\-\<\
left
We
•.
:
".
We
We
'
Cf. the
Satyrus App.
decree
in
honour of Theocles son of
21, fpywv re (nificXfiais xai Kara
1.
yeviudm. It seems hard that after this Dio should have spoken of the city as ov npbs rijv irdKaiav do^av, and of (jyavXorrii Kai (vho^oTffmv Ttjv iruXiv
ijfiiav
ij
son of Attalus in the
:
—
ii.
30, napa^oXtvadfjiCVOi
losPE. I. 102 (cf IV. p. 271), .A.babus Callisand losPE. i. 47, 'Opoi'Tar...'A/iin/3ov...fit;^pt
*
ray touv 2elia(TTa>v yva>a(a>s n poKO'^avros cf. Deissmann, Licht vom Ostcn, p. 277, n. 6 so Carzoazus
"
'^
thenis,
;
;
Kivhivov^
h-^XP'-
whatever that may mean, losPK. I. 21 Ueissmann, p. 55> ^- 7 renders "exposing himself to dangers by the help he gave in the struggle," comparmg Philippians, ^
Tcov olKO^ofirjpdrav.
nnd century
"S.f^aarav fTvfxixa\ia irapa^oXfvirdiJ.ffOi
''
"
(NABD)
rfj yf/v\fi.
App. \=CIL. XIV. 3608. Julius Capitolinus, Antoninus Pius, losPE. I. 58. losPE. I. 21, 22, 25losPE. i. 97, v. TRAS. VM. p. 74.
c. 9.
History
Olbia.
470
[ch.
1
More general was the praise offered to Theocles son of Satyrus who died Not only did Olbia give him the usual in his year of office as chief archon. honours decreeing that he should wear a gold wreath at his funeral, his virtues be rehearsed by a herald and a medallion with his bust put upon the gymnasium in whose building he had been concerned, but the foreigners resident in the town had the names of their cities added as joining in the honour paid him \ Regular hospitality to foreigners is one of the virtues credited in complimentary On the other hand one of Dio's hosts draws a most unfavourable decrees. picture of the Greeks that came to Olbia, saying that they are mere merchants and bagmen bringing poor rags and bad wine, more barbarous than the Let us hope that the architect from Nicomedia and Olbiopolites themselves. Tomi who built their baths was a little better than this. Further evidence of such intercourse may be seen in the foreign coins that found their way to Olbia, from Amisus, Callatis, Odessus, Tomi, Istrus, Tyras, Cercinitis, Chersonese, Panticapaeum, Phaselis, Thasos, Athens, Locri, Panormus and others, besides the staters of Cyzicus and later of various dynasts, which supplied the Three gravestones^ witness to lack of local gold, and the Imperial currency. Bosporans living and dying at Olbia and the grave described on p. 420 seems to be that of a woman of Chersonese. Finally to these citizens of many states was added an entirely fresh Perhaps from element in the Roman soldier and his Thracian auxiliaries \ Antoninus Pius there must have been a cohort or ala of such time of the regularly stationed for the defence of Olbia and of Bosporus and Chersonese from the time of Trajan or Hadrian a detachment was supplied by Legio XI Claudia, part of the garrison of Lower Moesia. This continued till at any rate 248 A.D. when two of the soldiers dedicated an altar to Mercury in honour of the consulship of Philip Augustus and Philip the Emperor I Coins give the latest dates, one of Otacilia Philip's wife was found long After ago, more recently one of Valerian" and even one of Constantius^ this date we can say no more. Only Ammianus Marcellinus (xxii. vii. 40) speaks of Olbia as existing in his time but that is little to go by. Subsequently someone must have lived on the site, for this very altar was found built into a wall and a few Byzantine coins have been picked up*. But of this which may be called the third Olbia we know nothing. Presumably the Goths destroyed The the second but it may have been the Carpi or some Sarmatian tribe. date must have been about the year in which Decius was defeated, rather later than Mommsen puts it''. No author found the event worth mentioning, not even Jordanes'", who knew of the city's existence and even speaks of Borysthenis and Olbia separately he might well have attributed this exploit to the Goths had they performed it, but they were not very successful against walled cities such as Tomi, Marcianopolis and Cyzicus", and the end may not have been an instantaneous catastrophe. "
:
:
;
For the
1
similar -
^ ^
list
I.
losPE. losPE.
list
see App. \o = losPE.
23 with
i.
22,
cf.
a
IV. p. 267.
97, NetKO/i[i;8€cos] rov Kai To/ifiT[oi;. 1. 115 117. A'j/'ii". IV. 32, 34, 35 /^Cyi. X. pp. 5, 13, Nos. I.
—
^
App.
"
BCA.
''
^ ^
;
xxvii. p. 64, No. 4 and Professor Rostovtsev's observations thereon. 4, 8
;
'"
\i,
= BCA.
xxvii.
p.
5, No. 4. CR. 1907,
X. p.
65
;
p. 24.
Arch. AjlZ. 191 I, p. 221. ibid.; Uvarov, Recherc/ies, I. p. 103, Justin II. /?.£?. v. pp. 216, 285 =/'wz'. i. pp. 237, 310^312. Getica, V. 32.
" Zosimus,
I.
xlii. .\liii.
i.
Foreig7i
xv']
Relatio7is.
Fall,
Co7istitutio7j
471
Institutions.
any
In the foUovvincj" review of Olbian institutions no attempt is made to trace development. For the earlier Olbia hints in the Protogenes decree borne
out by one or two other inscriptions are all we have to go upon. Probably the forms of the old order survived into the new city though imi)regnated with The Nine and Seven do not occur in the later Olbia. an aristocratic spirit. The population of Olbia consisted of citizens, free aliens, and .slaves. Only the citizens formed the body politic. hear nothing of metoeci. Apparently the constitution was at any rate in theory a pure democracy we do not know of any cla.ss of citizens having any .special rights, nor of any division into tribes or ^pa.r'ipa.i. But at any rate in the restored Olbia this For one reason or democracy had become something very like an oligarchy. another the responsible offices of the state are concentrated in the hands of a small number of families and the same names occur ai>ain and a<'ain' shewinir This was in a manner that these families held their own for generations. recognized in the formula for complimentary decrees. The rehearsal of a man's merits usually begins by mentioning that his ancestors had benefited It is interesting that barbarian names are as the city and held high office \ common as Greek among these Olbian nobiles. Olbia never adopted election by lot, the Attic remedy against undue influence, also unlimited reelection was apparently allowed, so the inner ring had the means to maintain its
We
:
supremacy-.
The legislative bodies were the Boulc and the Ecclesia or Demos. The former seems merely to have had probouleutic functions, propositions being first considered by it and then brought before the ecclesia. The formula for decrees generally mentions both. This formula when fully e.xpressed gives the name of the proposer (6 eto-r^yr^cra/xei^o?) and says that the proposal was stated (eiTrai^) by the archons or in some cases by the archons and the Seven, this was probably because finance, the province of the Seven, was nearly touched by the activity of the citizens honoured I In one complirnentary decree the proposal comes from the .Synhedri^ whom Latyshev regards as a permanent committee of the boule like the prytaneis in
many
cities.
full preambles of the later decrees to extract Apparently the proposer laid his therefrom some account of the procedure'. scheme before the boule, and if the boule approved it it was brought before If the proposal the ecclesia by the archons who probably presided over it. is made by several men, e.g. by the synhedri, the statement stands in one name alone unqualified by any magistrate's title. Occasionally instead of the archons we only find the chief or eponymous archon ". Quite exceptional is a preamble" in which it appears that a resolution
Latyshev analyses the
1
2
losPE. losPE.
I.
17,
I.
16,
22 22
( (
= App. = App.
10), 24, 26. 7,
10), 24,
77
(
= App.
14). ^
ib.
*
BCA.
I.
16 ( = App. 7), IV. 456. XIV. p. 94, No. I. He proposes to re-
13,
store the p. 268.
word
in
losPE.
*
losPE.
"
ib.
^
App. g = BCA.
I.
1.
21,
22
(
i.
= App.
28 and 10), 24,
i.
27
24.
xvrii. p. 96, No.
2.
42,
cf.
iv.
— 31, 42.
Olbia.
472
Constitution
[ch.
voted by the demos on the proposal of the archons was the following year ratified by demos and boule. The preamble sometimes^ adds that the ecclesia was crowded or universal (yvwfxr))
This gave its decisions no more legal complimentary decree. A decree was then inscribed upon a fair white stone and set up in This was probably done under the direction of a a conspicuous place. secretary, such a ypaix^aTev<; as is mentioned at Tyras, but there is no direct There was further a town-crier or herald who proclaimed evidence for this. the virtues of deceased benefactors or contracts for which the city asked tenders. The boule met in Dio's time at the temple of Zeus (Olbios ?), the demos had its iKKhqcTLaa-T-qpiov which also served as an exchange"'. The Ecclesia seems to have had the ultimate decision in all possible matters, foreign affairs, the despatching of envoys and gifts to foreign potentates, war and preparations for it, elections of magistrates (at a special {iKK\r)(TLaq (Tvvr)dpoicr fxevr}'; TravByjfxov).
added
force but
lustre to a
meeting, y) apyaipeTiK-q iKK\r)(Tia), finance including the regulation of the price of corn, of the currency and of customs, the requisition of necessary sums from rich men and the invitation of tenders for various contracts, and finally that which has left most trace to our day the voting of complimentary decrees,
and rewards to magistrates, citizens and foreigners. The latter were given citizenship, proxeny, and immunity from import duties. To citizens were given such a title as father of the city^ wreaths of gold, the setting up of a medallion or a statue, plain or gilded, afoot or equestrian, and lastly the honour of a funeral at the public expense, the shops being closed and the privileges
citizens clothed in black.
In case of sudden necessity the archons had the power to ecclesia^ but in the face of such miscellaneous responsibilities
summon it
the
must have
for meeting, but we know nothing of them. dates are sometimes given in the preambles of decrees, but we can deduce nothing from them except that the names of the months, Panaemos, [Metageit]nion, Boedromion, Cyanepsion, [Apa]tureon, Leneon, Anthester[ion], Tha[rgelion], Calamae[on], were such as we meet- at Cyzicus and other Milesian coloniesl Olbia seems never to have had an era and a simple manner of reckoning dates such as we find in Roman times at Tyras, Chersonese and in Years were denoted in earlier times by the name of the Bosporan kingdom. some priest, probably that of Achilles, in later times by that of the chief archon.
had regular days
The
Magistrates.
Executive power in Olbia belonged to colleges of magistrates. The only were the king and the director of finances, which office Protogenes, probably appointed for the special need of the time, held for three years: solitary officials
losPE. I. 22 ( = App. lo), 24, 27, 28; BCA. No. I. ^ App. l=IosPE. I. 1. ^ Maybe not a mere title but the expression of that power concentrated in one magistrate's hands which had become common in the iiird century. 1
XIV.
p. 94,
1
Rostovtsev,
BCA.
xxiii. p. 18.
*
App.
•]
= IosPE. "On
i.
16.
the Kalendars of Olbia, Tyras, and Chersonesus Taurica" in Trans, of Vlth (1884) Russian Arch. Congr. Odessa, 1888, Vol. il. p. 56 ='novTiKd, p. 25, v. losPE. i. 18, 21, 22, 28, 30, 31, 42 (IV. p. 268); BCA. Xiv. p. 94, No. i; XViii. ''
p. 96,
Latyshev,
No.
2.
XV ]
Assemblies.
Magistrates
473
" irdvTa SiuiLKrjaeu" in
an uncontrolled fashion not like a regular magistrate, but he may correspond to the normal Athenian official 6 inl tjj Siotxr/o-ci as Latyshev supposes. There were five archons, six strategi, five agoranomi, we do not know the number of the a college of Nine and a college of Seven Each college had a head as it were eponymous, for in official astynomi. documents the others are grouped round him as ol rrepl tom Selva. Each college had its patron deity to which it made a dedication ahcr its year of office the archons to Achilles Pontarches, the strategi to Apollo Prostates and sometimes the agoranomi to Hermes Agoraeus. The dedication to Achilles Pontarches took the form of a Nike, a vase or other ornament, or of an improvement or These dedications are recorded in inscriptions restoration of a sacred fabric. of which many have come down to us especially those of the strategi. The college makes them on behalf of the city, or the prosperity or the full water supply (euTTocria) of the city, and of the health and in the case of strategi the :
—
;
valour of its members. As the same man could hold an office more than once we find the same name occurring in different positions in the lists. This was governed either as Latyshev says by seniority or by the number of votes obtained by each in the election which was open by )(eLpoTovLa.
Archons and
Strategi.
The Archons,
a college of five devoted to Achilles Pontarches', were the Their chief, the tt/oojtos ap^fov, in later times gave his name to the year. They seem mostly to have acted as a college and not to have specialized as at Athens. But as a college they seem to have had general supervision over the business of the state. They were the main executants of the will of the ecclesia which they summoned and before which they laid proposals. There is reason to think that they became something in the way of masters of the ecclesia when the government took an aristocratic turn. They certainly had some part in the finances, both as making provision for extraordinary expenditure on presents for Saitaphernes or bargains in wine for the poorer citizens ^md also as having some responsibility for the coinage.
principal magistrates.
The
later coins often
bear names and a
monogram
^^
which probably stands
Latyshev would also explain another monogram
for "kpxiovTo'i).
common
In two cases we along the whole North Euxine coast ]^ as ITpwTos "Xpx^^v. have names and patronymics on coins which we can match on inscriptions. AEAOY' and Compare AJAOOY ASA^oY on PI. iii. 15 with AdSou tarvpov on PI. iii. 16 with lAAAONSATY, i.e. ol irepl CAT[YPOY] AAAOC ap-^ovTe<; or (TTpaTrjyoC on a fragment of a stone disk'', but Niceratus on the coin of Ininsimeus (v. p. 487) is too common a name to identify* and the coin niCICTPATOY AAAAKOY-^ has so far no corresponding stone. Mention has been made of archons competing in games and winning prizes, e.g. this Adoes in wrestling and jumping, his (?) son Heuresibius"
AAOHZ
/osPE. I. 77 ( = App. 13), 78, IV. 17; BCA. X. No. 2; xvni. p. 109, No. 14. Archon, Trans. Od. Soc. XXvm. Minutes., 32 rt, cf. losPE. I. 15, 1. 4 BCA. xxxvii. p. 78. '
p. 2,
p.
1
M.
;
3
*
* «
/osPE. i. 144. Archons, /osPE. i. 78, 81, cf. Burachkov, vui. Pick, XI. 7 App. \z = IosPE. 1. 77. ;
21, 101, 122. 173.
60
Olbia,
^y^
Constitution
|"ch.
spear and discus throwing; others It in other years in running alone, or in throwing the spear and discus*. suggests that their family ties enabled men to attain to be archons comSo too the strategi (v. n. 4). paratively young. Of the Strategi we can only say that they formed a college of six (in one inscription five are mentioned but that may be an accident) with a uTn^/aerT^s whose good service is often recorded", were the military leaders for they had victorious triumphs, and made dedications to Apollo Prostates^ offering Nikai in gold or silver, gold torques, a gold and jewelled belt, silver vases, a tripod, a gold wreath, a statue, a little couch, also ^apiarif/ata to Achilles Pontarches* they generally set up their inscriptions upon very second-hand Of the organization of the Olbian forces we know nothing a signal stones. was run up on the walls in case of attack from the natives. in
jumping and running, and a colleague
in
:
:
Finance Magistrates.
The college of Nine had something to do with the finances of Olbia, at we gather from a passage in the Protogenes decree Protogenes on
least so
:
being elected into their body immediately supplies 1500 gold pieces for current expenses, which looks as if his election brought him into direct contact with the financial needs of the state. We hardly know more of the college of Seven. They support the archons in speaking for the decrees in honour of Protogenes and of two other benefactors whose names are imperfect ^ and they are responsible for the tariff of taxes on sacrifices\ Probably they administered the sacred treasury and its interests were advanced by Protogenes and the other two men, so the Seven lent their support to their being honoured. A few coins bear the legend OIEPTA but we cannot tell why they should have taken part in the issue of this money'. Neither the Nine nor the Seven are mentioned in the later Olbia. Latyshev takes Protogenes to have been occupying a normal post when he was restoring the public finances for three yedrs, and sees in iirLjji-qvtevaaL a hint that he was made an i-n-LfiijuLo^ or special monthly magistrate to help the citizens' private money matters and straighten the relations of debtor and creditor chiefly by sacrificing 6000 gold pieces due to himself. But in such work monthliness does not come in, and eVt/u.T^t'to? does not seem to be used anywhere in this sense. It is better to keep to Boeckh's dilationeni per menses dare debttoribiis by in some way pacifying the creditors. Before we leave the question of finances we may remark that our authorities give us the usual sources for the revenue, duties on imports, direct taxes on places of business', fines and confiscations and contributions from rich men, whether forced or voluntary the only rather unusual source is ;
^
losPE.w.
''
losPE.
No. 3
losPE.
(=App. p. 65, *
\(),2i(J). 53, 57, 68,
69;
BCA.
XXIII. p. 31,
6.
BCA.
16;
I.
50
— 74,
the last to Phoebus; iv.
No. 3; xviii. p. 6— 12; xxiii. p.30, Nos.
11),
Nos.
I.
X. p. 4,
102, 5
—
15,
I.
iv. 456.
Nos. 4, 5 7; XXXVII. 32
I, 2.
losPE.
spear throwing); BCA. xxvii. p. 35, No. 32; Trans. Od. Soc. xxix. Minutes, p. 61. 5 qJ apxovTes Kal ol inTo. elnav, losPE. I. 1 3, 1 6,
79,
80 (the chief strategus wins the
"
App. Z=IosPE.
'
PI.
(.'),
*
X.
III.
7;
i.
46.
Burachlcov,
V.
88,
91;
5, 6.
losPE.
I.
20
f'/j-yaorj^piwi/ /ii'o-^a)[o-tr].
Pick, ix.
2
Magistrates.
XV ]
Cults
;
4.75
the tax on sacrifices, but this did not 00 strictly speakinj^- to the state'. The expenses too were the usual ones, the cost of war, or presents and embassies to stave off war, the keepini;- up of the fortifications and public buildings and ships, the helping" of poor citizens in time of scarcity and the support of tlramatic representations, athletic contests and religious ceremony in general. These objects were mostly undertaken by contractors unless, as we have seen, some patriotic citizen came forward the taxes and even judicial tmes were collected by companies of contractors". ;
Minor
Magistrates.
The internal order and decency of the town and the conduct t^f trades and manufactures were the care of a college of fi\-e Agoranomi they suitably made dedications to Hermes Agoraeus^ but their choice of a Nike was rather bombastic unless they had very serious disorders to contend with. Their names sometimes occur on amj)horae and we ha\'c a bronze label off a vessel marked ArOPANOMOYNTOC AfAeO KA60YC B A€ITPA\ The Astynomi cannot be shewn to belong to Olbia but certain amphorae and tiles marked with the name of the maker and of an astynomus designated as such ha\'e been generally referred to Olbia (v. supra, p. 360). Of the Gymnasiarch' we know no more than his existence which implies that of Ephebi it is curious to notice that it was his son that won the race. The survival of the title King'', a rex sacrijiciilus, is interesting, but so common in various Greek states that we might expect it. Certain sacrifices could not be offered but by a man clothed in the dignity and name if not the power of the ancient king whose duties as priest were hardly less important to :
:
j
:
his
people than his duties as
ruler.
Cults.
The
Cults of Olbia have been very fully treated by Miss Hirst and her English readers'. There will be therefore no need for me to quote parallels from the other cities of the Euxine coast perhaps their mutual resemblance has been exaggerated by investigators who I should certainly have approached them from the standpoint of Greece. agree with the conclusion that at Olbia no native deity such as the Tauric Virgin at Chersonese has penetrated into the Greek city. In making the following summary, though I am much indebted to Miss Hirst by whom the material has been so clearly marshalled, I have been compelled to differ from her conclusions in details. Also I have been enabled to add one or two facts from the latest excavations.
articles are easily accessible to
'
App.
?>
= IosPE.
I.
46.
E. Ziebarth, "Dasgr. Vereinswesen," xxxiv. Preisschr.d. Jablonowskischen Gesellscha//, Leipzig, ^ V.
1896, p. 23. /<7j/^£". I. 75 ( = App. 12), 76. Arch. Anz. 1909, p. 172, f. 35. * losPE. IV. 459; F. Poland, " Gesch. d. gr. Vereinwesens," xxxviii. Preissihr. d. Jablon. Ges. ^
*
Leipzig, 1909, p. 538, 92, A*.
losPE. i. 53. Its bearer is one of the strategi, can hardly have been a real office. 'JUS. xxu. (1902), p. 245; xxm. (1903), Russian translation by V. \. Latyshev, p. 24: Ijrought up to date by V. V. Latyshev in BCA. "
so
it
xxvu.
(1908), p. 75.
60
—
—
Olbia.
^y6
Cults
[ch.
Evidence as to cults of Olbia is derived from the statements of Herodotus and Dio Chrysostom, inscriptions, one or two works of art and coins. These last must be used with caution as often other than religious considerations dictated the choice of types even when these are actually heads or emblems of Achilles Pontarches had perhaps the most interesting and important gods. cult but as in duty bound let us begin with Zeus.
Zeus and Poseidon. in the inscriptions with various epithets. As Soter he the decree in honour of Callinicus of son of Euxenus' receives the dedication and another made by some private citizen on behalf of the peace and safety of With the name Zeus Eleutherius there is a ivth century fragment^ the city". In the next century we have Zeus Basileus^ As was fitting to Zeus Poliarches was dedicated a tower built by Anaximenes and his brethren, sons of Posideus in the imd century a.d.^ Most interesting is the title Zeus Olbios. Callisthenes son of Callisthenes is praised for " having been priest of the god who defends our city Zeus Olbios and having [vac] the god in holy fashion and making petition for good blending of the airs and so obtaining a favourable season''." Evidently Zeus Olbios was the god of Olbia and the giver of Olbos The two ideas were inextricable. especially in the form of a good harvest. Surely it was in the temple of this Zeus that the council met and before it the priest of his in Roman times open space into which Dio's hearers crowded. made a dedication to Achilles Pontarches^ There is a certain number of coins* with a head of Zeus and a sceptre or an eagle on the reverse. The Rhodian Zeus Atabyrius like Athena Lindia has nothing but the personal reverence of Posideus an Olbiopolite living at Neapolis^ Considering that it was an Ionian town depending upon maritime commerce it seems strange that there should be no trace of Poseidon, but his office was taken by Achilles Pontarches and he had no jurisdiction in the Western Euxine. Some writers call the well known head of the River god on the The only doubt could coins (PL III. 4, 5) Poseidon without sufficient reason. be when the head looks right instead of left'" or the reverse bears a dolphin, but this is a usual type on the smaller coins of Olbia (B. iii. 24) and not a special symbol of the god on the obverse.
Zeus
is
mentioned
:
A
Apollo and Helios. If Zeus appears with most names, by the number of inscriptions Apollo received most honour. As Apollo Prostates" the defender he was as we have seen the object of special devotion on the part of the strategi. Their dedications '
^
' * * •^
losPE. ib.
1.
12.
91, cf. 92. ib. IV. 458. ib. I. 105. ib. I. loi. ib.
I.
I.
24.
ifpfwy hi •yfi/o/jfi'o[y roC] Trpo/farioTOi
T^j TToXfMf ij/xii/ diov Aios- 'oXj^iov [koi...] ovjaas tov 6fov ayvioi, rrjs twv dfpo>v fVKpa[(rlas Seo/xf ros-]/
Could the missing verb eTTervxc (vfTrjpias K.r.X. be a compound ofkovto, a natural rain charm? Trans. Od. Soc. xxvii. Minutes, p. ii. 8 PI III 12^ 13; Burachkov, p. 6i, Nos. 147 '^
159, PI. VI. 105 ^ '**
'^
losPE.
— 115.
242. B. ui. 23; Pick, IX. 32 inscribed I.
Called Phoebus, losPE.
I.
01
EPTA
(?).
58 (in verse), 74.
—
Herfries
Zeus^ Apollo^
XV ]
477
to the nortli of the Roman walls and this i)rol)al)ly was Miss Hirst would see on a coin (PI. iii. 16) a late copy the site of the temple'. of his cult image apparently wearing a calathos as town deity and thinks that this image, archaic as it is, was jirc^ceded iiy a mere pillar which survives as an accessory on another coin (PI. iii. 17) but was originally the rejjresentation of Apollo Hiatros. But for this latter epithet actually at Olbia the only authority However the ej)ithet occurs at Panticapaeum and Phanagoria is a conjecture'-'. and at Apollonia and Istropolis moreover there is the cylix of the careless red-figured style that Count Bobrinskoj found at Zhurovka near Chigirin, inscribed AeX^ii^to(u) ^vvr]{C) lrjTpo{v), and this may have come from Olbial This is rendered probable by the occurrence of the epithet l)el{)hinius which spread from Athens and Miletus^ to most Ionian cities. In a fuller discussion Tolstoi maintains that the Healer and Del[)hinius the cylix' are originally of Apollo. deities merged in derives from SeXc^u? independent Delphinius he that myth in the Homeric matrix. Granted the hymn is aetiological should not the explanation be sought in the resemblance of Ae\(^ot and 8e\(^ts ?
have been found just
;
Apollo's head occurs on a great
The p^ monogram might conceivably
number
of coins both early and
late".
stand for AnoAAooNoc TTpocTATOY or perhaps
as at Chersonese it is for TTAPeeNoy (v. p. 549). the ground of certain coins it has been suggested that Helios was worshipped at Olbia one might say that it would be the last place in the Greek world where he would be worshipped a big double countermark with a rayed head on one side and oA with two horses' heads on the other stamps them as a temporary issue referred to about the ist century B.C. The rayed head recalls some Asiatic types, Rhodes, Sinope or Amisus. Pick (p. 150, n. i) thinks the horses emblems of a wind-god (PI. iii. 1 1)^
AxiAAecoc noNTApxoY just
On
;
:
Hermes, Dionystis, Ares and Asclepius.
Hermes Agoraeus was patron of the agoranomi'. To Hermes too in conjunction with Heracles did Nicodromus the gymnasiarch dedicate a statue of his son DionysiusV To Hermes *A/3kio9 "the reliable" Apaturius'" inscribed a Panathenaic scyphus, the addition 'Avde(TTripLo<; suggests the Attic rite '
losPE.
I.
50—74;
IV.
16;
15,
RCA.
X. p. 4,
No. 5; xvui. p. loi, Nos. 4, 5 ( = App. 11), 6—12; xxiu. p. 30, Nos. 5 7; xxxvu. p. 65, Nos. i, 2. See also Ct I. I. Tolstoi, " Cult of Apollo on the Bosporus and at Olbia," Journ. Min. Pub. lustr., Y?iXVifi\\, Cults of the Greek States, St P., 1904, Jan. IV. p. 372, quotes Soph. Tracli. 209 for rrpoa-Tdrr)!.
—
,
r nc /osP£.
...icnior
I.
93.
oXraioTToXiVny?
•aVJoXxL-. ,Vpi,? l(pr)(T('tiJifvov,
8,
KHI020/ T.I ^OA.VOMI Latyshev
cf.
,
"^"^
,
.
«"^
IV. 27, V. p.
'^
,
,
^'^"^P^^^ '° '"-Sest
478, n. 12
Nos. 5, 6, V. p. 479, n. 8. 3 Arch. Alia. 1904, p. io2
1-
supplies
;
BC.4. x.
p.
*
ECA.
"
PI. HI. 6, 7,
PI. ni.
BCA.
Xiv. p. 10,
supra, pp. 176, 361. * Diog. Laert. Zym/i'.y, I. i. 7, so Tolstoi reads Farnell, Cults, iv. p. 147 would bring it from Crete.
V.
;
25—31,
Vin. 178
;
15—17.
p. 70,
cf.
B. p. 45, Nos. 39—50. 228, PI. vn. 164
Nos. 204
Pick, IX. 30, X.
6,
—
25—30,
XI.
7—20.
Oreshnikov, Materials toinhtnti^ the ancient Nuinisiiiatics 0/ the Black Sea coast, p. 29, PI. II. 25—27, published a coin of a King Aelis to whom he shews good reason for attributinf^f the suzerainty ^^ .j-^^j ^«^ .^.^^^sls that he is responsible for the same rayed head on the coins of Olbia, if for a ^^^^^ ^-^^ i^g ^^j ^.ji^gj p^^^.^r there, v. PI. ill. 22. « JosPE. i. 75 ( = App. 12), 76. ''
" ;
xiv. p. 44.
losPE.
iv. 459. Oil. Sor.
i"
Trans. (Berezan),
I
XXiii. p. 19:
EPHEIMITOPMEn
€PMHC,
so
;
dotted letters en (Olbia), Vogell, Saminl. No. 441, PI. VII. 8.
ib.
ib.
p. 21 p.
23
barbotine,
Cults
Olbia.
478
[cH.
To Mercury is inscribed the last yvTpoi on the third day of the Anthesteria. epigraphic monument of Olbia, the altar set up by Pyrrus and Bithus for the Hermes also occurs on a few coins^ safety of the Emperor Philip a.d. 248'. Of Dionysus Herodotus (iv. 78) tells us in the story of Scyles also A cylix (p. 351, n. i) marked AIONYIOY there was a theatre and Dionysial hardly counts. Recently a vith or vth century graffito from Berezan^ and part of a stone table with the inscription in ivth century letters Mi7t[POBIOAIOH YSI-n-l have given clear material evidence^ and another fragment of the latter date ;
up by his priest Thrasybulus''. Ares may have been worshipped at Olbia by the Thracian element perhaps, There are coins of Geta (PI. in. 18) with a standing but there is no evidence. warrior on the reverse but even if it is Ares it is quite Roman about as likely to be a real object of a Greek cult as the abstractions on Roman coins. Asclepius may have had something to do with the tower restored by A relief regarded by Uvarov' Protogenes that they called tov 'E7r[t]8auptov. him seems nothing more than an ordinary (v. supra, p. 304) as a sacrifice to funeral feast but these do run into reliefs in honour of Asclepius*. There do not seem to be any coins with the head of Asclepius. The marble head found by Pharmacovskij in 1902" though undoubtedly Asclepius is no
was
set
:
evidence for a real cult of the god.
Good Genius, River God.
Dioscuri, Cabiri, Rider God,
The Dioscuri were mentioned in an inscription which has lost their names Also these but the stone shews their caps and stars on a bas-relief above'". appear on coins" in a way usual throughout the Northern Euxine (e.g. PI. vi. i, the other side with a tripod also IX. 28) but differentiated by a dolphin much resembles Panticapaean coins (PI. vi. 3, 4). It looks as if the dolphin were the only Olbian element the issue may be Mithridatic. For the worship of the Cabiri we have only one piece of evidence Epicrates son of Niceratus dedicates a statue of his uncle Eubiotus son of Ariston who had served as priest to "the gods in Samothrace'^". To 'Aya^os Aatjjiojv is inscribed a black-glazed cylix of the early ivth century B.C. and what may be a boundary-stone of the iiird". ;
;
:
Votive auxiliaries
to
reliefs
Roman
in
own "Rider-god" were
their
set
up by Thracian
service".
coins of Olbia, coins which were issued for many generajudge by the varieties of style, bore on their obverse a horned head There has been with long rough hair and sometimes ox ears (PI. in. 4, 5). some doubt whom this might represent the Russian peasants recognise the
The commonest
tions to
:
1
App. 14 = BCA.
2
PI. in. 24,
25
:
X. p.
5,
No.
4.
B. vn. 150; Vni. 179
;
Pick, x.
32, 33. 3
losPE.
I.
12.
*
Trans. Od. Soc. XXVII. Minutes,
^
BCA. BCA.
•^
"
* '•
XIII. PI.
III., V.
supra
lusPE.
"
B. vi. 100, loi
description of the stone. Pick, x. 31. ^^ losPE. IV. 27 corrected according to BCA. X. p. 7, No. 5 in the discussion of the latter, see p. 479, n. 8 Ev^ioTos'Ainaravos. /'ETriKpdrtjs J^tiKrjpdTovj TOV 6eloi> / dfo'is Tols iv 'S,aixo6pdKri[^L\l Uprjaaptvov. '3 BCA. xlii. 5: losPE. i. 10. pp. 134 140, ff. i '* Now in Historical Museum, Moscow, Rostovtsev, BCA. XL. PI. vi. 17—19, 21, 22, Arch. Anz. 191 1, p. 237, of 1904, pp. 11 17, v. inf p. 546. I.
i8,
;
:
—
Recherches, PI. xni. Prolegomena, J. E. Harrison,
BCA.
p. 60.
XVIII. p. 109, No. 13. xxiii. p. 30, No. 4.
10
p. 360.
p. 297.
—
—
—
Minor
xv]
Gods.
Goddesses
/^yc)
Devil and call the place where they are mostly picked up the Devil's Dell others find him, as they put it, like a Scythian or a Russian peasant to But no doubt he is really a river god Hypanis or others he is Poseidon. Borysthenes'. It is a less crude version of such an idea as the god Gelas can assume some cult of the bountiful river. on the coins of that city. ;
;
We
Goddesses.
Demeter ranks almost as
the city-goddess, wearing as she does on some mural crown adorned with ears of wheat and on others (PI. III. 2, 8) wheat-ears alone and so more directly reminding us of the corn Curiously enough her name has not yet appeared upon inscriptions', trade. and unluckily an uncertainty of reading in Herodotus (iv. 53, v. p. 454) makes us unable to determine whether she or Cybele had the temple by Cape Hippolaus. It is a question whether she do not appear on the latest As from Olbia as Burachkov supposes (v. p. 484). For Cybele and her cult we have the evidence of an inscription of Roman date recording the erection of a statue to her priestess'. Her head appears Terra-cottas of goddess and priestess were found on a rare coin (PI. iii. 14). on the mosaic in the Prytaneum (?). Aphrodite does not occur on the coins, and the inscription which names her* was set up by the Posideus whose taste for exotic deities has been mentioned already (v. p. 463) in any case the epithet EuTrXota is interesting: but there is graffito 'lo-Tialo? 'AcftpoSirrji oXvov\ On Berezan G. L. Skadovskij dug up a cylix with the word APATOPHS". Artemis occurs on several coins' and on one inscription^ also round the neck of a vase in the shape of a woman's head stands APTEMIS OTr. There was probably some cult of Hecate at her grove on Kinburn Spit (v. p. 16), though the only inscription from by there is a dedication to Achilles'". Thetis is naturally associated with Achilles". A statue of Athena Parthenos was found in 1903'". The dedication to Athena Lindia at Neapolis was made by Posideus an Olbiopolite, but that It is does not prove that this Rhodian cult was established in his own city". Jiave most evidence of Even here it is a question on the coins that we Athena. However whether Pallas were a native type or had some Athenian connexion. the Aes grave at Olbia seems thoroughly native and some of the earliest Other coppers have examples of it bear Athena helmeted and a fish". a gorgoneion, perhaps still keeping some connexion with Athena, others a beautiful head in which Burachkov may not be wrong in seeing Demeter, though Athena may also occur on the type also recalls nymphs like Arethusa. ordinary coins and is quite common as a countermark (PI. in. 6, 10)'". coins (PI.
III.
3) a
;
-a.
'
^ 3 <
*
Two
rivers on a late relief, BCA. XL. Very riskily restored in BCA. XIV. p. losPE. I. 107. losPE. I. 94.
Trans. Od. Soc. xxili.
® ib. p.
**
BCA.
No.
X. p. 8,
No.
5/;.
" '»
" 12
v.
:
—
ifprjaafi.evrjv, v. p.
4.
18.
Arch. Anz. 1904, p. 105. 60, Nos. 137 146, PI. V. 86, VI. 122 21
B. p. Pick, X. 14. '
p.
PI. vi. 19.
98,
128;
Tt/ia)'Y\//'ncpf'oi'ror/^u-y
TrjpJ'ETriKpdTovyvvfj.l'EiriKpdTTjiyiKrjpdTovl'ApTefiidt
15
V. p.
p.
losPE.
"
PI.
'"
\\.
—
481, losPE.
II.
VI.
2 1
82.
I.
Arch. Aiiz. 1904,
supra, '^
482.
Trans. Od. Soc. XXUI. p. 19. losPE. IV. 63. V. p. 481 n. 6. 106;
p.
BCA.
xiv.
p.
69,
296. i. 243. ;
15.
16
11.
9, 10, 12
— 121,
125
is
;
CR.
1902, p. 24,
f.
yi.
not very clear; Pick X.
17, 36, 37) v. inf. pp. 4^5) 4^(>-
^
Olbta.
4.80
Cults
[cH.
Heracles and Achilles.
Among
heroes Meracles who had left a footprint on the Tyras and sons Hylaea\ undoubtedly received honour at Olbia. A statue of Pantacles son of Cleombrotus was dedicated to him by the people", and his son Cleombrotus, a contemporary of Protogenes, dedicated to him a tower glorifying himself in an epigram set out on what seems to have been a ready -shaped Attic grave He is coupled with Hermes on another inscription also poetical, that stele*. beneath the statue set up by Nicodromus the gymnasiarch after his son's in the
victory\
Latyshev has drawn attention to the curious fact that these last two have been purposely effaced: this may be a coincidence or may point to a definite destruction of monuments dedicated to Heracles: which could best be explained by his being regarded as the symbol of some party, presumably aristocratic, and that party and all its works having been overturned by opponents. The coins with the head of Heracles are rather rude but are inscriptions
assigned to the same period, the iind century B.C. They look however like poor imitations of Asiatic types rather than the independent expression of Olbiopolitan worship The case of Achilles Pontarches allows us to judge for how little in the matter of worship the coin-types go. Dio says expressly that the Olbiopolites honour him extraordinarily, and shews them very jealous of his honour when he ventured to speak lightly of him. Further he says that they had built him a temple in the city and another in the island called Achilles' Isle. And yet we cannot point to any coin with his image". On the other hand the inscriptions bear Dio out fully and are just enough to shew that this was not merely a matter of the later Olbia. Mention has already been made of his cult at Leuce and we know that in the ivth century B.C. Olbiopolites took part in it^ But the complimentary decree" expressing thanks for benefits conferred upon citizens visiting the island suggests that at some time early in the iiird century B.C. someone was living there, presumably a priest, and that he was not under the direct control of the Olbiopolites that would not prevent their setting up a decree in honour of a man who had driven pirates from the island and afterwards came to Olbia and was useful to the city. That other Greeks made dedications we know from the graffiti; koX to\ a-vvvavTai is surely not Ionic". In later times the authors all agree that the island was really deserted. Although Leuce is the most famous Isle of Achilles it is not quite clear that Dio means it, as in his time the Olbian power could hardly have gone so far afield. It has therefore been suggested that by this time Berezan had taken its place, in as much as two dedications" have lately been found upon it and :
'
Herodotus
2
BCA. xxxni.
^
losPE. losPE.
*
^
I.
IV. 82,
8
—
p. 41,
from the reign of Caracalla. losPE. i. 171, 172.
10.
No.
''
i.
99, cf Kieseritzky-Watzinger, 129.
IV. 459.
PI. in. 9,
10; B. p. 47, Nos.
32—44; Pick, X. 18—23. ^ Of those ascribed by Koehne 85, 88, only the first is possible
;
51—67,
PI.
MK.
pp. 84,
IV.
*
ib.
9
See supra,
p. 169,
I.
PL
13.
i.,
p.
and Trans. Od. Soc. xx. and two other dedications to
361
for that
Achilles. i.
and even that dates
^^
No.
BCA. 32.
xviii.
p.
109,
No.
14,
xxvii.
p.
35,
I "
xv]
Heracles^ Achilles.
48
Pi^ tests
i
two of the first discovered are said to have come thence'. Hut it is clear that these dedications have nothins^^ to do with any temple, for they are scattered along the coast from Koblevka and the Tiligul-' past Bejkush'to Ochakov'and a<(ain several upon the Tendra or Cursus Achillis", one set up by a sailor from Achilles seems even to have invaded the "Grove of Hecate," for Bosporus. an altar to him was dredq;ed up off Kinburn S])it''. It is not unlikel)- that with the changes of these uncertain sandbanks islands may be formed, and afterwards washed away by a new set of the currents or extended to join some existing Such an island in these parts would naturally be sacred to Achilles: but spit'. the only permanent ones are Berezan and Leuce, being of such stuff as the mainland is made of. But though most of the dedications to Achilles are scattered, enough fragments have been found at Olbia to bear out Dio's statement that he had a We cannot locate the actual site of the temple or as it seems siinctuary there". to have been called the chapel {TTpo(T^v)(rif: of course it may have been near the shore and handy for people to take the stones away as ballast or building material, but except in the case of a stone found at Odessa'" this is not a likely explanation of their dispersion in spite of the analogies of the two Tyras inscriptions and the wonderful case at Chersonese". The dedications wherever set up were mostly made by the archons'-, fiome by the strategi'^ several, as was natural, by priests of Achilles '^ one strangely enough by a priest of Zeus 01bios'^ It is curious that we do not have Helen, Medea or Iphigenia mentioned though literature always gives Achilles a companion on Leuce'^ The oldest mention of Achilles"^ except that from Kinburn Spit tells us that there were horse-races in his honour apparently instituted by order of the Pythian prophetess. Achilles is a very common name at Olbia and we also get Brisais" from the same associations.
Of
we know but
the hero Sosias
that his place
was by the
old fish-market".
Priests.
Such being the cults of Olbia a word must be said as to the Priests that priesthood seems to have been an honourable position involving served them. expense and accepted as one of the services to the state expected of an Olbiopoiite politician. In the praises of Theocles the son of Satyrus*" it is mentioned that besides being strategus and archon he had served as priest. So too
A
1
2
3
losPE. losPE. losPE.
pp. 7, *
cf.
63
1.
1.
losPE. losPE.
BCA.
Trans. Od. Soc. xxvn. Minutes,
IV. 17; ;
'2
71, 78. 80, 82, 83.
II. I.
•'
79.
losPE.
1.
179
— 183.
'A^iXXei To/i iiM\il>v Kdi TO Kfdpov this latter perhaps the model of a pine-cone lettering ivth century B.C. serving as a sea mark 16 and Latyshev, "The Island of St V. p. "
63.
IV.
:
;
Ktlhtrms," Journ. Min. Pub. Instr., St i899 = noi'TtKa, "
losPE.
F.,
IV.
18;
BCA.
x. p. 2,
No.
2
and some
fragments. » '"
losPE.
I.
98,
V. p.
468, n.
1
.M.
p. 59.
IV. 72, V. inf. p. 524, n. 7.
X. p. 2,
losPE.
I.
77 (App.
No.
2
;
13), 78,
xvui.
p.
1
98(?); 10,
iv. 17, I9(?);
No.
14.
BCA.
xxvii. p. 35, No. 32 Trans. Od. Soc. XXIX. Minutes, p. 60. '* losPE. I. 81, 82, wherein 'I'hetis is associated with her son, 83; IV. 18, I9(.'); Trans. Od. Soc. '*
I.
XXiX. Minutes,
79,
80;
p.
59.
;
Trans. Od. Soc. xxvii. .Minutes, p. 12. '" v. p. 14. Ct I. I. Tolstoi, y(wr«. Min. Pub. //w/r. St P., June, 1908, pp. 245— 259, "The .Myth of the Marriage of Achilles on Leuce," thinks Helen the original mate supplanted by the local heroines, '" losPE. i. 17, ist century B.C. '^
's
1.
Trans. Od. Soc. XXiX. Minutes,
" losPE.
May,
p. 284.
losPE.
BCA.
X. p. 13, No. 8. App. 7 = JosPE. I. 16. ^ App. io = IosPE. I. 22. •»
61
Olbia.
4.82
Coins
Cults,
[ch.
Tryphon Callisthenes son of Callisthenes had been priest of Zeus Olbios'. son of Tryphon the strategus^ may not be the same person as the priest of Zeus Olbios''. In the time of Protogenes some priest was eponymous but whether that of Apollo Prostates, Achilles Pontarches or possibly Zeus Olbios we cannot say^ We have the names of six priests of Achilles Pontarches of whom one Hence the office was probably annual. served four times and two twice. This suggests that the priesthood was barbarous. are Four of the names closed to the descendants of some priestly house open to all; not, as might be, Besides these priesthoods of the great patrons surviving from the old city'. of the city we have mention of less important priesthoods probably held for some time. These afford a good excuse for ostentatious folk to set up statues A clear case of this kind of thing is to their relations and glorify themselves. seen in the three statues set up by Epicrates son of Niceratus, one to his uncle Eubiotus son of Ariston priest of the Cabiri'', one to his wife Timo daughter of Hypsicreon priestess of Artemis and one to his daughter whose name is Something lost and who does not seem to have held any sacred position^ the same is the setting up by Agrotas and Posideus of a statue to their father Dionysius priest of Apollo Delphinius* and by Socratides son of Philinus to his wife the priestess of Cybele'.
Of the cult of the Roman Emperors we can only say that it is hard to distinguish evidence for it from the expression of extravagant loyalty. No doubt it existed for the last half century of the city's being^". Although religious societies similar to those in the Bosporan kingdom (v. p.
620) existed at Odessus, they have not
Coins.
left
Plate
any memorials
at Olbia.
II.
The most original Olbian pieces are those of cast bronze: Plate II gives nearly all the types and its letterpress the varieties. Coins they were no doubt, at any rate the round ones, but quite unlike any others in the Greek world: the large pieces must have had intrinsic value like the early Italian aes grave, taking the place of silver which was probably too scarce for coinage. Coins with intrinsic value ought to shew their mutual relations by their weights, but their extraordinary variability prevents our arriving at an evident conclusion. General Bertier-de-La-Garde {Comparative Values, p. 72) gives the weights of 186 specimens and I use his figures founded upon the rejection of pieces in really bad condition. Clearly Nos. 3 and 4, the most modern in style, are on a reduced standard. Taking the A which sometimes occurs on No. 4, average weight 112 grm., to mean that it contains 10 units, I have been inclined to take No. 3, average weight 22 grm., to contain 2 units. If we divide the biggest of the old issues into 10, the smaller denominations fall fairly into place. '
losPE.
2
ib.
3 •
s
I.
1.
24.
ib.
I.
I.
18,
IV. 27, V.
9
ib.
19; Trans. Od. Soc.
i"
xxix. Minutes, p. 59; other fragments mentioning priests, losPE. I. 83, 86, 91 IV. 40. ;
BCA.
*
16.
78, 81, 82; IV.
losPE.
1
p. 12.
Trans. Od. Soc. xxvii. Minutes,
App. 7=IosPE.
6
X. p. 7, losPE. I. 106.
57.
(
I.
8.
107.
/^j/"^.
= App.
supra, p. 478 n. 12. 5, v. supra, p. 479 n.
No.
14).
I.
97, 97 1, 102, 109
;
^C^.
x. p. 6,
No. 4
2
Aes grave
']
Early Units
I
2
3 2
Types, Nos.
ib
la
Weight
12 16
28 34
in
\Avera
grams.)
Maximum
/ssiw.
(4)
Ijiie Issit,:
5
2
38 43
^83 (6)
7
b and 6 a
(8)
10
(9)
6
2 a
71 71
76
and
117 127
^
2
10
i
3
116 138
22 27
4 112 120
A
Bertier-de- La-Garde takes the to be a magistrate's name and thinks that the big coins were bronze obols and the units chalci, eight to the obol Attic fashion in place of Aeginetic twelve. His table would be: Early Chalci
3
Types, Nos. Average weight
i
(grni.)
b
a 28
2
2b
38
71
I
12
(4)
Late Issue.
Issue.
2
I
5
(6)
8
(7)
2 a 117
8
2
and
i
116
\
:
4
3
22
1
12
The absence from this of 4 the half-obol is remarkable, though of course it can be made up with two dichalci. He regards the big dolphins as weights not coins, but did not know of No. 6 here published for the first time by the kindness of the British Museum authorities. Any number of different tables could be drawn up according to different ways of looking at these variable coins but none yet carry conviction. However Bcrtier-de- La-Garde's further hypotheses deserve stating. He supposes his chalci to have weighed 2^ Aeginetic drachmae of 6"o64 grams, and the obol 20 drachmae, so that silver was worth 120 times bronze. Next, just as in the Italian copper we find the as reduced to \ in the iiird century 15. c, he takes the " Devil" coins (iii. 4, 5) to be a token currency of \ the old weight; transitional is one stamped APIX in a wheel like the reverse of No. i b'. Olbia circulated in iiird the century, for 108 of them were found in piles asses upon a dish of that date. Copper being then of silver and silver from Alexander's time -^ of gold, gold would be worth 1 200 times as much as copper or 400 times as much as the new copper at par. This is just the value at which Protogenes (v. p. 461) accepted the latter, and we can scarcely doubt that it had fallen below par especially if he belonged to the iind century when the " Devils" are inferior, that is where his service to the city came in. Sou? y^pvdiov TTov, yoXKov eKOfiia-aTo Ik TerpaKocricov. It seems however simpler to believe that by his time copper was counted not weighed and that four hundred copper pieces were taken by him for one of gold: this may have been an Attic stater which would be equal to 480 dichalci: the whole drift of the decree is that he was taking less than his due. The smaller dolphins, mostly so much perished that we cannot establish their true weight, may very likely have been mere tokens: Bertier-de- La-Garde will not see in them coins at all, but from the way that they are held in the hands of the dead on Berezan they seem to correspond to the coins for Charon On this site two were found shaped like flat-fish instead of found elsewhere. dolphins. According to von Sallet" the middle sized dolphins with APIXO such as Nos. 7 and 8 betokened appi-^os a basket of fish, a single fish being reckoned
j^
op. c. p. 92 after D. Sestini, Lell. e Diss. Num. Florence, i8i8, p. 40, No. 4 his PI. iv. 7 rather 1
IV.
recalls
;
my
Z(./. Nutnismatik, X. p. 144, accepted by I'rofessor Kidgeway, Orit^i/i of Cutreiuy, p. 317. '-'
PI. lU. 9.
61
—
484
Olbia.
Coins
[cH.
equal to a smaller dolphin marked ©¥[1^1^09] No. 9. But against this it must PAYZ be urged that the letters which alternate with APIX on the coins are almost certainly short for Pausies or Pausanies'; that is that we here have magistrates' names. Considering the large number of Iranian names beginning with API and the known fact that Scyles had a commanding position in the city the question arises whether even at this early period we have not to do with a native name. But this does not explain the which divides up the word on No. 8. With its 0Y No. 9 tempts us to see in it a tunny, but why is it in the shape of a dolphin, which is a natural improvement of a SeX^t? ingot, as if one should put eyes and a snout to a pig of lead ? Further the fishy wealth of Olbia was not in tunnies but in sturgeon. Lastly how should Nos. i and 7 bear the same word for a basket ? Mr J. R. McClean has given ten large coppers Nos. i and 4 and four smaller Nos. 2 and 3 to the Fitzwilliam Museum. The APIXO fish make his reading XAPlp impossible besides four ounces of bronze make a weighty symbol for a favour. So APIX on the round coins disposes of Koehler's T]APIX[02 he vainly seeks to distinguish between tunnies and dolphins, but the back fin of the latter is always characteristicl As to the types, the Pallas is copied from the early coins of Athens. The Medusa is a current archaic motive, the sea-eagle and dolphin present the first example of a type which rings the Euxine and is better represented at Istrus and Sinope^ than at Olbia. Nos. i and 2 must belong to the vith century B.C. The full face Medusa has nothing to do with the fashion for full faces that prevailed in the ivth century following the wonderful models from Sicily. Coins of these types are found not only at Olbia especially on the edge of the Liman but also on the island Berezan which ceased to be inhabited soon after the beginning of the vth century, and are associated with vith century potsherds. The full face on No. 4 with the more artistic presentment of the eagle and dolphin would appear to belong to the ivth century. It has a reminiscence of Arethusa, but the way was prepared by the Medusa, and it has been doubted whether we have not the beautiful Medusa, on the way to the Rondanini type, others have seen in her a local nymph, but she is certainly the same head as is seen in profile on the large silver coins PI. iii. 2 and there the evident ears of corn point to Demeter. No. 3 presents a less archaic Medusa and the sea-eagle shews that it is not much older than No. 4. The little coins with I^T are a puzzle the casting technique and place of finding point to Olbia v. Sallet (I.e.) thought I2:T meant ISTION, Pick (p. 180) takes it to be ISTPIHNHN comparing a coin found by Murzakiewicz on Leuce." bearing a wheel and ISTPI but struck not cast. He would refer them to Istrianorum Portus. No satisfactory explanation has yet been suggested. Pharmacovskij' puts them down to Istrus itself: Bertier-de-La-Garde (p. 'j']) thinks them Olbian small-change tokens^ It is hard to distinguish coins of such strange size and shape from the weights for use in scales. Bertier-de-La-Garde (p. "j^) thinks the large dolphins :
—
;
—
—
1
Cf.
copper,
Burachkov, Text, obverse as No. i
3
;
•
;
37,
No.
reverse,
3,
a large
'•
wheel with
between four spokes, on the rim EIIIK. TAPIX02, p. 424. BMC. Thrace p. 25 Pontiis, xxi— XXH. Trcms. Od. Soc. \\\. p. 238, No. 4.
pellets 2
p.
BCA.
xni.
p. 232, n.
The Schubin ill. i, 2, Wheel "
i.
coins (Sadowski, op. c,
p.
72,
Incuse square), though rather like some of these, are probably not Olbian, v. supra, p. 440. PI.
;
3,
Gorgoneion.
|
Aes grave.
xv]
Later
coins
485
No. 6 and also square blocks with dol[)hiiis in relief and magistrates' names (Burachkov in. 16 KPIToBoY, vi. 136 APIZToZ) all equally weights, deducing therefrom the use at Olhia of a light Phoenician mina of 360 grm. = 5550 grns. divided into 60 Aeginetic drachmae.
like
Plate
As
III.
i
—
19.
but not for gold, Olbia at first used on it took to the Attic. Aeginetic are the 487), and the fairly common silver staters, No. 2 weighing about igo grn. = 2*3 grm. Gold is very rare, the Olbiopolites having evidently used the Cyzicene staters = 10^ local drachmae (v. p. 459) but there are a few small gold pieces. No. i weighing 32"8 grn. = 2T3 grm., taken as Attic hemidrachms by G. F. Hill [Num. Chron. iv. xii. (191 2) PI. vi. 3) and by Bertier-de- La-Garde who thinks these the gold pieces so freely spoken of in the inscriptions in honour of Callinicus and of Protogenes (v, pp. 459 462), but these are more likely to have been Attic staters, e.g. those of Lysimachus and the unique Olbian gold stater at Brussels (Pick, ix. i), in type exactly like No. 2 this weighs 132 grn. = 8"5i grm. The ivth and iiird century silver coins mostly bear the head of Demeter, with flowing locks and ears of corn above her forehead the reverse has on the larger coins the group of the sea-eagle and dolphin, on smaller ones the dolphin with a wheatear or a leaf or alone, like the gold No. i these types for its aes (^rave so for its silver,
the Aeginetic standard EMINAKO coins (v. p.
;
later
1
;
—
;
;
;
are not uncommon also upon copper. An interesting type among the earlier coins is No. 3, on which Demeter, still wearing her wheatears, appears in a mural crown as Tyche of the city the reverse has a magistrate's name and a Scythic archer. On the other coins Demeter is veiled (Pick, x. 9, B. vi. 134). The commonest type of copper bears a horned river-god with shaggy locks, called by the Russian peasants "Devils"; reverse, a Scythic gorytus and a strange-shaped axe. The series went on for many years the extremes of style are shewn in Nos. 4 and 5. Each coin bears a monogram or a few letters of a magistrate's name. This series was contemporaneous with the former, as e.g. the EK monogram of No. 2 appears on a " Devil " figured by Pick, IX. 27; a specimen countermarked APIX has been noted above. The magistrates' names are tabulated in i. p. 42, B. p. 45, Berlin Beschreib. i. sometimes find the Demeter head with the p. 24, BMC. Thrace, p. 11. bowcase and axe on the reverse such was No. 1 1 before being countermarked. curious class of coppers is marked by great concavity of the reverse, the edges being bevelled. Hence the small surface of the obverse was more than usually exposed to wear the head upon it is variously regarded as Demeter or Apollo, but No. 9 is very like No. 10, which is certainly Heracles, cf. Pick, x. 19, 20. The reverse has the eagle and dolphin and the letters B^B. Of similar make are coins with EIPHBA (or BAEIPH, Pick, x. 26), which look like B ASIA Ens EIPHNAIOT, presumably the merely eponymous king. They mostly have Heracles types, and, just as the Heracles inscriptions have been erased (v. supra p. 462), his coins have been stamped with a head of Pallas, cf, ;
:
MK.
We ;
A
;
^
Head
of Pallas helmeted
Owl,
rt. |
Pick, X. 15
;
B. VI. 119.
I BE, oABIo.
Coins
Oibia.
4-86
The
only remaining important type
is
[ch.
With
that of Apollo.
the eagle
and dolphin reverse he is somewhat uncertain (cf. Pick, ix. 9, but x. 13) on No. 6, the lyre makes him quite clear two coins with his head are inscribed OIEPTA (cf. p. 474, 476), No. 7 with the archer and ;
;
^.
Head
of Apollo laur.
r.
Bowcase as No.
I
o
I
Pick, X. 6
;
AB
I
o,
8 (perhaps the same coin). above, o E P T A below. I
B. V. 88.
Miscellaneous types of interest are, 25*8 grn.
yR. /R.
94"5 grn.
The
= r67
grm. (Medusa (prob. Demeter =6'i2 grm. \ as PI. 11. 4) full face. first.
Head
yE.
Pick, X. 10
of
Hermes
B.
;
in
III.
21
petasus
;
similar coin (Pick, x.
2)Z)
94-3 grn. =6-11 grm. helmet r. cf p. 485.
/R.
lo,
the second, Brit. Mus., Nudi. Chron. 1912,
Winged
(v.
caduceus,
PI. VI. 4.
OAB
I
0.
B. Vii. 150.
;
KAY- and Scilurus, Nos. 23, 24; OABIOflOAEITAN as on No. 14 and in Spear and shield, AB TTO A E TH N.
of Pallas
I
I
I
Mus.
cf.
tE. Pick, X. 36
;
B. VI. 116.
have the same countermark, a leaf, as on Nos. 13, has been surcharged with a caduceus suggesting the Very Mithridatic (cf. Panticapaeum, PI. vi. i 4) is
All these coins coins.
12
a
|
Brit.
No.
I.
p. 448),
substitutes
Head
below K P
2.
|
Tyras
like coins of
is
oA B
As No.
|
r.
Pick, X. 32
This
Dolphin, above
I
this
14; on
Hermes
—
J^.
Winged
tripod,
above oA. Pick, X. 31
|
;
Dolphin, star and caps of Dioscuri. B. VI. loi.
The reverse of No. 13 and the eagle of No. 12 recall coins of Mithridates, and may be traces of his power in Olbia. But the reverse of No. 12 is in the BM. specimen practically identical with that of Pharzoeus's gold coin No. 26 on the Odes.sa specimen the eagle looks the other way. The various types seem to have succeeded more or less in the order named from the ivth to the ist century B.C. In the iind century a.d. we have more coins of Olbia, all of them with the heads or types of Apollo Prostates, to whom so many inscriptions were set up. Probably the (JJ^ monogram stands here for his name just as at Chersonese it stands for Uapdefoq. As Miss Hirst says, No. 16 preserves for us the pose of one cult statue and No. 17 another. But the barbarism of the execution prevents our taking any pleasure in the composition. These coins have the further interest of bearing the names of two archons whom we find mentioned in inscriptions, Adoes Delphi and Dadus Satyri (v. supra p. 473), clearly = "Ap^oi^ros. Pick figures some very rude coins with the name of Olbia and types derived from provincial Roman models, but we will hope that they were the productions of the surrounding savages. One type is interesting, as it shews an ox (Pick, XI. 23), which appears also upon Olbian coins of Severus Alexander. I have reproduced only two in the series of imperial coins of Olbia they are generally very similar to those of Tyras and other neighbouring cities they extend from the reign of Septimius Severus to that of Severus Alexander. The coin of Geta, No. 18, has for its reverse a curious representation of Mars, rather a copy of some Roman type than the town statue of Ares; No. 19, Severus Alexander, is presumably the last Olbian coin, though some of later date (v. p. 470), struck elsewhere, have been found on the site. ;
^
—
;
xv]
Coins of Native Kings
Platk
The
487
20—27.
III.
can be drawn from the coins of native the N.W. Euxine about have kings found already been stated (supra p. 19). In a class by themselves are the silver coins with the name EMIA'AKo: three finds of them have been made at Olbia, in one case sixteen to
i
181
JR.
grn.= 173 grm. 1
the lion-scalp, shooting
Heracles nude but for r., within a border of
A
four-spoked wheel as PI. II. 2, 5 within an incuse square, dolphins in the spandrels.
EMI /V A Kg.
dots.
The
finding place, the reverse and the weight, apparently an Aeginetic stater, suggest Olbia, but the make, with a shallow square, and the obverse (cf. Thasos, Head, HisL N'um.", p. 265), recall Thrace: the name looks as likely the style is late vth century. to be Irano-Scythic as Thracian Pick divided the later coins, from the nth century on, according as the rulers whose names they bear may have been lords of Tyras and Olbia respectively. The type, obverse Hermes, reverse caduceus, is common to Odessus (Pick, iv. 19), Tomi (ib. v. 19), which shews other resemblances to native types, Tyras (B. x. 25, cf. Hisi. Num} p. 234) and Olbia (Pick, x. 32, l"^, also to Canites (ib. xiii. 7, perhaps 8), Sarias (ib. xiii. 11), Mostis", KAY, No. 23 and Scilurus, No. 24; cf. the caduceus countermark on No. 12: special links are those joining No. 20 to Pick, xii. 16 at Tyras, the monogram which seems to read TOMI on No. 22, whereupon is a head such as appears on the countermark of No. 11, which has the cross-link of Tomitan horse-protomae as though Aelis had spread these over the whole of his dominions. Sarias has divinities on his other coins, Demeter and Apollo, but the head on No. 21 may yet be a portrait I cannot see the suggested resemblance to No. 5''. Tacchella^ puts down Canites and Sarias as Getan others of the dynasty would be Adraspus and Acrosandrus (or rather Charaspes and Acrosas)\ Two kings named Scostoces would seem to have dwelt in Thrace proper. Besides Nos. 24 and 25 Scilurus has Pick, xii. 5, which I give on p. 50, f. 4, after Koehne's drawing, so as to shew the chariot on Pick, xii. 4 (reverse like No. 25) he wears a flat headdress, but both that and No. 25 may be portraits^ The coin of Pharzoeus shewn, No. 26, is of fair workmanship, but Pick gives two others thoroughly barbarous and of baser gold, which makes Oreshnikov's' dating in the ist century a.d. the more probable. The royal sign on which the eagle stands recurs on the coin of Inismeus, No. 27, and is like the Tamgi on Bosporan coins, it just might be conventionalized lightning (supra p. 317 and PI. viii. 26). Since my plate was prepared Mr Oreshnikov writes that the Hermitage has acquired a tetradrachm with the magistrate's name Niceratus and the king's spelt Ininsimeus, so it must equal that of the Bosporan Ininthimeus, cf. the two forms Spargapises and Spargapithes in Herodotus in style the coin is clearly of the ist century a.d. :
;
;
:
:
Num?
p. 283; Zi. f. Nutnismatik, ill. Oreshnikov, Cat. Moscoiu University Coins, p. 15, PI. I. 9 Bertier-de-La-Garde, op. cit. Trans. Od. Sac. xxv. Minutes, p. 54. p. 58, n. 2 2 G. F. Hill, Num. Ckron. 1912, PI. VI. 6. ^ For both Nos. 21 and 22, cf W. Wroth, Num. Chron. 1899, p. 88 he kindly sent me the casts. *
PI.
Hist.
II.
4;
;
;
:
^
AV7'.yV/^w. I90o,p. 397, Pl.xn.
''
So Regling
in
;
I903,p.3i, PI.V.
Head's Corolla Nuinismatica,
Piclc, p. 520, cf 601 n. 2; HX.'^ p. 289. cannot agree in assigning to Olbia the coins with KOSfi N, //A'^ I.e., cf. Berlin Beschr. p. 23. ' TRAS. IV. p. 14, cf Trans. Mosc. Num. Sac. p.
259 "
11.
;
I
p. 239.
—
Olbia
4.88
[ch.
..
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Sources. all in Latyshev, Scythica et Caucasica e veteribus Scriptoribus Collecta. St P. 1890-1906. The Indices have not yet appeared.
Nearly
Herodotus, Strabo, vii.
to
TRAS.),
17 sqq., 78.
IV.
Ps.-Scymnus,
(Supplement
804
11.
—812.
17.
iii.
Die Chrysostom, Or. xxxvi.
(pp.
48—57).
Ps.-Arrian, Periplns, 31 (20).
Ptolemy, Geograpkia,
Stephanus Byz.
s.vv.
Anon. Periplus P.E. 86
Diogenes Laertius,
iv.
viii.
and
x.
3.
'0X/3ia.
(60).
Vita Cleomenis,
Plutarch,
14;
v.
iii.
Bopvadfvrjs
11.
vii.,
Sphaerus Borysthenita.
Vita Bionis.
Eusebius, Chronici Canones, ap. Syncellum,
Dexippus, Zosimus,
ap. Julium
14:
fr.
Pomponius Mela,
NH.
Rhodium, n.
11.
82
iv.
660.
1.
1.
18: ap.
Hieronymum,
Balbino,
ct
01.
33.
16.
Dionysius Olbianus.
6.
(26).
Julius Capitolinus, {Historia Augusta),
Macrobius, Saturnalia,
Ammianus
402,
Maximo
42.
I.
Schol. in Apollonium
Phny,
p.
Capitolinum in
I.
xi.
Marcellinus, XXii.
Vita Antonini Pii,
9.
33. viii.
40.
Jordanes, Getica, v. 32.
Inscriptions
Magazine included.
It
and
History.
whose contents have been summarized in general works are impossible fully to separate the historical from the numismatic books.
articles is
mostly not
Choix de Medailles Antiques d'Olbiopolis ou d'Olbia avec une notice sitr Olbia. This I do not seem to have seen. As the first attempt at a view of Olbia and its Coinage it has a historical value. Koehler, H. K. E, "TAPIX02 ou Recherches sur I'histoire et les antiquites des Pecheries de la Russie Meridionale," Mc'm. de I'Acad. Imp. des Sciences de St. Petersbourg, Vime S^rie, T. I., 1832.
Blaramberg,
J.
de,
Paris, 1822.
Schmidt,
W.
A.
S.,
"Das
olbische
Psephisma zu Ehren des Protogenes," Rhein. Mus.
iv.
(1836),
pp. 357 sqq., S7I sqq.
Boeckh, A., CIG., Vol. 11. Sarmatia. Berlin, 1843. Uvarov, Ct A. S., Recherches sur les Antiquites de la Russie Meridionale. Paris, 1855. Koehne, B. de, Description du Muse'e Kotschoubey {MK), i. pp. 1 St P. 1857. 103, PI. I. Latyshev, V. V., losPE. I. (1885), Nos. 8 172; IV. (1901), 9—63, 456 463, recapitulating Inscrr. published in various periodicals esp. Trans. Od. Soc. BCA. (yearly from 1904), X. p. i, Nos. i 12; XIV. p. 94, Nos. I 12; xxvii. p. 35, No. 32; 22; XXIII. p. 28, Nos. i 7; XVIII. p. 95, Nos. I XXXIII. p. 40, Nos. I, 2; xxxvii. p. 65, Nos. I 6. St P., 1887. Investigations into the History and Constitution of the City of Olbia.
—
—
—
;
—
—
—
—
TT0NTIK&, St P. 1909, contains several small articles touching Olbia. von Stern, E. R., has published in Trans. Od. Soc. many Inscrr. some not yet gathered up by Latyshev, e.g. I.e. xxvii. Minutes, pp. 7, 12, 64, xxix. Minutes, p. 59. Hirst, G. M., "The Cults of Olbia," /Z/^. xxii. (1902), p. 245; xxiii. (1903), p. 24. lation with extra notes by Latyshev, BCA. XXVII. p. 75.
Russian trans-
I., "Mithridates of Pontus and Olbia," BCA. xxiii. p. 21. "Latin Inscription from Olbia," BCA. xxvii. p. 64, No. 4. Skorpil, V. v., "Three Inscribed leaden Tablets from Olbia," BCA. XXVii. pp. 68—74. The regular histories devote few pages to Olbia, e.g. Grote, XII. p. 641 (296 300); Mommsen, R.G. V. p. 2%^ = Provinces I. pp. 310 312.
Rostovtsev, M.
—
—
;
XV
Bibliography
4.
89
Excavations. Jastrcbov, V. N., "Excavations at Olbia," CR.
Kulakovskij,
1894, p. 98.
"Excavations at Olbia," CR. 1900, p. 3. V., "Excavations on the site of Olbia," CR. 1896,
A.,
J.
Pharmacovskij, B.
p.
200;
cf.
JUS.
xvi. (1896),
344-
P-
"The
Vault of Heuresibus and Arete at Olbia," BCA. 111. "Excavations of the Necropolis of Olbia in 1901," ib. viii. "Excavations at Olbia in 1902-3," ib. XIII.
Accounts of
his excavations
Arch. Anz. 1904, p. 227; 191 1,
103;
from 1902
1905, p. 63;
— 1909
p.
i.
have appeared year by year
118;
in
145; 1908, p. 180; 1909, p. 162; 1910, 207 respectively and in CR. for the years reported as far as published.
p. p.
1906,
p.
1907, p.
"Olbia" in Brockhaus-Jefron's Ru.<;.<:ian Encyclopaedia, Suppl. Vol. III. Articles summarizing the work up to 1907 inclusive in Hermes (TepMCHrh, a
Article
Magazine).
Classical
St
— 1908,
"Olbia 1901
P.,
New
Russian
1907.
Communication
Fouilles at Trouvailles,"
d'Archdologie Classique du Caire, 1909,
BCA.
XXXiii.
p.
faitc
au
2'"^'
CongrJ;s International
103.
—
N. Ph. Romanchenko, St P." BCA. XI. 11. jjp. 134 143. me off-prints of most of his articles. For pots and small antiquities from Olbia see references in Chapter Xil. especially to Bochlau, J., Saimnlun^ A. Voi^ell, Cassel, 1908, and to many articles by von Stern and to notices by him in the minutes of nearly every meeting in Trans. Od. Soc. I have not enumerated the many Olbian articles in its earlier numbers, those dealing with Inscriptions and History are quite superseded by Latyshev those concerned with the site and excavations unsystematic, the numismatic ones quite fantastic. Plans of Olbia. Koppen, P. J., Trans. Od. Soc. viii. PI. IX. made in 1821, reprinted by Blaramberg, op. cit. and by Pharmacovskij, JHS. (1896), p. 344 and often in CR. " Olbian Antiquities in the collection of
Mr
Pharmacovskij has very kindly sent
Uvarov, A.
The
Plan,
which
Map
A
of
op.
S.,
am
I
PI.
cit.,
450,
p.
331
f.
is
viii.
that
.k,
in
b.
very fanciful.
JHS. supplemented
l)y
Pharmacovskij
in
a personal
for
letter
very grateful.
Liman and surrounding country. Ph. Bruun, Trans. Od.
Bibliography of Berezan has been given on
p.
452, n.
Soc. v. PI.
5.
i.
Coins. Besides Blaramberg, Uvarov, Koehne, and casual references in other works enumerated above
BMC. von
Thrace
&r'c.,
Beschreibung Burachkov, P. O.
37—81,
pp.
Giel, Ch. (G.),
Head,
B. V.,
11.
p.
London, 1877.
fUr Numismatik,
Sallet, A., Zt.
(B.),
PI.
I
Kl.B.
144.
Miinzen d. K. Mnseen sit Berlin (1888), I. pp. 15 30. General Catalogue of Coins of Greek Colonies on (he N. Coast of the
— IX. p.
H. Num."^
Oreshnikov, A. V.,
X. (1883), p.
—
d.
i; p.
TRAS.
v. (1892), p. 344, PI.
iv.
1—4:
vii. (1895), p. 217,
PI.
xviii.
Catalogue of Antiquities belonging to Olbia,"
Ct A.
TRAS.
iv.
S.
Uvarov, Pt
(1890) 14
—
vii.
B.,
pp.
Moscow,
Description of Coins in Kiev University, pp. 106 112. Kiev, 1896. Die antiken Miinzen von Dacien und Moesien, Bd I. PI. VIII Xil., no text but
11.
3—41.
—
1892.
v.
p.
919.
1898.
Bertier-de-La-Garde, A.
L.,
Corrections to Burachko-c>.
Moscow,
1907.
"
Comparative values of monetary metals on the Bosporus and Borysthenes, (Extract from Numismatic Miscellany, Vol. i. Moscow, 1911.) 1909. Pharmacovskij, B. V., "Coins found in 1901," BCA. viii. p. 63, PI. vi. "Coins found in 1902-3,'' BCA. XIII. p. 233. 10. Kherson, Goszkewicz, V. I., Town Museum, Kherson: Pt I. Coins, pp. 2
—
M.
—
— 24.
Description of Ancient Greek Coins of Moscow University. Moscow, 1891. Materials touching the Ancient Numismatics of the Black Sea Coast, p. 29. Pick, B., Berlin,
i
272.
Moscow, 1887. "Coins of Scythian Kings with the name
Antonovich, V.
En.vine,
Odessa, 1884.
c.
350
B.C."
Moscow,
1910.
62
490
CHAPTER
XVI.
CERCINITIS. Fkvv
little
towns have had devoted
to
them so disproportionate an amount
Various views about it have been already of discussion as Cercinitis'. mentioned as the question had to be taken in connexion with the general topography (p. 17). The evidence for putting it near Eupatoria is the fair agreement with the distance given by the source common to the late Ps.Arrian and Anon., the fact that this does not contradict the words of the Diophantus inscription, the occurrence of many coins of Cercinitis on this site (they also occur at Chersonese and at other points in the west Crimea) and finally the discovery of remains of a Greek settlement more important than any other in that part of the peninsula. Between Chersonese and Tarkhankut, the western promontory of the Crimea, the coast forms a kind of quadrant; the only shelter for ships is furnished by a projection southwards breaking the regular curve, and protecting the open roadstead of Eupatoria, so that the modern town faces se. Two miles to the west is the salt lake of Majnak now, as usual, cut off from This seems to have been the old harbour, and the old town was the sea. on its eastern side. There remain of it a few foundations, among them a grand staircase, some barrows and the site of a cemetery. This last extends as far as the Quarantine on the outskirts of the modern town. The whole space is defended by a bank across from the lake to the Bay of Eupatoria. The objects yielded by the cemetery date from the vith century B.C. on and include a silver twist (like that -figured on p. 208, f. 106, 32), a black-figured lecythus, two red-figured craters, a bronze statuette of Egyptian work and some terra-cottas of all dates, and coins of Cercinitis and Chersonese (of the earlier periods), also of Panticapaeum, Amisus and more rarely Olbia. The middle part of the site has been less dug over. The western part which was the town has the characteristically uneven surface, but the foundations do not present any clear features, though Burachkov claims to have Lumps of slag, runnings from moulds and distinguished streets and towers. imperfect bronze objects make it probable that there was a bronze foundry on 1 The name first occurs in Hecataeus, Fr. 153, Herodotus ap. Steph. Byz. KapKirtTij TToXiy Skv^ikij. IV. 55, 99 mentions a town Kaptcmrtr. On him depends Pomponius Mela U. 4 who mentions the gulf Carcinites and from its name forms that of the town as Carcine; in this he is followed by Pliny, TV//. IV. 84, 85 (26), and Ptolemy makes Kapucti'iTT^y a river as well as a gulf and speaks of KapKLva ttoKls
p.e(Toyei.os
As
by misunderstood Herodotean
his text
now stands Strabo
(vii.
only mentions KapKivirrii gulf but
v.
tradition.
iii.
19;
p.
496
iv.
5) infra.
coins give KAPK and KEPKI. The Inscrr. 16, 18 {losPE. iv. 79; i. 185) have KepKLvlns. Ps.-Arrian (30 (19)) and Anon. (83 (57)) in their peripli make KfpKtcIrt? 600 stades from Chersonese, Anon, adds the form Kopovlm and speaks of the gulf as KapKiviTrji. There is another Cercina and an island Cercinitis in the lesser Syrtis, cf DDID fortress, and some might use this name as an argument for the presence of the Phoenicians in the Euxine. The Italian maps give Crichiniri and such in the W. Crimea (Bruun, 67i^r«ti/«^r/>, II. p. 8).
The
App.
2
CH xvi]
Cercinitis
.
^91
Besides the inscribed stele, others have been found, one with [)arL the site. of a very rude Totoujiahl, also a bit of pediment with dentels. All these are The amphora handles recall those illustrated in Romanchenko's two papers. The barrows occur, some within the defensive bank found at Chersonese.
may be more recent), and some in the open plain. Mention by Hecataeus proves that the town existed about 500 b.c. The one inscription of the ivth century' shews (cf. Jakunchikov's coins). the town to be Dorian, and therefore racially related to Chersonese. It may have been an earlier attempt on the part of the founders of the better known town, more probably it was a sister factory whose development was hindered by the badness of the Hypacyris route and the indefensibility of its territory. What degree of autonomy it enjoyed we cannot tell. Of the three chief types of coins one would pass as Chersonesan but for the legend; the other two offer great similarities, but the right of issuing any coins at all argues Many Chersonesan coins occur on the site, especially formal independence. (which
those like
PI.
iv.
10.
6,
Probably Cercinitis was at first an independent settlement which was compelled to lean for help upon Chersonese, whose situation laid it less o[)en On the other hand the open plain about to the attacks of the natives. Cercinitis offered space for a development of agriculture impossible upon So mutual interest linked the towns very closely the Lesser Peninsula. and Chersonese naturally became predominant. During the ivth and iiird centuries Chersonese could protect her dependency, but with the organization of Scythian power under Scilurus, or even before his time, she had to relinquish it. By the help of Diophantus it was recovered, but the remains so far as we know do not shew anything much after the nnd century a.d.
Plate IX.
Coins.
i
Jakunchikov" has two coins found on the J^.
The
Horse galloping
lyi grn.= III grm.
r.
—
3.
site
but without inscription
Rude incuse
|
:
square.
both in make and types very similar to those of Chersonese The head on No. had some resemblance to that on PI. iv. 17,
later coins are
(see PI.
IV.).
i
especially in the peculiar embattled crown, but it is still more like the Tyche This coin also occurs with the magistrate's of Amisus and Heraclea Pontical
name flOAY (Oreshnikov 2). The axe on No. 2 is rather like that repreOreshnikov thinks the head is a dolphin. sented on Olbian coins, PI. in. 4. This type has several other names EPMA, TEAH, IPPOKPA, KAAAIA, KAAAIP (Or. 3 9), IZTI (cf. iv. 14): the first two of these occur also on No. 3 (Or. 10, 11), presumably it is of the same date: its types are quite Romanchenko' publishes an entirely new type Chersonesan.
—
:
Head
.(*;.
of Heracles
as at Chersonese,
r.
PI. iv.
9 or 20. '
BCA.
X.
p.
18,
No.
TRAS. Num.
Sect.
I.
13.
ii.
Eagle
1.
upon thunderbolt above H PIIN, below
KAPKINI.
I
AMBATIAITAI HPoAoTo.
-
I
p. 25,
I'l.
III.
'
BMC. Pontusu. 10—12;
^
BCA. xxv.
p. 187,
f.
.xxix.
19-20.
31.
43, 44.
62
—
[ch. xvi
Cercinitis
492
P. Vacquier (op. cit.) gives several coins of which some are demonstrably strange to Cercinitis, others quite unique, e.g. No. 8:
M.
Alexander- Heracles
r.
Bow and
I
Burachkov
(
Trans. Od. Soc.
J^.
between them X E
PX
above
98) also describes a coin
ix. p.
Scilurus with sagaris behind him,
club,
BAIIAEOI IXIAOYPOY
I
KE P.
Bow and
|
club,
BAI AEOS S K AO I
I
I
P
I
O Y.
Scilurus having coined at Cercinitis, but no certain examples exist, and it would be a very likely idea for a forger. Head, HN!'' p. 279 would distinguish Carcine from Cercinitis following Imhoof-Blumer, "Kleinasiatische Miinzen," 11. p. 527, PI. xix. 25, 26 [Sonderschr. d. Osterr. Arch. Inst. Wien 1902), who puts down to Tamyrace two coins
There
nothing improbable
is
Young Head
J^.
in
helmet
in
Lion not very unlike
1. |
inf. PI. V.
lo, ii,
TAA\.
but these have never been found north of the Euxine, and probably belong to some obscure town in Asia Minor.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Site
and Excavations.
'* Materials for the Archaeology of the District of Eupatoria," TRAS. vin. 219—236. "Excavations in the Environs of Eupatoria," BCA. XXV. pp. 172 187, cf CR. 1895, p. 22, 1896,
Romanchenko, N.
i—
ii.
p.
70.
Ph.,
(1895), PP-
—
Trans. Od. Soc. ix. (1875), Burachkov, P. O., Trans. Od. Soc. xn. (1881), pp. 242—247 and PI. ni. pp. 1-133. Latyshev, V. V., Mat. IX. p. 6, treating the Chersonesites' oath. Bruun, Chertio/norje, II. p. 6 sqq. and all the literature dealing with the Scythia of Herodotus discuss the question of Cercinitis and the river Hypacyris, v. pp. 17, '^^.
Coins. Friedlaender, G., " Kerkine citta del Roma, 1844. pp. 232-4. Spasskij, G.
The same
1.
Chersoneso Taurico," Annali {Butletmo) delP
article (first in Trans. Od. Soc.
1848) then "
II.
De
de Carcinis et de ses monnaies," Mem. de la Soc. Imp. d'Arch. de and in Archaeotogico-Numismatic Misceltany. Moscow, 1850. ville
Koehne, Musce Kotsc/ioubey, Burachkov as above and in Vacquier, v.
von
I.
pp.
105
Nuiiiis>natique des Scythes et des Sallet in Zt. f. Niiinism. X. p. 309.
der Munze?t,
Moscow
i.
iv.
de I'antique
(1850), p. 317,
— 112.
his general Catalogue, p. 95
p.
i,
PI.
and
Sanitates,
P.,
Sallet, A., Beschr.
la situation
St. P.
xvi.
Instititto,
i.
i
—
3.
PI.
XIII.
Kerkinitis et
Berlin,
Tannais,
Paris,
1881;
cf.
1888.
Moscow, 1891. Materials touching the ancient Numismatics of the Black Sea Coast, Moscow, 1892, pp. i 14 and PI. I. " Coins of Carcinitis or Cercinitis," reviews all preceding work and gives photographs
Oreshnikov, A. V., Cat.
University Coll.
p.
25.
—
:
of Burachkov's coins. Ph., " On the question of an ancient settlement near Eupatoria," Archaeological Bulletin {Archeologicheskia Izvestia), 1894, pp. 9 15, I have not seen but its content is repeated
Romanchenko, N. in
BCA. XXV.
—
p.
187.
Jakunchikov, B. M., "Unpublished and rare Greek Coins," 43, 44.
Head, B.
V.,
TRAS. Num.
Section,
I.
St Petersburg, 1909.
HN?
p.
Bertier-de-La-Garde, A.
279. L.,
Oxford, 1911.
"Monetary
Novelties," No.
i,
Tratis. Od. Soc.
xxx.
1912.
ii.
p.
25, PI.
III.
493
Uv»*>ov'»
RoaiUt
Clv4H-S
Fio. 333
CHAPTER
idtrt^OTviS.t.Ofl
1500
E H.M
b.
XVII.
CHERSONESE. Chersonese' differs from all the other Greek colonies on the north shore of the Euxine except Cercinitis in being Dorian. It can hardly be a coincidence that like the other Dorian colonies it was founded on a site which however accessible from the sea did not offer special advantages for trade with the interior. Just as Heraclea Pontica, its mother city, had its own territory from which it drew supplies, so for the greater part of its existence Chersonese had mainly to rely on the produce of the Lesser Peninsula which soon became its very own, and in flourishing periods on possessions in the west part of the Crimea. But when the other colonies because of their intimate connexion- with the natives whose hostility might bring ruin fell into decay through the change of population, then rose to importance the The official title of the city was Xepaovaa-os a TO TiivpiKQ {losFE. IV. yr, 72), other Greeks spoke of Xepo-oi/airirai o'l f(c rov XIovtov (Ditt. SyllJso it was distinguished from Cher268, 28 r, 588) sonesus in Crete and the various peninsulas '
TTOTi
;
Thracian, Cnidian etc. There is always to be feared possible confusion with Chersonesus Taurica, the Crimea (Chersonesus Taurica = the city seems modern Latin), also with the Lesser Peninsula,
which constituted the homeland of the city. The general name was Xfpo-()i'»/o-o$- or Xeppovrj
city:
fiiKpa,
many modern
signation.
the forms
writers use
it
as the
About the nird century Xepo-cii-, Xtpo-ui'trai first
.x.D.
found
full
came
in
dein
a frag-
ment of Phlegon of Tralles in the time of Hadrian, but the quotation occurs in Inte authors who may have substituted the more modern form (e.g. Const. Porph. dc Them. 11. 12, p. 63). Dionysius Exiguus (ap. Mansi, Coiicil. MI. p. 366, but cf. p. 383) translates the signature of Bp Aetherius II at the second council of Constantinople A.D. 381 as crsonitanus, whereas his successor at the council of 448 was styled fniaKonos \fppovr}mw (lb. VIII. p. 239, cf. 243) that is the long form did not at once give way to the short. The latter appears in Latin as Chersona in Jordanes {Get. V. 32, 37). The Russian chronicle makes it K()pcyni>, Korsun. The Tartar name was Sary Kermen, the yellow fortress, cf. Selivanov, p. 10, n. 3: Brandes, s.v. Chersonesos (20), F.-IV. HI. p. 2261. I shall call it Chersonese as the anglicized form of the word is familiar though not in its p.
:
application to this city.
Chersonese
494
[ch.
modest commerce of the Chersonesites, safe in their remote corner of a secondary peninsula. So the time when Chersonese was of moment in the world was when it was handing on to the untouched tribes of Russia the religion and culture of Eastern Rome. That is my excuse for continuing my sketch of its history to the time when cut off from the interior by the Mongols it died at the coming of the Turk. Since then it has lain desolate. In 1578 Martinus Broniovius de Biezdzfedea', ambassador from Bathory to the Crim Tartars, visited the site of which he left a high-flown account more indebted to Strabo than to his own eyes. So it remained until the coming of the Russians in 1 783, and Chersonese then became accessible to the speedy foundation of Sevastopol.
and the first learned folk to see it were Pallas^ Mrs Guthrie'', and All these had preconceived ideas of what ought to be E. D. Clarke\ found on a classical site, and when nothing of the sort was to be seen, they ascribed the desolation to a Russian passion for destruction. General A. L. Bertier-de-La-Garde'^ has shewn that Pallas and Clarke much exaggeClarke, more especially after the treatment he had rated the damage done. suffered at the hands of the insane Emperor Paul, was no doubt excessively prejudiced against the Russians, and everywhere speaks of the antiquities that he saw as doomed to destruction. As a matter of fact everything he mentions has been preserved unto this day; but the explanation is probably that he visited the country just as real order was being established, and the pioneers of conquest were giving place to a more settled administration which could But during the first twenty years it see to the preservation of antiquities. was small blame to the Russians if they used Chersonese as a quarry for Sevastopol and stripped the town of the ready squared stone that lay on the surface. General Bertier-de- La-Garde argues that during its long decay the city's fine buildings had been dilapidated by its own inhabitants, and that there was nothing but small rough stone left by the time the Russians appeared, but the amount of squared stone walling discovered in recent excavations offers a presumption that much had remained aboveground and was greedily carried off to Sevastopol. It can hardly be held that it was more trouble to cart stone a couple of miles than to quarry it at Inkerman five miles off Some destruction had already been done by the Turks who are said to have shipped columns across to Constantinople, by the Genoese, and by the Tartars; but at the time of the Russian occupation the remains of the poor Byzantine town stood almost intact surrounded by its walls, and with its gates in situ^ much in the same way Chufut Kale stands on its hill deserted by all but a Rabbi in charge of the Karaite synagogue, the people having gradually moved to Baghchi Saraj. To charges of reckless destructiveness Russians can reply that the Allies did their share of damage during the siege of Sevastopol. travellers
Dr
:
' Tartariae Description Col. Agrip. 1595 reprinted in the Elzevir Russia seu Aluscovia, Lugd.
Bat. 1630, p. 258. ^ Tour in Southern Provinces, Vo\. n. ^. ^^. 2 Tour in Taurida made in 1795, London, 1802, p. 95.
7'n«7-'^/^, Vol. n. pp. 206,273, London, i8i7,8vo. Mat. xn. p. i sqq. ^ A view shewing it like this is reproduced in Ainalov, Monuments of Christian Chersonese, I. p. i, f. 2 after Sumarokov, Leisure of a Crimean J"dge, St Petersburg, 1803, but it is mostly fancy. *
'
XVII
tL?ivtro?is
495
The Lesser Peninsula.
The home domain of Chersonese consisted of what Strabo calls the Lesser Peninsula, a triangle of which the base is the line from Inkerman to Halaklava (yi niiles=i2 km.) and the south side the inhos[)ital)le coast from the latter to
Cape Chersonese about
14 miles (23 km.) foUowinj^ the slij^ht curves. The is fairly straight and extends some; 12 miles
(general line of the north side
(20 km.) from the Cape to the head of the North Bay at Inkerman, but the is deeply indented and presents a wonderful series of harbours. This triangle is a plateau which has a o-eneral slope towards the north and especially the west (on Ma[) viii. the hei^^hts are marked in feet), from the cliffs at the extreme south, where they reach 1000 feet (304 m.) to the lower cliffs opposite Inkerman, and to the flat Cape Chersonese. The ed
;
:
;
;
BCA.
'
XXI.
p.
'
192 note.
Dubois de M. i. FI. XX., XXI. not trustworthy, cf. Pallas, n. p. 66 and Neumann, Hellcnen, pp. 403 sqq. Arkas, PI. iv. Pechonkin, BCA. XMI. pp. 108—126, PI. Ml. gives a careful plan of such near C. Chersonese he figures an ancient stone wine'^
;
;
:
vat, p.
iii,f
I.
*
losFE. losPE.
iv. 80. I.
i95=App.
17.
This
may
refer to
the west of the Crimea, v. p. 518. * Collected and well annotated by I. I. Makhov, Bull. Taur. Rec. Coniiii. Xl.vui. (912. ^ Const. Porph. de Adm. hup. c. 53, v. inf
land
p.
in
538.
—
Chersonese.
4.96
"As you
Environs
[ch.
out (of the Gulf of Carcinites) you have on your left' a For as you continue your townlet and another harbour of the Chersonesites. sail there stretches out towards the south a great promontory being part of the main Chersonese and upon it is built the city of the Heracleotes, itself In this is the Sanctuary of the Maiden (a deity after called Chersonese. which also is named the cape that runs out in front of the city at a distance of 100 stades and is called Parthenium'-) with a temple of the deity and an image. But between the city and the cape are three harbours. Then comes Old Chersonese all pulled down and after it a harbour with a narrow mouth, at which point the Tauri did most of their piracies attacking those that took And this harbour makes with refuge in it: it is called the harbour Symbolon. another called Ctenus an isthmus forty stades broad, this is that which shuts in the lesser Chersonese which we said was a part of the great Chersonese and has in it the town with the same name of Chersonese." In the next section Strabo remarks that Ctenus is the same distance from the town Chersonese as from the harbour Symbolon. Again (I.e. § 7) he speaks of "a place called Eupatorium founded by It is a cape distant about 15 stades Diophantus general of Mithridates. from the wall {rd^ovi) of the Chersonesites making a fine large bay turned towards the city. Above it is a sea-mere with salt-works. This was where Ctenus was." He next describes how Diophantus fortified the cape and made across the city (ical to arofia tov koXttov to fi^XP'' '^^'^ TroXew? SLey^^cocrav, mole to a surely this must be a mistake, a bridge or boom would give the easy communication sought) and how when the Scythians tried to pass the ditch across the isthmus towards Ctenus, by filling it up each day with reeds, the king's men burnt them each night and so repelled their attacks (v. p. 519). With New Chersonese fixed the promontory Parthenium must be that now called Cape Chersonese, the distance of 100 stades agrees fairly well with The three harbours the actual 85, by land it would agree almost exactly. would be Strelets, Reedy and Cossack Bays. The narrow-mouthed harbour Symbolon is clearly Balaklava. Old Chersonese should be somewhere east of Cape Parthenium. Clarke and Pallas say that the isthmus between Cossack Bay and the south-western sea was covered with the remains of a town, and on this the only conceivable site, Kosciuszko-Waluzynicz's excavations exposed two cross-walls with towers and gates, also remains of houses and small antiquities going back to the Greek period of Chersonese. The end of one of sail
1 vn. iv. 2. The first words 'ExTrXfoi/n S' ev dpiCTTfpa no\i)(vr) Kai aXkos Xiixrjv Xeppovriairav have
something wrong with them. Casaubon long ago conjectured KaXoy Xip-riv, C. Miiller in a note to Ptol., Gi'OJ^. III. V. 2 (p. 414), suggests Kai KaXor \ipf]V dra fit (iXXos- Xtp-fii', but Latyshev in his comment on the Citizens' oath in Mai. IX. p. 8 and in Journ. Min. Pub. Instr. St P., 1892, April = noi'rt/cn, p. 129, thinks that the lacuna was still greater including a description of
The
was
all
the sw. coast of the Crimea.
any case due to the homoeoteleuta KAAOCAIMHN and AAAOCAIMHN, that is the Fair Haven was mentioned and its name misunderstood. The towns along the west coast of the Crimea would be accounted for and the copyist's mistake easily explained if only we dare put back loss
in
the text in
some such form
as this
eKTlAeONTlAeNApiCTe pAiecTiKAAocAiMHN K'TeiXHxeppoNHCiTcoeiTAAeKApKINITIC
noXixNHK'AAAocXiMHN x^PPOnhcitcon
The lines are hardly shorter than usual, e.g. Kenyon, Palaeography of Greek Papyri., pp. 21,66, PI. XI. or Schubart, Pap. Gr. Berol. 31, Theaetetus. ^ Latyshev, I.e. first proposed taking this as a parenthesis and so doing away with the idea of two sanctuaries, one in the town, another on the cape, Hence the buildings identified as this temple by Pallas and later travellers are probably but homesteads with well-built refuge towers.
v
xvii]
Old and New
Chersonese.
Cten us.
Eupatoriuni
^gj
the walls projected into Cossack l^ay and formed an island upon which the Byzantines built a monastery answering- to the account of the first resting- place If this fortress was not Old Chersonese it may have of S. Clement of Rome. been a place of refuge to which cattle might be driven away from inroads of the Tauri, perhaps one of the rei'xT; referred to in the citizens' oath (v. p. 516)'. In 1910 N. M. Pechonkin'- found pots and other objects beginning like the oldest things from New Chersonese with the end of the ivth century B.C. and going down to the early Roman period, when Strabo speaks of the place as ruined. They do not tell us whether this was the original settlement made in a corner remote from the natives because the Heracleotes were not yet sure of their ground, nor, if so, when the bulk of the population migrated, leaving a mere remnant behind. Pliny (I.e.), who does not seem de|)endcnt on Strabo, implies the existence of Old Chersonese by speaking of Cherronesus Nea. Ctenus is clearly the great bay now called North Bay, the subsidiary Quarantine, Artillery, South, Dock and Careening Bays make it not unlike a comb. Balaklava to Inkerman is nearer sixty than forty stades^ but this distance just answers to the five miles from Chersonese to Inkerman. Eupatorium fifteen stades from Chersonese must have been a fort made by walling off the end of the North Cape and this is the isthmus towards Ctenus of which Strabo speaks in § 7 not the isthmus Balaklava- Inkerman. Pallas and Clarke misunderstanding this passage saw remains of a wall along the latter line but General Bertier-de- La-Garde declares that there are no traces of it now and well shews that the population of Chersonese could not have manned so long a wall. No doubt they had observation-posts along the .Sapun ridge and relied on the lie of the land for protection. Even so the massive foundations of the scattered homesteads suggest that they were built to offer refuge against sudden raids there were no open villages. The value of a tete-de-pont like Eupatorium to Diophantus who carried war into the country of the Scyths is evident, saving him from the long march The round the North Bay and the dangerous passage of the Chernaja. batteries on North Cape remained in Russian possession and the defenders of Sevastopol retired to them by a bridge thrown across from the city and so ;
;
;
withdrew. No attempt has been made to state the many conflicting views as to these various localities, e.g. Burachkov put Eupatorium at Eupatoria regardless of distances. Eupatoria is another instance of singular!}- unfortunate application of ancient names. Bertier-de- La-Garde^ denies that Eupatorium was the name of the fortress built by the besieged across the bay yet this is the natural deduction from Strabo's words so the Allies had their Fort Victoria. He maintains that the whole story about Scythian siege applies exactly to Cossack Bay and the site of Old Chersonese the points deciding him are the sea-mere with salterns and the shallowness of the bay which allowed of throwing the mole across it. Von Stern'' will have none of Old Chersonese but allows the scene of this siege to have been in Cossack Bay, saying that it is a ;
;
:
'
CR. 1890,
p. 37,
'Arch. Anz.
— 126.
108
3
and Clarke's plan,
1911,
p.
206;
BCA.
p. 273. XLII. pp.
II.
Pallas says that the distance docs not look
more than M.
40, op. cit.
11.
p.
» •''
BCA.
XXI.
p.
177 sqq.
Trafis. 0(/.Soc.y.iyi. Minute.^,
\).
C)q
;
Hettler's
Zt.f. Alte Gesch. I. 2, pp. 63—71, and again Trans. Od. Soc. XX III. Minutes, p. 89.
62.
63
498
Remains
Chersonese.
[cH.
matter of the rdyj] or forts of the Chersonesites (v. p. 516) not of the city wall, but this again is straining Strabo's words as he mostly speaks of ttoXi?. The view in the text has to give up '^liyoicra.v 15 stades of mole is too much to ask, however shallow the bay: a bridge is no mean feat. The saltern cannot be reckoned a permanent geographical feature, but there is a lake just inside :
North Cape'.
Site
and Remains.
The final settlement of the Heracleotes was on a low peninsula between Among all the harbours the lesser Round Bay and the Quarantine Bay'l offering this seems to have been chosen because it was well commanded by an easily fortified site yet itself had gently sloping shores suitable for the Greek The western harbours provided no kind of method of beaching ships. acropolis, the eastern such as South Bay were enclosed by steep cliffs, and North Bay was on too large a scale and too much exposed to enemies. The space finally enclosed by the walls of New Chersonese is some five eighths of a mile (about i km.) long from west to east and 600 yards (550 m.) from north to south occupying the whole of the blunt headland between the two bays. This gives a circumference of two English miles (3 km.) which can in no way tally with Pliny's five Roman milesl This considerable extent was naturally not built with one effort, but the capricious progress of the work shews less perseverance than might have been expected. The explanation is Ptolemy, Geog. III. vi. 2, may in the light of view receive a rather better interpretation than Latyshev's on Map II. (supra, p. ii): long. 60°: lat. 47° 16' (Symbolon Portus) can be at the head of an inlet running up from the SE. and 61° 15': 47" 10' (Ctenus) on a deeper inlet coming from the NW. by "Eupatoria" (60° 45': 47° 40'). Thus an outline not unlike the actual, though not to be deduced from Ptolemy's data, can be made to fit them. Chersonese so appears between C. Parthenium and Symbolon Portus, i.e. on tlie site of the old city. Dandace seems to occupy about the place of the new town and perhaps it was the name of one of Strabo's three harbours. Amm. Marc, who mentions it only copies Ptolemy. ^ The following account of the fortifications of New Chersonese with the deductions which can be drawn from them with regard to the history of that settlement presents, except as regards the open state of the town, the views of General Bertier-de-LaGarde {BCA. XXI.), who has brought to the solution of the problems a most wonderful combination of qualities, for he is at once a soldier who understands the strategy and tactics of attack and defence, an engineer trained to notice technical points, an archaeologist and so to speak an "oldest inhabitant." Nothing less than this was rec|uired to answer the riddles presented and produce a consistent explanation of all the phenomena. Plan VII may not be ciuite exact, but Fig. 338 supple'
this
ments it in the interesting area. The difficulty was that no large-scale plan had been published and the small-scale ones differed surprisingly from each
i
I took as Brockhaus-Jefron's
other.
my main
basis
that
given in
Russian Encyclopaedia, s.v. C/icj-spHL'se, and on it endeavoured to combine the sectional plans drawn to various scales which have
accompanied the yearly reports of the excavations published in CR. from 1888— 1906 and in BCA. Finally I corrected the Bibliography p. 551). by Bertier-de-La-Garde's PI. 11. &c., and the churches and earlier excavations by Ainalov, Moninnents of Christian Chersonese^ I. " Ruins of Churches, "f I, and Mr M. I. Skubetov, draughtsman to the excavations, made some important additions on the rough copy. The death of M r K. K. KosciuszkoWaluzynicz in December 1907 made it impossible to bring out the full results of his last two years' work. To him we owe almost all our knowledge of what has been actually found at Chersonese and I am specially indebted to him for his courtesy in giving me information on the spot and in supplying (v.
fortifications
The with the latest results of his researches. present Director of the excavations, Dr R. Loper, has continued his predecessor's kindness to me. A great hindrance to the work is the presence of the monastery, which takes up the best part of the site. Its great church, the chief landmark of Chersonese, is built over the remains of a basilica hastily assumed to be the scene of Vladimir's baptism. Further the operations of military engineers are destructive but unavoidable as the site is of such strategic importance to Sevastopol. ^ NH. IV. 85. This distance must refer to the isthmus of Perekop, cf Pomp. Mela 11. 3, 4, whom Pliny seems to have misunderstood.
me
XVII
Site.
]
Rarliest IVa IIs
499
that until the 1st century n.c. a wall of crutlc brick or a palisade was in places During" the ivth century when danger was to he feared defence enou<»^h. from the aj^^ressive policy of the Spartocids, Greek j)oliorcetics were rather elementary, later on it was only a cjuestion of barbarian raids almost powerless against any sort of fortification'. One exposed point of the position was clearly the lowest {)art of the site towards its sk. corner (Fig. 2)'-)'^) commanded as it is by a considerable hill to moreover it was vital to protect the port. the sw. of it Here accordingly was made the first attempt at fortification, or probably, as von Stern points out', the beginning was made here for physical rather than tactical reasons. Between and the wall goes down into a deep valley the middle of which is nothing but the old bed of an arm of the harbour. about The foundations actually stand in water and for that reason have not been exposed. In this water crude brick would simply have melted^ so from the tower X.o the tower C were built the lower courses of a wall, and towers and gates were laid out the towers had rather shallow projection and the gates were not well commanded by cross fire, but it was early for these improvements. This whole piece of work is admirable, even extravagant in execution. The stones are large and "rusticated," i.e. carefully smoothed round the edges, the face being left rough they are laid as headers and stretchers alternately, without mortar but held by swallow-tailed wooden clamps. The facing is backed with rubble and stones set in clay, total thickness 12 ft. 8 in. (3'85 m.). Upon some stones are masons' marks, notably an with the archaic slope, later forms point to the ivth century^ Deep in the heart of the wall' by the gate and dating from its construction is a sepulchral passage, a kind of T-shaped tunnel containing" urns within which were ashes and jewelry, the earliest of which is of the ivth century, the latest about a hundred years more recent (v. pp. 380, 397 399, 402, 410 n. i, 422): members of a distinguished famil)- were successively buried here having regard to the singular position, may it not be supposed that we have here the family tomb of the builder of the wall? He may have deserved the honour by his munificent intentions, but he did not execute them. The curtain walls were nowhere carried up more than nine courses"; some of the towers were left even lower (v. elevation on Fig. 338): also the gate by its position involved a most inconveniently steep approach. Perhaps because these weak points were observed the work was left incomplete as is shewn by the regularly stepped line of its top courses, quite unlike the look of a wall which has been partly knocked down after having once been finished further no similar stones have been found used as :
E DC
B
F
;
:
;
N
—
:
E
;
material in any later building.
A
second attempt was made after a short interval which did not give the projecting corners time to weather the work was more cheaply executed, the stones smaller and far less re<> ular, thou
;
How
elementary they were in the vth century Thucydides and the HertierHistory of his Age, Ch. xui. p. 282 sqq. de-La-Garde thinks that Old Chersonese remained as a refuge until the ist century A.D. and so the Cheisonesites were in no hurry to complete their defence on the new site. 1
is
well
shewn by Grundy,
-
Trans. Od. Soc. xxvni. Minutes,
'
Cf.
Xenophon, Hellen.
v.
ii.
i
—
p.
113.
8.
^ BCA. XXI. p. 93, 14; similar marks along L-N-0 and on the house-walls G-G. 2 v. inset Plan vii BCA. pp. 3 — 5, — 4. " Mr Ware suggests a mud brick top to the wall, f.
'"
;
I.
tif.
63—2
Rematns
Chierso?iese.
500
[cH.
In this style the stepped upper line of the first attempt was brought The former plans were departed from. was walled up and the towers were rebuilt with more projection, unfinished gate which thus the depth of this stratum varies from eleven courses at the tower had not been intended by the first building, and seven in the curtain wall by (v. elevation on Fig. 338). to one course on the wall about the gate
marks.
to a level, but in other respects the
E
D
E
C
Gates {E on Plan vii. v. inset) in the Greek Wall of CherFig. 334. sonese. Eight courses of ist period, one of 2nd above, Roman with threshold of postern. The gate was yi"] m. broad, the passage way 8'39 m. long. Just within the entrance are portcullis-grooves and 5"33 m. from the face of the wall are projections reducing the opening To the east of the gate inside was a stair to go up on the to 2' 1 2 m. wall. Three water runnels meeting give the directions of streets, two "back of the walls," one towards the Acropolis and one towards the harbour (Fig. 338). At a lower level than all this was a sepulchral monument 240 m. square as it were a pyramid with three steps {CR. The jambs of the gate shewed no signs of any 1900, p. 21, f. 43). ;
traffic
From
having passed through
a photograph furnished by
it.
Mr
in the
The work.
Kosciuszko-Waluzynicz, who stands gateway.
plans were changed even during the execution of this small piece of In the second style the foundations were laid of a wall running east of
XVII
Ear/y IValls
]
501
C
to a round tower of the same size (F^ on Fio-. 338)'. Then they have decided to include a greater space for the harbour district and the towers A^ and B were built, but nothing remains to connect B up with a So far they had got by the iiird century B.C. Towards the end curtain wall. of the iind century they began to join up towers C and B by means of a wall jutting out to the west of C and having in it a postern c with a skilfull)' turned
tower
seem
to
this wall only reached half-way to B"^. After the middle of the last century li.c, perhaps as a result of experiences in the wars with Scilurus, they tried to make Chersonese more defensible on this side and also more convenient. With the latter intention the existing masonry wall was sacrificed. have seen that between Ji and />' the wall
arch
:
We
BCA. i. p. 39, f. 23. Greek walls at Chersonese looking SE. from near c towards Dd. Seven courses of first period, four of second with round tower D. Upper work and square towers Dd, Roman.
Fig. 335.
The road to the main part of the city followed marshy depression and then climbed a very steep slope to To remedy this the beginnings of the defensive walls the gate at about /. were used as a retaining wall and earth to the depth of about 20 ft. was piled descended into a deep valley. it
down
into this
against their outer face to make a causeway. Another weak point was at the sw. corner L-N, where an enemy might come along a hog's back leading gently down to the town here again we have ivth century work forming a foundation for the walling of irregularly squared but not rusticated stones characteristic of the Roman period, when the circuit was finally completed in masonry. :
1
^
CR. CR.
1905, PI. III. 1900, PI. I. pp. 13, 14,
ff.
27—29; BCA. XXI.
p. 109,
f.
16.
^o2
Chersonese.
Remains
[ch.
From
the successive towers A^, A'^ on the shore of the harbour' a wall five times rebuilt runs sw. to B, the most exposed point in the circuit. Hence the orig-inal narrow tower of the second Greek period was treated as a mere nucleus thickened at three successive rebuildings. Just by it was a postern b. rested for its northern half on the Greek wall of to C The piece of wall from had been completely earthed over, for there the second period, but the latter are courses of rough foundation masonry between it and the lowest course of new postern c was built just above the former Roman finished walling'. one. Its object was to allow sallies from b to return to the town without In the straight piece from C to exposing their right flank to an enemy. At (Fig. 335) the three periods of masonry are best seen. the second The gate at period had designed a weak semicircular tower. had long been walled up. It had no proper cross fire to defend it, and was altogether badly placed. The round Greek tower E^ to the west of it was not a powerful work, in Roman times it was rebuilt in rectangular form^ was No Greek work remains along the slope from a stronger circular tower \ almost to Z. At / was the main town gate for traffic approaching from the east was a tower whose importance and a street led up from it to the Acropolisl came later" between it and the se. corner tower L'' there were only three ordinary towers as here the ground falls steeply from the foot of the wall. Some way along this space were the main Thermae* from which successive lines of water-courses ran between the walls to c, here re-entered the town over The next section the postern and so gained the harbour". ran across a ridge giving easy access to the great gates M, the chief entrance to the town from the plateau, Balaklava and Old Chersonese the gates were renewed in Byzantine times, and the actual doors stood until the xviiith century. The aqueduct from Jukharin's Ravine entered the town at this point: but the levels were equally favourable for bringing siege engines up to this piece of wall, therefore it was built as early as the ivth century B.C. and in Roman times rebuilt, doubled and strengthened by four towers: in 1894-5 it was mostly The same applies to the stretch N-0. cleared away by the War Office'". From O the foundations of the Greek wall go straight on nnw. to /'^ the remains of a round tower there must have been three towers in between. The Romans turned the wall westwards at a small gate and a tower their wall makes two more projecting bends with towers, a re-entrant angle by where a retaining arch carries it over a burial chamber", and finally at P"^ reaches This tower commanded the the sea at a tower half of which has fallen 'I This western section of the wall is remarkably well postern p (v. Fig. 336). designed to secure cross-fire and is further strengthened with an outer wall. The system of an outer wall was applied also to the other part of the walls resting on Greek foundations. The reports in BCA. give it as early Byzantine but one stretch seems according to the graves it disturbs to be rather of the Antonine age 'I It reaches from the tower past the gates /to the
B
A
D E
E
E
E
J
—
L-N
:
;
:
J
1
CR. 1897, pp.
^
BCA.
^
91, 92,
vn. CR. 1904, pp. 64 67, XXI.
PI.
—
^
CR. CR.
»
BCA.
7
CR. 1893, P- 57, fPlan CR. 1898, p.
*
*
ff.
1903, PI. HI. 1905, PI. II.
XVI. PI.
i.,
203, 204.
8 '**
ff.
96
p. 30,
— 102.
f.
III.
35113, f 13.
28.
ib. p.
My
107,
f.
7
;
1899, p.
4, PI.
I
;
1900, PI.
I.
plan follows Garaburda as very kindly
for me by M. I. .Skubetov, Bull. Taur. Rec. Conim. XLUI. PL i., cf Bertier-de-La-Garde, BCA. XXI. PI. II. pp. 133, 134, ff. 22, 23. " CR. 1901, p. 23, f 46.
amended
'^
^^
CR. 1895, p. 102, ff. 253, 254. losPE. iv. 94, of the time of Commodus.
JValls a?ni outer wall
X\II
Fk;. 336.
CR. 1895,
p.
103,
f.
254.
Chersonese.
Nvv. postern
D
p
with foundation of tower F-.
which was rebuilt on a square plan without regard foundations of the second period; opposite was built the tower tower
503
to
d
to
the
round
make
Chersonese. \'ie\v between walls looking NW, On left Roman tower d: on right Greek round tower about which has been built Roman square tower D\ beyond, (ircek wall with two Roman columbaria butting against it these hide the (}ate E and the Tower £' is in the bank beyond.
Fk;. 337. late
:
the
Walls
Chersonese.
504
[ch.
D
rested on an arrangement The foundations of other side of a gateway. of beams now rotted away that is the ground was marshy but not permanently submerged. Attention was next turned to the Southern Extension and this was made into a military quarter by building a tower at F^ and joining it to A^- and to C with a small gate c^ half way. The curtain CB was elaborately strengthened Control of access into the town was once more reinforced. and the tower where gates secured to the garrison by extending the double wall as far as A'^ was also doubled. h were made just under the great tower the wall As long as the Black Sea was duly policed, there was no great need for sea walls, though some fragments of such are assigned to the Greek period, but after the e.g. A^-V^-T"^ (probably Roman) and at " 1894" west of middle of the iiird century pirates' raids had to be taken into account hence the coast-line of the city was then guarded with walls, pieces are still found at (/(/, at //, at Q 0\ where we have the inner side of a tower, and near Z. cuts the coast, past a square From a point where a line drawn ne. from tower and then a convex bend at B, they can be traced fairly continuously round the harbour'-, with big towers at S, T, V'^ and A'^, perhaps another V'^ and the wall running north from it with about T'^ between T and V'^. small towers like v^ and several little gates v^ v^ is of still later date. Nearer water's is the line of wall, edge a quay the flat space between to the present being insufficient for an enemy to form on, and thoroughly well commanded by the defenders. The parapet and battlements of the walls are nowhere preserved but a view of a fortified town on the wall of a tomb south of the city shewed battlements, simple on the curtain-walls and overhanging on the towers^ The builders of the walls have not left themselves without witnesses. The possible founder has his tomb the second attempt agrees in date with Agasicles^ whose wall building is not put down as his highest achievement. Somewhere in the unci century a.d. we have the eTrt^eXi^rr;? Namuchus^ directing such work of another inscription on some tower but the date 270 = A.D. 245/6 is left". The names of Theodosius and Arcadius may be attached to the building of the military quarter', as also that of Domitius Modestus under Valens, Valentinian and Gratian (a.d. 370 375)^ Zeno's inscription (a.d. 488) seems to have come from the tower B'^, and to commemorate the last strencrtheningf of it. That of Isaac Comnenus^" came from near the quay and records the rebuilding of the gates of the Praetorium, :
B
B
B—
;
B
;
;
B
:
;
;
—
1
CR.
2
y?,
1895, P- 97'
CR. 1905,
f-
PI.
IV;
1904, p.
50,
f.
92; 5,
f. 71 Zi 1895, p. 87, f. 224; F, 1906, A, 1897, p. 91, f. 203. 70, PI. n. ^ XXI. p. 161, f. 29. The writers of the reports in BCA. thought that the original area of
1894, p. 53,
p. 62,
f.
;
;
BCA.
the city was only half what is contained by the circuit of walls above described: they believed that walls at G" G" G were parts of an old Greek circuit connecting and //, and so all the space west of this line and also that south of 5' would have been additional in each case they based their conclusions upon burials found within these areas, but the southern extension must have been made in the ivth century B.C. and the Greek walls
F
E—
:
—
L-N-0
244-
discovered in 1907 9 shew that the western was quite small only including the space beyond (9 /". As shewn on the plans the walls G^, 6^, and // ne\er seemed suitable for town-walls either in thickness or direction: walls of rusticated ashlar
at j are just as solid
houses, * •'''
''
BCA. XMI.
and certainly belonged pp. 102
App. \'] = IosPE.\. JosPE. I. 202. ib.
i.
— 107,
ff.
5
—
to
Greek
7.
195.
211.
"
App. 22 = IosPE.
**
BCA.
iv. 464. xxiii. p. 5, No. 2, where Rostovtsev suggests that it was called t« eecova, v. inf p. 531. ^ App. 2i = Iiiscr. Christ. 7. i" A.D. 1059, App. 2^ = Inscr. Christ. 8.
505
J3
3 a.
o c .
VO
-
T)
C
01
ir , .c
•o
= >
oo'
o
« 5
Oh
=o
i*
c m
>rt
i-J
>
i>
=a
-z
c
fQ
o
S3
fc
H
lii
O
;\
_
2
bo .S
:°
S rt -r) n!
§.2^ C
t^
-
v^
E
> rt
^ ^
rt
c
&
o
rt
c -5
^ E
O
ii
>-
c °
t^
.2
r
>
#
ic
o
"5,
1-1
o -
>
o
4-*
t>
J3
S
CO
Courses
M.
64
;
506
Remains
Chersonese.
perhaps the military quarter.
Justinian
also
I
is
said
[ch. by Procopius
rebuilt the walls of Cherson', but the expressions are vague.
The
to
have
greatest
the wall had to face was the attack ordered by Justinian II Bertier-de- La-Garde points out that the topography agrees with the account of the siege given by Theophanes (6203, 581 Bonn), if we take to have been Centenaresius, the tower on the water's edge first taken, Syagrus, and the inner wall which foiled the attack, that from C to V. The siege which Vladimir laid to the town was not such a test of its fortifications, The destruction of the walls was due to the being ended by treachery. Genoese, especially along the sea-front all along the land side they could until quite recently be traced, and in some places stood up as much as thirty feet, but of course the ashlar facing of the above-ground walls had gonel
recorded (v.
inf.
trial
p. 532).
A
B
:
Civil Buildings
and
Necropolis.
the buildings of the city there is not much to be said here. From times we have nothing but fragments mutilated by being used Greek mostly can point to worked stones from an Ionic temple about in later erections. 35 feet high built into Uvarov's basilica (i), but this cannot go back before the other fragments are still later. iind or iiird century a.d. (v. p. 525) Of some interest are the potter's kilns, in one near were found the clay moulds (v. p. 364), another near seems mainly to have produced amphorae, two are very well preserved west of R'^. From Roman times we have the Thermae (A') mentioned above, in connexion with them seems to have been a curious building with elaborate drainage just north of y^ other baths near F\ some ordinary dwelling houses, one with a hypocaust such as is found so commonly in Britain\ and a large building in a commanding situation in the western part of the town, possibly the residence of the governors the palace of which Broniovius speaks" unless the governor lived in the military extension to the Perhaps some interesting building is concealed by the monastery, but it is SE. not very likely. Excavations on this central site might with more probability give us fresh inscriptions. deep cellar, found -in 1904, contained 43 blanks it has been supposed that it was the mint'. of bronze Near by was found a Greek altar with a sculptured snake curled round it, suggesting Asclepius*. To the north at U, rather towards the sea, there seems in ancient times to have been an open space, later covered with Byzantine houses. Besides the city of the living the city of the dead yields much to the excavator. At Chersonese it has given up many interesting objects, of which the most important have been noticed in their place in Chapter xi.' The
Of
We
:
Z
B
Y
X
—
—
A
;
'
De
AedificHs
p. 541), for
lii. 7.
This still has to be guarded against. An attempt was made in 1894 to take away the marble Chersonese stones got as far as sill of postern p. Saraj on the Volga, cf /(5j/'.£^. IV. 72, infra p. 524,n.7. 3 CR. 1905, pp. 48, 49, PL IV. ^ ib. pp. zp, 41, PI. II., it was perhaps a fullonica. 2
•'•
'"'
"
*
*
CR. CR. CR.
1903, p. 28, PI. III., plan ii. 1903, pp. 26 27, PI. III., plan 1904, pp. 54 57, ff. 76—81. ib. p. 58, f 82.
Of
stele of
—
i.
—
the miscellaneous objects on Fig. 339 the Gazurius is interesting for his title (v. inf,
(cf.
p.
56,
the arms, the looped javelin, the shield 10), the typical sword, the mediaeval
f.
looking helmet (cf. Boeheim, Waffenkunde, p. 39; Ant. Pergamoft, II. PI. 45. 2, 47. 2, Text p. 102 Baumeister, p. 2037, f. 2215), the greaves and the gorytus. Kieseritzky-Watzinger (No. 409, PI. xxviii.) say there was an upper field with figures For the cups v. of a boy, woman, man and child. P-36i the earring, p. 409; the leaves for eyes and mouth, p. 422. The fibula indicates connexions with the barbarians and the buckles exemplify just that view of pattern and background on which Riegl laid such stress (v. p. 273). ;
Necropolis
XVII
rAZOrPiO^
507
MHTPOAnpOY nmiAP XAIPE
c^.i992..p.ab.f.i3.=l.o.s.PX.JV.
toi".
Part of St«Uo£Gazurius.Cher5orv2$iis.
CKl%6
Black.
Caps Vellowlnscriptions. ,
Qrav<3 -chamber
^
N°S9o.Cfi?rsoneiUS.
CK. Bronze
p.xi.J 10.11
FibuU
t^Buddfctrom
GoU Leave i {romt^S
Xt
Chersonesus
Mouth
'
CK.iS96.pl^.j.55y'Cner>rusii5N°63^ CR.\8l90.«'^4.f.i8.Ch«rsorieiixi3v*ri^ Fu;. 339.
Miscellaneous objects from Chersonese Necropolis,
v.
p.
506, n. 9.
64-
Toml)N°i^.
5o8
Chersonese.
Byzantine Remai?2s
[ch.
have also been discussed in connexion with the along the same shores (v. p. 421). But the actual Mention has already been made position of the tombs gives us information. The of the vth century Greek tomb found just inside the Greek gateway B. idea of the western extension of the city in Roman times, since confirmed by the excavation of the actual town walls, was first arrived at on the discovery of Greek tombs within the present walls. So too the secondary walls are dated by the fact that they destroy in rheir course typical tombs of the earlier Roman time. It is a little hard to make out where each type of tomb
different
methods of
usages of the other
burial
cities
owing to the somewhat desultory character of the excavations of the necropolis due to the necessity of anticipating the destructive activity In general we find, as might be expected, the of the military engineers. earlier and richer tombs near the city, the later or poorer ones at some distance, just the opposite to Olbia: the "catacombs^" are naturally restricted Most of the necropolis is to the to places where knolls of rock cropped out. south of the city, for on all other sides it was surrounded by sea. It extended almost half a mile in this direction well beyond the cross-church. Whether there were buildings or tombs to the east of the Quarantine Bay is not clear. Clarke on his map and Koehne* actually put the city there, but that may be mere carelessness. In any case Sevastopol has destroyed all traces. prevails, chiefly
Byzantine Cherson.
Churches.
Byzantine remains that Chersonese is of interest in the These belong to two main periods. There was an earlier one in which most of the streets follow the old lines, so that the houses are rather irregularly placed, but they are fairly well built, and the churches adorned with marble (mere trade-work from the Proconnesian quarries), some mosaic floors and a little wall-mosaic. This city seems to have perished by fire and the whole site was laid out afresh. If there is any truth in the story of the revenge of Justinian -11 (v. inf. p. 532), his may be the destruction indicated. The new streets were regular, cutting at right angles the old main street, which went from sw. to ne., but they were narrow and the houses mean and badly built of rough stone with clay for mortar. Byzantine houses are marked W. The churches were in some cases allowed to go to decay, in others restored with the old materials, often on a smaller scale and within the old foundations (Fig. 340, Plans 4, 13). In everything is seen the increasing poverty of the city. This rebuilding and the partial reconstructions that preceded it changed the level of the city and caused constant modifications in the various arrangements for water-supply and drainage. Not much is left of the oldest system of which we can only trace the gutters down the middle of each street, in Roman times earthen pipes were more in use, but the late Byzantines reverted to open channels at least for the drains of the Thermae. Though the aqueduct from Jukharin's ravine was no doubt the chief source of supply, rain-water was collected from roofs, for instance that from tower was stored in a cistern to the west of itl As the surface rose, It
is
history of
for
its
Architecture.
B
' A large one very well described by Skubetov, Bull. Taur. Rec. Covim. XLV.
map,
^
p- 8
3
qj^ igoo,
;
his
PI. IX., is correct.
p. 20,
f.
40.
;
x\'ii]
Streets.
Dramage.
Basilica
Baptistery
.
509
the later inhabitants constantly adapted the lower parts of earlier buildin<^s for the storage of food, fish has left most traces, and for middens or cess-pools. I have been tempted to add a bare enumeration of the chief churches, which, with the subjoined pa(;e of j^round i)lans, may be of value to students of Byzantine architecture. The sul)ject was e.xcellently treated by General Bertier-de- La-Garde in 1893', but several interesting buildings have been found since he wrote, and perhaps his verdict that Chersonian architecture w^as extremely poor stands in need of some revision. I received Ainalov's work too late to do more than add references to it. I cannot deal with the innumerable chapels (by 1891 twenty-seven churches and chapels had been found and since then another twenty at least), but will add a list of illustrations shewing the best among the icons and objects of ritual use. The churches of Cherson were mostly basilicas roofed in wood only six have a plan founded upon the Greek cross, and even of these all do not seem to have had domes apparently the skill of the local builder was not equal to such difficult construction. All point about ne. towards the summer sunrise. Of the basilicas the finest, probably the cathedral, was that discovered by Count Uvarov (i, the numbers refer both to Plan vii. and to Fig. 340) in 1853-. It measured about 158 ft. long by about 88 broad (48 x27 m.), including a side chapel. It seems, both on the evidence of coins and of style, to have been built in the viith century and restored in the xth. F"rom the older church survived many remains of pagan buildings it was paved with excellent mosaic, part of which, much rearranged, is now in the Hermitage. Its walls were also covered with mosaic, at any rate in the apse, for many cubes of coloured glass, especially of the blue ground, have been picked up on the site and on the shore below, as the sea has washed away the NE. corner of the building. Remains of frescoes also occurred, shewing in places three separate layers. To the south of this is a building in the form of an ace of clubs (2)1 basin in the middle, a system of water-pipes and a big cistern to the se. shew it to have been a baptistery. The three apses seem to have been vaulted and adorned with mosaic, in which again blue predominated even the central .space was very likely domed. The lower part of the walls was lined with marble. The walls themselves are carefully constructed of stone, with binding layers of brick so as to sustain a vault. The evidence of coins points to ;
;
:
A
;
about 600
A.L).,
which would
fit
both basilica and baptistery.
If
Vladimir was
christened at Cherson (inf. p. 535) it was most probably in this building. Latyshev, discussing the life of S. Capito (inf. p. 531, n, 4), suggests that this represented the baptistery and church of S. Peter that he built. Almost under the baptistery are the remains of a small apse this might go back to S. Capito's time. East of the baptistery was another early church in plan very like No. lo^ There were two smaller basilicas' sw. of Uvarov's. ;
'
-
Mat. xn. p. 21 sqq.; Plans, PI. ni. ff. 14—24. Report of Archaeoloiiical Explorations 7>uuie
St P. 1855; Tolstoi and Kondakov, Russian Antiquities, Pt IV. (St P. 1891), p. I, f. I, p. 17, f. 10; CR. 1901, p. 33, f. 63: 1904, p. 60, f. 86, IS a plan of the whole group shewing an outer narthex and the streets to the west as well in
1853,
—
Ainalov, pp. 14, ff. 3—16. First excavated by the 1
•*
1876— 7, and
finished in
15ertier-de-La-Garde in Ainalov, pp. 15 24, ff. 17a cf.
—
*
CR.
^
Ainalov, pp. 24
1904, p. 59, 60,
— 29
Odessa Society
1901, v.
f. ;
BCA.
— 21.
BCA. XXI.
iv.
p. 70,
PI.
86: not in Ainalov. 22 24.
ff.
—
in
p. 89, i.
—
510
Chersonese.
Basilicas
[ch.
M
A
being a quatrefoil on plan with a central building near the sw. gate four apses resembles the baptistery but shewed no trace of a basin it may have been secular, but the way it seems to occupy in its mosaic floor' the site of an older kiln recalls the story of S. Capito (p. 531). Of the same date as Uvarov's basilica and identical with it in plan was one which was found just inside the postern at the nw. corner of the city (3)". the aisles were paved with It was 122 ft. long and 70 broad (37x21 m.) mosaic, but the nave with plain marble blocks the sanctuary also was paved with marble, but in it a darker variety made the pattern of a cross within a circle, the altar being at the centre and below it a cross-shaped excavation for This basilica seems to have been deserted in the xth century and its relics. marbles used up in other buildings^ In the western part of the town not far from the monks' garden was discovered in 1889 the best instance of a large church being destroyed and another built on its site, so much smaller that nave and aisles came within the The older church had marble work identical in style with that old nave {j\)\ of the churches at Ravenna, the presumption being that all was made at The floor was of rather good mosaic, and the whole has been Proconnesus. preserved by the erection of sheds to cover it. The newer church is put together in the rudest way out of fragments of the former, unnecessary columns being built into the walls and the capitals used to pave the sanctuary. There was no pavement in the nave and clay was used for mortar, but the miserable building is interesting as a very late example of an aisled basilica built in the Eastern Church and for its altar being against the wall of the apse instead of on the chord (so too No. 13). It may be assigned to the xiiith century. The very last of these belated Chersonian basilicas was the church of S. George's Monastery, near Cape Fiolente, built after the abandonment of the city about the xvth century ^ In the centre of the town, about where we should put the Acropolis, stood a considerable group of churches and chapels, including a crosschurch (5), a basilica (6) and a church of intermediate type (7). The first (5) being, according to the knowledge of the middle of the last century, the church nearest to the centre of the town was taken as the scene of Vladimir's baptism, and over it has been built the great new church of the Monastery. The remains of the old churches have been quite spoilt^ Small-scale plans of eleven churches are given by Bertier-de-La-Garde, but I have mostly used plans on a larger scale than his. Basilicas 10 and 11 are remarkable for their proportionate breadth 1 2 is given as an example of the heaping together of sepulchral chapels'.
dome and
:
:
;
:
1 ''
3
BCA. XLH.
pp. 92—102, ff. 30, ff. 49 1901, pp. 25
—
"On
58.
pp.
29— 43,
ff.
25
cruciform chapel (8) closely recalls that near Q, A. 36, ib. pp. 42 46, ff. 35 37, excavated by the Odessa Society in 1877-8. * CR. 1889, p. 14. Mat. XII. p. 22 and PI. i., v.— VII Ainalov, pp. 81—94, ff. 59—68. No. 13 on a hill to the s. outside the town, Cy?. 1902, p. 46, f. 79; Ainalov, 121, ff. 84, 85, is another pp. 119 case of one basilica inside another. 34, with the
—
;
—
—
Bertier-de-La-Garde, Trans. Od. Soc. xxvni. the History of Christianity in the Crimea: a false Millenary " (a history of the Monastery), p. 60, cf. Museum Worsleyaniim, London, 1794, PI. CXI., for a view of the church now destroyed, s
1—4.
— The whole group, Ainalov, CR.
»
Tolstoi
and Kondakov,
Trans. Od. Soc. ff.
V.
PI.
op. cit. iv. p. 16, f. 9; VI.; Ainalov, pp. 46—66,
38—47.
'On
these
Ainalov,
pp.
92
— 98,
mostly repeats Bertier-de-La-Garde.
ff.
69
— 71,
XVII
51^
Scale
Two &ASiUC AS IMC N£We(\. WtTMIN
FIFTY rttT
TOTMCINCH
Centhal Group of CnuacHES wtTH THt New
mi
tNCLosuiKt Sc
S. OF CiTv.Cross Ch.
UNPERORpONB^^ PASSAGE. SCAJXAI
\_/ TWO BAS1UCA5 OUTSIOtTHtClTY
Cros5 Church WtTH
llJM-
CR-i897f^J.it9 Fig. 340.
j5^5.
The
figures
1
— 12
correspond
to those
on Plan
vii.,
13
and
14 are outside its scope.
2
5
Chersonese.
1
Byzantine Remains
[ch.
Of the cross-churches beside the baptistery (2) and a small one (8) attached to the nw. basilica (3)' there may be mentioned one (9) found in 1897, north of the Greek tower F\ round it ran a complete peribolos walll This church was 24'65 m. (80 ft. 9 in.) long, I9'50 m. (63 ft. 8 in.) broad. Between the arms were various subsidiary chambers, and that to the ne. had a kind of little apse in which was a basin, generally taken to be a font, but In the main apse under it is probably nothing more than a large piscina. the site of the altar was found in situ a silver coffer {\y\ x 8'5 x ii"5 cm. = 5^ X 3:j X 4^ in.) much the same in form as the two pitched shrines of our mediaeval times^ adorned with three nimbed heads on each side and one at Within was still the relic each end, and crosses on the slopes of the roof. up in wrapped a cloth. Professor unknown martyr Pokrovskij refers of an century a.d. In later times the church was divided the reliquary to the vith The roof was of timber, into separate ossuaries and finally destroyed by fire. the walls not being of a character to support vaults. Remains of a still more remarkable cross-church (14) were explored in The earlier observers had noticed ruins on a little mound about 450 I902^ yards (410m.) due south of the great south tower i5. On excavation they proved to consist of a massive wall, including a space 44 x 36 m. (144 x 118 ft.). In the midst was a cruciform church 20X 21 m. (65 ft. 8 in. x 69 ft.), and to the ne. two chambers filling up the space between it and a hall later turned into a chapel whose apse projected beyond the peribolos. Between the east and north arms of the cross was a chamber early pulled down, and corresponding to it on the south another better preserved this was used as the diaconiaim and had a basin like that described in the ne. addition of the last church (9) set in similar fashion in a kind of apse, but the eastern arm of the main church is rectangular. At one stage this was lined with seats like a round apse, but originally there was a door at the end of each arm. Finally the whole was walled up and made into an ossuary. The chief feature of the building besides its remarkable plan is a splendid mosaic floor, better than that removed from Uvdrov's basilica. In the square central panel is a high vase flanked by peacocks, and something similar is in the south transept. In the north transept is a design of intersecting squares. The border of the whole is vine-pattern and the greater part of the area is taken up with intertwined straps enclosing medallions with various fruits and vases^ The eastern arm had a brick floor. The walls of the church were decorated with frescoes on them were painted or scratched inscriptions in Greek and Armenian". Only the se. addition, the diaconicum, was vaulted this the rest of the roof was of timber arrangement agrees with No. 5. The date seems to be c. 525 550. The whole building is constructed over six large sepulchral chambers. Below these is a passage hewn out of the rock roughly in the shape of a y stretching from the ne. corner of the enclosure, where it is reached by a ;
;
:
;
—
CR.
d. p. 510, n. 3. 1901, p. 23, f. 46 C/?. 1897, pp. 112, ff. 209, 215 218; 1903, PI. HI. plan i. Ainalov, pp. 70 80, ff. 54—58. 1
=*
CR. 1897,
Art, pp. 563,
—
;
97—
2
f.
p. 103,
f.
—
213, 214;
347, 565, n.
I.
cf.
Dalton, Byz.
* CR. 1902, de-La-Garde,
100—-118,
pp. ^
BCA.
6
ib.
pp.
PI.
I.
pp.
BCA. fif.
75
—
28—38,
xxi. 83a.
pp.
ix. PI. in.
37—41,
ff-
15—19-
fif.
46—57; i
—70;
Bertier-
Ainalov,
Cross-Churches
XVIl]
513
shaft, to the nw., where it ends by a drain-hole throu^^h the outer wall, whole the distance beincr 45-36 m. (148 ft. 6 in.). At two points are dry wells help made to in the excavation or to supply air, and at the q.\-\A of th(; short arm just south of the nave of the church is a well with water. This has been re^mrded as a catacomb in the Roman sense. But Bertier-de- La-Garde shews that it is merely a passao;e ;j;^ivin;T protected access to water from a refuoe-tower built in the s?:. corner of the enclosure, and continued beyond the actual well in hopes of securing- a more abundant supply. His other idea that the continuation was the be
square
;
"Monuments
'
CR. 1906, pp. 66—78,
IV.
2
V.
ill.
ff. 73—75, Plan Bertier-de-La-Garde Mat. XH. PI.
—
fig.
and p. 57 sqq.; .Ainalov, pp. 137 143, f. 103. Here I should like to give some account of the remarkable Cave-Churches of Inkerman but that would be making too much of a digression, V. Trans. Od. Soc. XIV. pp. 166—279, Arkas, PI. vui D. Strukov, Ancient Monuments of Christianity in Taurida, Moscow, 1876; Arsenij I. Markevich, 10
;
M.
of Christianity near Baghchi .Sarai
and Karasubazar," Bulletin of
the
Tatirk Record
Comm. Sympheropol,
1899: there are considerable remains of a basilica, vii—xvi centuries, at Partenit
—
on Aju Dagh, Repnikov, 5C^. xxxil. pp. 91 140, ff. 64: and a fairly complete church at .Senty, i
—
Kuban ff.
I
—
district,
9, PI.
by, y5cJ4.
I.
I
with frescoes,
— 9:
p. 104,
RCA.
another on the R.
and
at
iv.
pp.
1
—
14,
Amhata near
Uemerdzhi near Alushta.
65
Byzantine Remains
ChersoTiese^
514
[ch.
Lesser Byzantine Antiquities.
may be
glad to have indicated to them the chief found at Cherson in that they shew a style as distinct from that of Byzance as that of the architectural monuments'. Moreover objects of this style were exported to Russia and served as models at Kiev. Closely connected in material with the architecture are certain fragments of carved marble used in the adornment of churches" referred by Bertier-de- LaGarde to the Proconnesian marble works. Of painting we cannot judge by the fragments of frescoes and wall-mosaics, but small icons in low relief in various materials shew characteristic Byzantine Perhaps the earliest is an incised marble plate with the subject of drawing. Our Lord and S. Peter walking on the Sea of Galilee^ True reliefs in gilt slate are one of SS. George and Demetrius and a Certain marble reliefs are excessively fragment with Our Lord in glory\ In bone after rucle^ one of a saint inscribed o]v 6 ©eo? to oi/o/x[a oTSet']''. much the same style we have S. Luke': in cast bronze an Evangelist* and an In clay there is a dish with a very archaic icon of Our Lady Hodegetria^ presentment of the Saviour (P)'" and a roundel or pilgrim's badge with S. Phocas who was a great patron of sailors on the Euxine and had a hospital at Cherson". A mould for producing such a roundel with an inscription in honour of S. George was found in 1898'", also moulds for crosses and other sacred objects". Crosses themselves are common: one" has a Slavonic inscription shewing that it was made for the Russian market, and examples of precisely similar style are found at Kiev'\ An enamel crucifixion of the xith century is set in the mitre of the Hegumen of the monastery. Interesting for its dumpy archaic style is a bronze censer with several scenes from Gospel history". Of other sacred objects in metal we have many candlesticks both small standing ones", and large ones either to hang in church'* or to stand, such the Russians call panikadtlo one of these was made out of a marble club of Heracles set on a base", others of old capitals of columns'-'' a bronze discos"'
Students of Byzantine art
ilkistrations of smaller objects
—
—
^ Ainalov promises future parts of his Moniimcnts dealing with marbles, mosaics and frescoes,
with smaller ecclesiastical objects and with the glazed pottery. It is curious how few of the things figured in O. M. Dalton's Byzantine Art and Archaeology have analogues at Cherson. '^
ff. f.
Mat.
217
xii. p. 25, PI. IV.
— 219;
81, p. 61,
f.
1901, p. 32,
fif.
i:
CR.
60—62;
1897, p. 109, 1904, p. 57,
87.
^ Mat. XXni. p. 26, f. 40. This and the other objects described by Latyshev in Mat. xxiii. are also published by him in the Byzantine Chronicle Vreniennik), 1899, No. 3 cf. YlovTiKci, p. 303, and ( E. Michon, Bulletin de la Soc. des Antiquaircs de ;
France, 1900, pp. 332—337. * •'
"i
" 8
CR. 1894, pp. 55, 56, f. 74; 1893, CR. 1904, p. 58, f. 83, p. 62, f. 91. CR. 1906, p. 80, f. 79. CR. 1902, p. 40, f. 65.
BCA.
I.
p. 55,
f.
P- 5'j
'^
p. 35,
46.
f.
ji/rt'/.XXiii.p.27,No. 41. 1 17, f. 17 1902, p. 40, f 166. 15 For a discussion of their peculiarities V.Tolstoi and Kondakov, Russian Antiquities, v. p. 32, ff. 21, C/?. 1898, p.
22
—
:
;
Kondakov, Riissiati Hoards, More specimens are figured
i.
p.
43
— 45,
ff.
24
in C"/?. 1897, p. 99, 1899, p. 13, f. 20; 1900,
27.
210, p. loi, ff. 211, 212; i. 58 20 1905, p. 46, f. 45 ; 1903, p. 25, ff. 18 BCA. xvi. p. 57, f. 14, p. 79, f. 36. i« Tolstoi and Kondakov, iv. pp. 34, 35, ff. 27, 28, cf. Dalton, p. 620, f. 393; Kondakov I.e. describes f.
p. 24,
—
;
better,
;
CR. 1896,
20
jij
;
Saviml. Swenigorodski,
p. 167,
f.
535
;
1897, p. Ill,
p. 180. f.
224
;
1904, p. 68, f. 103. 59 yMi.-p.ioJ. 2,7; Bull. Taur.Rec.C.y.i.\v. f.
;
BCA. » CR. 1902, 18
44,
p. 47,
" CR.
1900, p. 24, f.
fully discussed
is
Mat. XXUI.
cf.
;
17
41,
He
''
the enamel
51.
CR. 1895, P- 94i f- 240; Mat. xxiii. where the inscription is discussed. "
3--
f-
CR. 1904, p. 53, f 74. CR. 1896, p. 166, f. 531. in Mat. xxni. p. 30, No. 42. '^ CR. 1898, p. 116, f. 16 No. 43. Another, CR. 1905, >**
p ^o,
f.
p. 34,
47.
f.
54. -'
BCA.
I.
p. 46,
f.
43.
2
Smaller Antiquities.
xv^i]
Histo?y
515
or paten, a hand-censer', the end of a crozier' and the silver reliquary (p. 512): of secular use were many locks (of a type still made at Tula) and keys\ weights inlaid with silver'', a decorated bronze mortar and a cymbal'. Rather a different interest attaches to a series of carvings of beasts in bone or ivory (v. p. 335, n. 3). Even better examples of the beast-style, forming a transition between the Oriental and the Mediaeval beast-styles and not without Scythic influence, are to be found in the remains of shallow bowls or dishes of glazed [lottery (v. p. 357, n. 5). Very good s[)ecimens of the same pottery have occurred at Theodosia. The same kind of monster appears on a gilt bronze buckle from Chersonese". One piece of mediaeval glass is interesting as it bears a shield with a pale and above the date CD'Yccxxii".
History.
Chersonese was a colony of Heraclea Pontica upon the coast of Bithynia. city was founded by the Megarians (with the help of the men of T anatrra)^ at_jhp time thrit C.yri"^ ^^n quercd Media (c 559 B.C.)". At first a democracy it soon fell under the povver of its aristocrats'!^ The foundation of Chersonese itself may possibly have been due to the expelled democrats who here found the freedom they had sought in vain in Conceivably, if we do not press the word "soon" too far, the former colony. the democrats sought refuge in a Heraclean factory already in existence and
The mother
.
allowed the transfer of the settlement to a new site". the date of the foundation of Chersonese we have no information. Ps.-Scymnus (1. 824) says that in obedience to an oracle the Heracleotes joined with the Delians to colonize a Chersonese. Here Delians is probably a mistake for Delphians and there may well be a confusion with the tradition as to the There is no trace of any foundation of Heraclea Pontica recorded by Justin. Pliny'- says that Ionic influence in the language or institutions of Chersonese. No doubt this the towns at this end of the Crimea were called Megarian. was in opposition to the Milesian colonies along the rest of the Scythian coast. this accession of strength
As
to
Friendly relations between mother and daughter city were always kept up so that even in the thne of Hadrian the Heracleotes supported the Chersonesites in their petition for liberty". These relations helped the Chersonesites to
remain purely Greek.
Herodotus makes no mention of Chersonese, not much can be deduced The first attempt at from his silence but it was probably later than his time. Bertier-dewall building on the new site belongs to the succeeding century. La-Garde" thinks the most natural point of time for the Heracleotes to found '
CR. CR.
1894, p. 56, f. 75. 1893, P- 74> f- 44^ BCA. XVI. pp. 114, 115; PI. IV X. -
—
* f.
CR. 1904,
p. 52,
ff.
68
— 71,
"
XLU. cf.
pp. 127
Dalton,
— 133,
p.
619,
392. ''
" ^
*
xxvi.
Ps.-Scymnus,
1. 975. Aristotle, Pol. vin. (v.) vi. 2. '1 Ps.-Scylax, §68, thefirst author(v. supr. p. 25) IJut to mention Chersonese, calls it e'/iirripioi'. Herodotus applies the same term to Olbia.
'"
CR. 1903, p. 36, ff. 49, 50. CR. 1901, p. 31, f. 59. CR. 1895, P- 92) f- 236. Nymphis, f. 2, FHG. ill. p. 13, Pausanias, V. 6, on the advice of Delphi, Justin, XVI. iii. 4.
NN.
reading Me^aricae...vocaba)itur cf. Brandis, s.v. Chersone.MSS. The ordinary text gives sus, P.-\V. III. p. 2265. Megarice...vocahu(ur. '•'
IV. 85,
according to good
;
'•'
App. zo=IosPE.
"
BCA.
xxi.
p.
iv. 71.
196, n.
i.
65
—
^i6
Chersonese.
History
[ch.
a colony in the Crimea would be just after the fall of Theodosia which they had helped against the dynasts of the Bosporus: but von Stern argues that this help was probably rendered because of the Heracleotes already having a colony to protect in the Western Crimea and that the wall is older than the The fact is that we know too little of the history of any of date mentioned. The only hope lies in a complete excavation of the site the states concerned. and a determination of the time when it was first inhabited. of Old Chersonese with Athens we have in the vase found in communication Evidence of Later in the from the Anacia (v. supra, p. 380). prize the wall marked as a Athena Soteira made a citizen whose to by century we have the dedication work Polycrates was the of a who has been name is lost. The statue above But Chersonese never seems to identified with the one mentioned by Plinyl have been so closely connected with Athens as were the Bosporus and Olbia. Perhaps its Doric sympathies drew it aside and through Heraclea Pontica it had with Asia Minor special ties which strengthened as Athens sank. In the iiird century we have evidence of such ties in a decree granting proxeny to Timagoras of Rhodes'' and in many coins of states such as Heraclea, Amisus, Sinope, Galatia, Amastris, Magnesia, Teos, and Byzantium and amphorae of Thasos and Rhodes as well as their coins\ To the iiird century belongs the well-known citizens' oath", certainly one It is of the three or four most interesting epigraphic finds of South Russia. the formula which every Chersonesite had to rehearse before becoming a full But citizen and accordingly it enumerates at length the duties of a citizen'. the full detail into which it enters suggests that special dangers had injured may compare or threatened the state and were still to be guarded against. The citizen swears by Zeus, the the party oaths mentioned by Aristotle''. Earth, the Sun, the Maiden, the gods and goddesses of Olympus and the heroes of the land to defend Chersonese, its land, Cercinitis, the Fair Haven and the other Forts {jdyj]) against Greek and barbarian alike, to be faithful to the democracy and protect the "saster^" and reveal to the damiorgi any plots against it; in case of election to the offices of damiorgus or senator to exercise them faithfully and not to divulge any state secrets; to deal fairly by every other citizen except a renegade: to take no part in any plots" internal or external, private or public, but to give information of such, any oaths to the ^
We
Trans. Od. Soc. XXVIII. Minutes, p. 102. 295, losPE. IV. 82: NH. xxxiv. 91 (19), the Attic form fVoi^cre is some confirmation. ^ losPE. IV. 64. * Bobrinskoj, p. 26. ^ App. 16, V. p. 645, f. 348 first published in Mat. IX. No. i=IosPE. iv. 79, cf Revue des Etudes Grecques, v. p. 403; Ditt. .Sj//.^ 461, and Latyshev, Uovtikci, p. 142, for further literature. ^ For the shorter formula of the Athenian Oath cf Lycurgus, in Leocrutem § 77 and Stobaeus, Florileg. XLIII. 48. For the Gods invoked and the penalties cf the treaty between Smyrna and Magnesia ad Sipylum B.C. 244. To this the citizens of each state swore obedience thus '' '0/ii/ij
2
V. p.
:
(icai 'A(jipo8[Trjv ttjv
^TparoviKiBa) kw. tovs
ndvTas Ka\ ndcTas...(vopKovvTi pep po\
aWovs
(ii
(irj,
Sfovs
€(f}wp-
kovvti 6e e^(o\fia koi avra Koi yevd Ditt. Itiscrr. Or. 229, cf. 'Syll^ 837:
tw
i^
f'fjiov."
the oath of
\y^ = BCA. XLV. p. 23, No. i, ahnost identical in its terms. Pol. IX. (v.) 7 (9), 1310 a, and Thuc. VIII. 75. ^ The word aao-rfip is new. It seems most probably derived from the root of ad^ai. Th. Sokolov {Journ. of Ministry of Pub. hjsiruction, St P. Nov. 1902) compares the form aprjTrjp: and suggests that it means a kind of civil dictator appointed to compose the differences which the document presupposes. He cites Ditt. Syll} 108, a promise of the Athenians to support tov lipxovra ov (TKovto QcrraXoL Latyshev seems to think it
Pharnaces
cf. p.
518
I,
App.
n. 2, is
''
means
the established constitution. E. Ziebarth, Das gr. Vereinswesen, p. 94, regards these avvwpoalai as more or less permanent ^
political clubs.
Foundation.
XVIl]
Oath.
La?id-laws
517
contrary notwithstanding", and to s^ivc his vote accordin<»' to justice: finally not to export corn from the plain but to l)rin
We
'
losPE.
-
Dittenberger,
'
losPE.
•
HCA.
name
1.
184,
cf.
IV. 80, cf.
II.
perhaps.
BCA.
Sj'//.-
p. 23,
I.
XLV.
p. 44, inf. p. 544.
with
C
for 2.
40,000 sq. yds., 8j acres, 3-35 hectares (Hermes, 1903, pp. 140-144. " App. \j = /osPE. I. 195 the name also occurs Bertier-de-La-Garde, on coins, Giel, Kl.B. p. 2 Trans. Od. Soc. xxvi. p. 220, n. 3, pp. 248, 249. '"'
:
pvyoj, sc. (cX^por, Keil,
268, 281. 226.
:
A
grandson's
:
8
5
Chersonese.
1
History
[ch.
Although we cannot declare that the plateau of the Lesser Peninsula was not called the " Plain," the expression in the oath makes it probable that this word was reserved for the territory in the west part of the Crimea, and this is rendered almost certain by the small area on the plateau suitable for vineyards. It looks then as if the activity of Agasicles was devoted to organizing and defending new possessions on the mainland (he may have built the t^^^ so often referred to) and the decree regulated the allotment of them among the citizens. The rectangular division of the plateau probably dates back earlier and formed a model for the allotment of new acquisitions, though the transfer of properties in succeeding ages has introduced certain irregularities now noticeable. Probably most of the wine exported in Chersonesan amphorae was raised on the mainland. To this prosperous period belong the pieces of frieze from a temple dedicated by Pasiadas son of Artemidorus to Dionysus, to judge by the bucrania and swags of ivy leaves with which they are adorned\ The city was of sufficient power to be included in an alliance made in 1/9 B.C. between the kings Pharnaces I of Pontus, Eumenes II of Pergamum, Prusias of Bithynia, Ariarathes V of Cappadocia, Artaxias of Armenia and Acusilochus, and Gatalus the Sarmatian, and the cities Mesembria, Cyzicus and Heraclea Pontica'" but each ally was under express obligations to Rome. As the second century wore on the position of Chersonese changed for the worse. For one thingf Greece was declining, for another she was receivings :
raw products from Syria and Egypt, now thoroughly opened up
;
moreover
the oath of Pharnaces hints at attempts to destroy the democracy and finally we now hear of Scythians making attacks upon the city or at any rate its possessions no doubt the coast tribes were being pressed on by Sarmatians behind them. With these Sarmatians accordingly the Chersonesites established friendly relations, so foreshadowing the Byzantine expedient of using distant tribes to make diversions against nearer ones (p. 539) this seems the foundation of the story of Amage queen of the Sarmatians, said with a force of 1 20 horsemen to have defeated and slain a Scythian king hostile to Chersonese''. But this policy was not permanently successful. Our one clear view of Chersonesan history, the story of the campaigns of Diophantus in the last decade of the second century, shews us the Scythians and Tauri united under King Scilurus, and the Rhoxolans, a tribe of Sarmatians, ready to assist them. Scilurus, who has taken the Fair Haven, Cercinitis and the Forts, has built NeapoHs, Chabum and Palacium and is at any rate suzerain of Olbia, about this time leaves to his son Palacus a united sovranty and the prospect of adding :
;
Chersonese to his dominions^ losPE.
IV. 87: Mat. XII. PI. IV. V. p. 545, n. 8. Polybius, xxv. 2 (xxvi. 6). This alliance put an end to a long war in which Pharnaces had seized Sinope and tried to extend his kingdom. It is not clear which side Heraclea took in this, whether she supported Pharnaces against Bithynia that had lately seized most of her territory or joined with her late enemies to resist the encroachments of a new one, whatever her policy she was '
-
probably supported by Chersonese Mithridatt\
p. 41
:
;
.Schneiderwirth,
v.
Th. Reinach,
Das
Potitische
Heraklea, II. p. 17. App. 17'' = BCA. XLV. p. 23, No. 1 gives the oaths interchanged by Pharnaces
and the
city:
I
am
specially grateful to Professor
Latyshev and Dr Loper for sending
me
this
new
find before publication.
Polyaenus, viii. 56, it seems to fit in here, See the inscr. of Diophantus, Appendi.x 18 = losPE. I. 185, cf IV. p. 278, Uitt. Syll? 326, also losPE. iv. 67, further Strabo VII. iii. 17, 18, iv. 3, 7 Justin xxxvii. iii. i, xxxviii. vii. 3: the clearest account is in Th. Reinach, Mithridate, p. 61 sqq. ^ *
;
J
Barharia7i Pressure.
XVI
Diopha?itus
519
I
The Hosporan kingdom was in equal danger. The Chersonesites called in from beyond the sea. lately
Helj) was to be had only
Mithridates VI,
who had
On
assumed the government of Northern Cappadocia (Pontus).
their
entreaty he sent Dioj)hantus of Sinoj)e the son of Asclej)i()dorus, giving just the help his ancestor Pharnaces I had promised in his oath. This commander, who seems to have urged the expedition, appears to have .spent four years almost continuously in the Crimea, j:)robably from iio to 106 n.c. know that the conquest of some Scythians was the first exploit performed by or rather for Mithridates, and Diophantus is understood to have written an account of the country and of his campaigns {\\ovtik6.) which is quoted in a work on the Red Sea by Agatharchides used by Artemidorus, who wrote in Now Mithridates only returned from his wild life and succeeded to 104 15. c' power in 1 1 1 15. c.', so he could scarcely send help before the following year''. Diophantus then crossed the Euxine with a fleet in the summer of 10. His first measure was to make a passage with his whole army over to the other This I take to be the making of the mole across the side (Inscr. 1. 6). and the building harbour^^ that is rather a bridge across to the North Cape of a fort (which he called Eupatorium) to secure the harbour against the pirates of Palacium and to gain free access to the main peninsula so as to turn When he got into the enemy's country he was attacked the enemy's position. by Palacus before he was ready (Inscr. 1. 7), but that merely gave him the occasion to set up in honour of Mithridates the first trojihy celebrating a This put the neighbouring Tauri into his power victory over the Scythians. and he founded them a city on the .spot and settled them together in it. As it was filled with Tauri and naturally in their country, probably it occupied the same site as Palacium on the harbour Symbolon and had nothing to do with Eupatorium by giving it into the po.ssession of the Chersonesites he could secure to them command of the harbour and people that had so long plagued them, and indeed the Tauri seem to have given them little more No trouble, though they were still hostile 150 years later (v. p. 523, n. 2). North writer speaks of Tauri north of the Bay I accurate Diophantus would naturally leave a garrison in his tete-dii-p07it, and it seems as if it was in. his absence that an attack was made on it by the Scythians, who filled the ditch up with reeds which the defenders burnt every night, until the incident may they were relieved by the success of the general campaign
We
i
—
—
:
;
have occurred at any moment in the war". Diophantus, after settling the Tauric question, went off to the Bosporus and reduced it (v. p. 582). Next (probably the following year 109) he returned to Chersonese, took the pick of the citizens and marched into the midst of Scythia (i.e. the Central Crimea) and received the surrender of the royal towns of Chabum and Neapolis and the submission of all the tribes to Mithridates. For this success he received the thanks of the city and afterwards went back to Sinope (Inscr. 11. 9 15). The pacification, however, was not permanent. The Scythians rebelled
—
Mus. xu.
•
Niese, Rheiii.
2
Th. Reinach, op.
(1887), p. 559.
cit. p. 55.
3 Justin puts it well, xxxvii. iii. i, ad regni deinde administrationem cum accessisset, statim
non de regendo, sed de augendo regno * ^ "
cogitavit.
Strabo, Vii. iv. 7. supra, pp. 496, 497. This is .Selivanov's view, op. cit. p. 22, note Strabo, I.e., for other views v. supra, p. 497. v.
3.
Chersonese.
^20
History
[ch.
and in the latter part of the following year (io8) Mithridates sent Diophantus Diophantus with his own force and the best of back to restore his authority. the Chersonesites, undeterred by the approach of winter, set out to recapture the same royal towns of the Scythians, but the season made the valleys impassable and he turned aside to the plains along the coast of the Western Crimea, But Palacus, took Cercinitis and the Forts, and laid siege to the Fair Haven. believing the season to be in his favour, had collected all his own forces and So Diophantus was further brought up the " Rheuxinali " (Inscr. 11. 15 23). obliged to leave to the citizens of Chersonese the capture of the town commemorated in another inscription\ In the battle which followed Strabo (vii. iii. 17) pits fifty thousand Rhoxolans under their king Tasius against six thousand hoplites either Diophantus prevented the junction of the barbarians The event of or the forces of Palacus were reckoned in with the Rhoxolans. the battle had been foreshewn by the Maiden of Chersonese and rendered According to the certain by the superiority of the Greek arms and tactics. accounts none of the barbarian infantry escaped and but few of the cavalry
—
:
(Inscr.
11.
23
—
28).
lost no time in following up his victory. Early in the following spring (107) he marched to Chabum and Neapolis and compelled His next task was the Scythians to flee or to make terms (Inscr. 11. 28 32). This he seemed at to restore the authority of Mithridates on the Bosporus. first to have done without apparently any display of force but the Scythian party of Saumacus the foster-son of Paerisades rose in insurrection, slew the old king and nearly caught Diophantus, who escaped upon a ship sent by However Mithridates seems to have sent help to his general, Chersonese. and Chersonese, exhorted by him, contributed three ships full of chosen citizens, so that in the early spring (106 he set out thence and captured Theodosia and Panticapaeum, punished the ringleaders, sent Saumacus off to Mithridates, and reduced the country to obedience (Inscr. 11. 32 ^44). The net result was that Chersonese became tributary to Mithridates in return for effective protection against the Scythians. So far as we know the city was never again in such danger from the surrounding tribes, but its fate was now intimately linked with that of the Bosporan kingdom. At first the terms granted it seem to have been easy, Diophantus is thanked for supporting the envoys of the city, and it is natural that he should do all he could for a city which had furnished him with such a. valuable />ied-a-^erre and contributed men to the reduction of the Bosporus. In return for these services the senate and people decreed that Diophantus should be crowned with a gold wreath at the festival of the Maiden, and that the symmnamones (v. inf. p. 542) should call aloud this honour that a bronze statue of him in full armour should be set up in the Acropolis between the altars of the Maiden and of Chersonese, and most effectual of all that the decree should be cut upon the base of the statue.
Diophantus
—
:
.'^)
—
;
indebted as they might be to Diophantus, the Chersonesites probably 180,000 medimni of wheat and the 200 talents of silver yearly sent across the Euxine to Mithridates, and according to Still
had
'
ing
to contribute their share of the
losPE. the
IV. 67,
Fair
very fragmentary, but mentionlike the Diophantus
Haven and
inscription set up in the year Lagorinus was king.
when Agelas son
of
A
XVII
Era
Diophafitus.
]
Strabo Chersonese remained "from that time
521
until
now" under
the
rulers
of the Bosporus.
was perhaps rather as a subject of Mithridates than as a daughter and ancient ally that Chersonese sent help to Heraclea Pontica when it was being besieged by Cotta in 72 b.c' though in the disorganization of the Pontic empire which the wars with Rome had brought about, it would have been possible to escape complying with the commands of the king. What part Chersonese played in the final break up it is impossible to say. The darkness settles down again and all efforts to reconstruct the history of the succeeding period have failed. It is however difficult to believe that Chersonese had an uneventful history at this time, or that its submission to foreign kings was continuous. We cannot tell exactly what Strabo or his sources meant by " until now," we It
state
:
are certainly not obliged to take it to mean the last year of his life, c. a.d. 19. Pliny (d. 79), whose information as to these parts mostly goes back to the time of Augustus, says of Chersonese libertaie a Romanis donation (sc. oppiduni), but this may refer to Flavian times"'. That something remarkable happened at Chersonese in 25/24 B.C. we can deduce from the fact that the Era of the city is reckoned from that date. This we may calculate from an inscription relating the restoring of the town walls by the command of "in the year 512 in the iith of the the Emperor Zeno. It is dated Indiction." Zeno reigned from a.d. 474 to 491, and the only ith year of an i
488 a.d.' Considering the disturbed state of these regions and the various uprisings and revolutions which even our scanty knowledge of Bosporan history shews (v. inf p. 589) it is very probable that some fresh start was made by Chersonese in 25 B.C. and even if it were not politically successful, and the Bosporans maintained their hold until after the date of Strabo's death, the new reckoning may have become customary to supplement the clumsy method of eponymous kings or archons\ indiction
is
Memnon,c. XLIX.4. /^j¥G. ni.p. 551. Bosporus and Theodosia also helped, though Machares after^ XH. iv. 85. wards turned against his father. ^ App. 23: the inscr. h'as been published about '
twenty times, v. Bertier-de-La-Garde, Trans. Od. Soc. XVI. p. 45 first by Pallas, Travels in Southern Prov. Eng. Ed. Vol. 11. p. 74, PI. 5, cf. among others L. de Waxel, Recueil de qiielques antiquites, Berlin, 1803, No. 5; E. D. Clarke, Travels, 8vo, Vol. II. p. 213 Boeckh, CIG. 8621 Latyshev, Inscr. Christ. No. 7, with photographic reproduction. Two questions have been specially debated whether ;
;
;
;
the
number
The
of the Indiction
is
1
1
or 14,
/A
or
that to be the date of the Liberation of Chersonese, mentioned by Pliny. The other question was inscr.
belonged
to
Chersonese
at
all.
One Consmtry {Voyage dans 1831,
I.
pp.
268—269,
la Afacedotne, Vaus, according to B.-de-La-G.)
gives It as from Thessalonica. General Bertier-deI,a-(iarde (I.e.) discusses the whole subject, shews pretty clearly that the reading
M.
is
/A and
Sympheropol probably
in 1794,
and Waxel certainly
Cousinery cannot have seen it at Thessalonica less than forty years before he wrote Hablitz said it came from Chersonese. his book. 2. There is no way by which it could have been brought from Thessalonica to the Crimea 3. CouHe 4. sinery is trying to prove an absurd theory. says it was kept in Esky Dzhuma in Thessalonica in the cellars there are no cellars in that mosque and never have been. 5. Cousindry made corrections "^ '^e Byzantine spelling if allowance be made for these, his errors can be traced to his having used The evidence of a man of 84 q\^,\^^ and Waxel. „.riting about what he could not have seen for 40 yg-^^s cannot be set against that of intelligent in
so
1797,
:
:
I
.
would give the date as A.n. 490/1 or 475 6. This last was adopted by Boeckh, who accordingly fixed the era at 36 B.C., and thought latter
whether the
disposes of Cousindry by the following arguments, Pallas saw the stone in Hablitz's possession at i.
Waxel and
Clarke, period that I)r Richard Harnett {Ent^r, Hist. Rev. Jan. 1897, Essays 0/ an Ex- Librarian, p. 129) would refer the story of t;ycia, v. inf. p. 528, assigned by Const. Porph. to jj^g ^eign of some successor of Constantine 1, late jj^ ^j^g j^-^ij century A.D.
observers like Pallas 4
^
is
just
to
this
for ever
66
—
;
Chersonese.
522
Roman
History
[ch.
Period.
At least from the time of their rendering assistance to Heraclea Pontica Their the Chersonesites had to reckon seriously with the power of Rome. poHcy, whenever they were sufficiently free to have a policy, was to use Rome to free them from Bosporan sovranty or protect them from Bosporan ambition, but to snatch any opportunity when Rome was occupied to recover indeEven if pendence, sometimes by the risky method of alliance with Bosporus. we had the history of Chersonese we should scarcely follow all the turns of such delicate steering, and it is hopeless to reconstruct the course of events One from two or three fragmentary inscriptions and some enigmatic coins. stone' bears part of the name of King Aspurgus of the Bosporus (8 B.C. So 38 A.D,), but we do not know in what connexion he was mentioned. a citizen is praised for having headed a successful embassy to King Polemo, but whether the first (14 B.C. 41 a.d.) we cannot telP. ) or the second (38 Nor can we say what services Cornelius Pudens rendered to the city to earn
—
—
him proxenyl Most tantalizing of
all is an inscription about a kind of Chersonesan hero of it comes back from abroad, encourages the citizens, drives out a tyrant without loss of life, is elected director of the finances, restores the fortifications, collects supplies through his own correspondents, goes on a mission to the Emperor and Senate, and it would seem recovers the city's hereditary liberty finally, on his return wards off an attack threatened by the tyrant and his picked men, apparently by catching his children and working on his paternal feelings. His reward is like that of Diophantus. The lettering shews that the Emperor mentioned is one of the earliest. It does not seem as if the word tyrant could be applied to one of the Bosporans, so that quite a new element appears on the scene. It certainly looks as if the Romans gave help against the tyrant. Nor do the coins give us enough to construct any definite history, although a series bearing dates offers more to go upon than usual. Hitherto the coins had mostly borne the names of magistrates. All the dates have been collected by Bertier-de-La-Garde^ the result is they fall into two divisions, in the former every year from 70 to 78, i.e. a.d. 46 to 54, is represented. Then there is a gap, and the next division has the numbers 103, 104, One of the 109, III, 120, 131 and 158, so stretching from a.d. 79 to 134. former division and four of the latter are of gold, including the last (PI. iv.
Protogenes\
The
;
The coins have most of them a monogram (iTap^eVou, v. p. 549), and 25). further, there occur upon some the legends BACIAEYOYCAC and EIPHNHC Finally, we have a last series with the word EAEY0EPAC, evidently later than the date-marks. Bertier-de- La-Garde argues that the first division from a.d. 46 to 54 runs from the accession of Cotys I to the death of Claudius, and represents a time during which Chersonese was practically independent. This free position
CEBACTHC'.
»
3 ^
^
losPE. losPE.
IV. 147.
2
IV. 69.
*
losPE. losPE.
and agrees with
and App.
UapQivov perhaps it is the same on the coins, for on them the Maiden's figure appears. Oreshnikov, Num. Misc. Ii., comes to this view independently.
Trans. Od. Hoc. xvi. p. 65. occurs in Inscriptions,
'Qaa-ikfvovcras
i8^ = noi'riKa, p.
IV. 91.
IV. 68.
e.g. IV.
;
70
314,
I
;
XVII
Dated
Rome.
]
Aj
Coins.
Todor
523
was probably gained during the struggles of Mithridates VIII and Cotys for It may have been convenient to the Romans to the throne of the Bosporus. acknowledge it, and if Pliny was up to date this may be the freedom he means'. The interruption in the series of dated coins goes from a.d. 54 to 78, beginning with the accession of Nero, whose vigorous foreign policy finally insisted on his head appearing on the coins of Cotys, and ending with Vespasian's reign. In the early part of this {)eriod we know that Rome, through Ti. Plautius Silvanus, helped Chersonese against the Scythians". In 6 6 A.D. the Jewish King Agrippa speaks of the Crimea as being held by a "Roman garrison"', and Chersonese was no doubt one of its stations the detachment there being under a centurion according to a tile from Aj Todor'. In the latter part of this time the Chersonesites set up a statue to S. Vettulenus :
Cerialis, legate of Moesia'.
But we cannot say that Chersonese was quite free of Rome during the though some relaxation may tally with the second period of dated coins wars and the Dacian preoccupation of the central government therewith during the reigns of Domitian and Trajan, it was still advisable for the city to honour the legate of Moesia with an inscription": also the heads of Apollo on the coins have a curiously imperial look, and the phrase EIPHNHC CEBACTHC (PI. IV. 23) seems the Roman PAX AVGVSTA finally, we have the evidence of the coins and bricks found at Aj Todor, the ancient Charax, a station on the south coast of the Crimea west of Jalta". Here everything points to a vexillatio of the Ravenna fleet, some 500 men, as in occupation through the reigns of Vespasian and Domitian, and later the establishment of a vexillatio of the Moesian fleet from Trajan's time to Gordian's. We may suppose that when the Dacian trouble was over the Romans in due course again turned their attention to Chersonese, just as it :
:
'
For the significance of a gold coinage
Mommsen, R. 2
App.
I
Staatsrecht. =C/Z,. XIV. 3608
III. 1.
23,
i.
p.
of.
712.
Scytharumquoque
rege(m) a Cherronensi quae est ultra Borustenen, opsidione summoto. This is dated after 62 A.D. when the vth legion was sent from Moesia to Armenia. Rostovtsev, BCA. XXVii. p. 55, No. i, thinks the physician Vedius Threptus, perhaps the freedman of some distinguished Roman serving in this campaign, was slain by the Tauri at this time the lettering seems early enough. ^ Josephus, B.J. Il.,xvi. 4, v. A. von Domaszewski, Rhein. Miis. 1892, p. 207, "Die Dislocation des romischen Heeres im Jahre 66 n. Chr." ^ v. n. 7, Rostovtsev, Klio., II. p. 93, Per L.A.C. centurionem leg. I. Italicae praepositum Vexillati|
onis Moesiae inf. "
losPE.
^
S.
I.
197.
Octavius Fronto,
c.
92 a.d.
IosPE.
IV.
93. ' M. I. Rostovtsev, Jonrn. Mitt. Publ. Instr. St P. March, 1900, p. 140, "Roman Garrisons on the Tauric Peninsula" = A7/<>, il. pp. 80—95, gives a particular account of this settlement. 1 1 consisted of a high steep promontory cut off by a brick wall with the outer defence of a ditch some distance beyond. I.e. p. 88; one of the buildings was a hypocaust: to his account R. prefixes a review of the
,
whole history of the Roman occupation and this he has corrected and supplemented in /?C'/i. XXin. I have been xxvii. p. 55, xxxiii. p. 20. i, p. Newer excavacontent to reproduce his account. tions published by him, BCA. XL. pp. 42, with a good plan have revealed a gate in the outer wall " flanked by towers, a cistern or Nymphaeum" with a mosaic bottom, baths and halls, also outside a temple with votive reliefs to various gods (v. p. 546) and inscriptions set up by bcneficiarii at their post commanding important cross-roads cf. Arch. Anz. 191 1, pp. 234—238 Vinogradov, //^rw^j (Russian), VI. (1910), pp. 248 sqq., 278 sqq. A find made in 1904 two miles inland of Jalta consisting of many hundred coins and a few other things offered to the goddess of some barbarous tribe in the hills, shews that a little east of Aj Todor Bosporan influences as measured by the predominance of Bosporan coins over Chersonesan, were in the ascendant, and Bertier-de-La-Garde in treating of it {Trans. Od. Soc. X.KVii. Minutes, 27) suggests that Aj Todor, placed at the pp. 19 point where a transverse ridge reached the sea, was a natural Chersonesan frontier post and occupied as such by Roman troops; they would hardly have chosen it of themselves as a post from which to i
—
;
;
—
command
the
sea,
since
for
advantages. Rostovtsev thinks
this it
it
offered
no
a Tauric oppidum.
66—2
—
Chersonese.
^24
History
[ch.
this time that Arrian was sent on his reconnoitring expedition round They were very likely dissatisfied with the use the east coast of the Euxine. the city had made of its liberty' There probably followed a period of complete subjection, during which the Chersonesites made every effort to obtain a tolerable position, and finally they were given their liberty, that is liberty in the Roman sense, and renewed their issue of coins, this time with the inscription EAEY0EPAC (PI. iv. 26^29). The late date of these coins is shewn by their style, and this is confirmed by their occurrence at Aj Todor associated with Roman coins of the late nnd and
was about
early iiird centuries'. Nor are we left quite in the dark as to what the Chersonesites may have Whatever their actual been doing when the Roman vigilance was relaxed. allies of Rome, and Rome allowed none of her were no doubt they freedom
whereas we have two inscriptions in with the Bosporus do on one the hero honour of is usual offices praised for something done, /cara held the besides having have been an embassy to the legate of His last duty seems to BdcTTTopoi'. allies
to
treat
with
other
states
men who have had
;
to
:
Moesia'. Better preserved and more explicit is an inscription in honour of Ariston, Besides filling the ordinary offices with singular merit and son of Attinas^ rendering special services in putting the finances in order, Ariston twice went as ambassador to Rhoemetalces'^ (131^54 a.d.), each time with success, and On finally spent six years petitioning the Emperor about the city's freedom. The petition was this service he died apparently without being successful. afterwards backed up by the mother state, Heraclea Pontica, and Roman resentment was appeased. The Chersonesites duly express their gratitude in more severe Doric than usuall Meanwhile their relations with other towns are shewn by various fragments of proxenies granted among others to Dia... of Heraclea, Pharnaces of Amastris, a ship-master Satyrus probably a Bosporan, and another ship-master, C. Caius Eutychianus of Sinope\
—
Phlegon of Tralles, Olympiades Lib. XV., quoted by Const. Forph. de Them. II. 12, says that Caesar put Cherson (sic) under his nominee Cotys. As Lib. xv. seems to deal with Hadrian this would be Cotys II (123 131 A.D.) and the experiment would be a possible one on the But we have no reason to reckon part of Rome. Cotys II a special nominee of Hadrian's, whereas Cotys I was put on the throne by Claudius (v. inf. Or it P- 597)) ^"d perhaps it refers to his time. may be a case of the old confusion between the Crimea and the town Chersonese, made this time by Constantine who certainly had "Chersonese" before him, " Cherson " was not literary in the iind '
fr.
20, as
—
century. Rostovtsev in Brockhaus-Jefron thinks that Rome put Chersonese under the Bosporus in order to strengthen the latter for its work of resisting barbarians. ^ For ciuitates liberae see Mommsen, R. Staatsrecht. III. i. p. 655 sqq. ' JosPE. I. Latyshev puts this at 60 196. 70 B.C. and thinks that this man implored the help of Ti. Plautius Silvanus. But for Chersonese Lower Moesia was the only Moesia, so that even after the
division under Domitian, the nearer province would be understood without " Lower,"' and the inscription can quite well be put later, ^
App.
\()
= JosPE.
I.
199.
occurs among the Thracian kings Loewy {Inschr. Gr. of the time of Augustus. Bildh. p. 237, No. 337) assigns the inscr. to this date because of the title of Augustus, -kotl t6v Oedv S^jSaarov, but Latyshev {/osPE. IV. 280) rightly quotes App. 20 = IV. 71, ttotI t6v \6i]ov cf. Deissafjiwv Kai deaTroTuv used of Antonine *
The name
:
mann, p. 264, n. 8. * App. 2.0= losPE. IV. 71. There are mistakes in it and it is obviously a dead dialect, cf. Mommsen, Provinces, '
App.
BCA.
I.
p.
i8='
282 note.
= nofrtKd,
p.
314;
losPE.
IV.
70;
No. 12; losPE. IV. 72. The fate of this last inscription is a real curiosity of Epigraphy its right half has been known since 1S22, it was found in the ruins of Saraj on the Volga, the capital of the Golden Horde, and copied by the Pastor of the German colony Sarepta. So it found its way into C/C (21341^), and Boeckh thought it might come from Exopolis, a town mentioned by XIV. :
p. 104,
Roma?i Garrison
XVI i]
525
In the latter half of the second century we have plentiful evidence of the presence of a Roman garrison at Chersonese. Besides the Greek tombstones with Roman names which always mark date we have many epitaphs oi Roman soldiers and auxiliaries belonging; to regiments known to have been stationed In an African inscription' we have the epitaph in Moesia during- this period'. of a pracpositus vexillationibtis Ponticis apiid Scythia{in) et Taiiricam, and in one from Vaison" perhaps another is mentioned. The head of the detachment at Chersonese appears to have been a centurion (p. 523 n. 4). Two important documents, both belonging to 185 a.d., throw much light on the Roman forces at Chersonese and their relations with the townsfolk. One is a dedication made in honour of Commodus and of b' lavius Se r^^janus
doubt commander of th^ whole garrison, by T. Aur. Secundus Ravenna, trierarch of the Moesian neet\ In the other, the well-known inscription dealing with the T^\o
So sibius ""naval
of the
tr ib. mil. leg. I. Italicae, no
and
military,
Roman
soldiers stationed there".
Interference with the private concerns
go further. However, the city must have prospered, as the remains of a fair sized temple, dedicated to Aphrodite and used up in Uvarov's basilica, seem to of Chersonese could hardly
belong to the beginning of the third century", so far as we can judge from the type of name written on the columns. The usual contribution to the cost of a column was five hundred denarii. On the architrave is chronicled a gift of three thousand, the balance left in the hands of [Aur.] Hermocrates after a year of office as agoranomus. Ptolemy on the Don. The left half was found at Chersonese and published in Mat. xvn. No. 2. Latyshev had not recognised its relation to the other fragment, but his restoration has been well borne out upon the whole. , On noticing the name in CIG. he put the parts together in Jonrn. Min. Pub. Instr. St P. Nov. 1895. The story is of some importance for the causes of the destruction of Chersonese. It is wonderful that a stone should have been carried 800 miles and more. 1 c.g.IosPE.iv. 120, A.i\r.\'\c\.oT, leg. I. Italicae (in Moesia from 69 A.D. B. Filow, "Die Legionen der Provinz Moesien," Klio, Bcih. vi. (1906), p. 27, and united with XI. Claudia before 211); losPE. I. 222, Aur. Saluianus, tubicen leg. XI. ,
Claudiae (v. Filow, p. 66); the names of these legions occur at .^j Todor we have no clue to the date of lulius Valens, /i).r/^£'. IV. 121, as his Z^^. V. Macedonica was in ^Ioesia from 71 to 200 A.D. and again under Aurelian (Filow, p. 64); losPE. iv. 119, Aur. Valens and Ael. lulius, coh. I. Cilicum in Moesia from 134 A.D. Z?C"yi. XXVii. p. 58, No. 2, iM. Antonius Valens, coh. II. Lucensium, in Moesia c. 105 A.D. ib. XXXIII. p. 20, No. 2, M. Maecilius, cho. I. Bracaraugustanorum in Moesia A.D. 99 to Greeks 134, both these cohorts were from Spain. ;
;
;
bearing names such
Tyche
or
losFE.
as, iv.
BCA. 108,
X. p. 22,
No.
i6,
Aur.
M. Aur. Jason must
belong to the same period Aur. Viator (ib. v. 122) seems of the Ilird century. ^ CIL. Viii. 619, cf. Hiippl. 11780 from Makter quoted by Rostovstev, Klio^ li. p. 83. ^ CIL. Xii. 1358, Rostovtsev BCA. XXXiii. p. ;
I
21. *
losPE.
IV. 94,
and
ap. Rostovtsev, Klio.,
11.
p.
85.
App. 2i=IosPE. IV. 81, and Uomaszewski, III. Suppl. p. 2243 "Si No. 13750 cf. Rostovtsev, I.e. p. 86, and Latyshev, Mai. IX. p. 39. For the precise impost see Journal Asialique, Vin. ii. ^
CIL.
(1883),
p. 170,
mscr. of the ^v/rw exacted at I'almyra
/A'rwci- XIX., H. Uessau, "Uer Steuertarif von Palmyra,'' p. 517, Suetonius, Cuius, \o. On the collection of this impost by soldiers in Rome v. 'R.osX.osX.'aZW, History of State-contracts in the Roman .a.d. 137,
Empire, St P. 1899, p. ]2>'< "' Palmyra, p. 96; in Egypt, pp. 210, 212 (tliere is a German Ed.). " Cf. a similar correspondence in the case of Tyras, App. ^=IosPE. I. 3, supra p. 446. ' los/'E. I. 203 210; Tolstoi and Kondakov, BCA. ill. p. 27, Russ. Ant. \\. p. 20, f. 16. No. 9.
—
;
Chersonese.
526
History
[ch.
The
privileges of the city though boasted upon the series of coins issued time did not satisfy the inhabitants and Democrates, the son of Aristogenes, earned praise by paying his own expenses at Rome when going as an envoy for the benefit of the city'. At this period the Doric dialect is no Now also comes in the title Protarchonteuon, forming a longer kept up. transition to the irpoiTtvoiv used by Constantine Porphyrogenitus'. About the middle of the century Chersonese ceases to coin moneyl at this
Legendary Wars with Bosporus.
We
hear no more of Chersonese, henceforth called Cherson, until the In the last chapter (53) of his work on the government time of Diocletian. of the Empire, Constantine Porphyrogenitus^ losing sight of any practical purpose goes off into a digression on the history of Cherson"'. He says that in the time of Diocletian (284 to 303 a.d.) Sauromatus {sic) of the Bosporans, son of Crisconorus (Rhescuporis T), marched through Lazice as far as the Halys, where he was met by a force under Constans (this must be for Constantius Chlorus, and gives a date before 292), who being in a weak position urged the Chersonites to make a diversion. Accordingly the President Chrestus, son of Papias, collected a large force of men and artillery in waggons, defeated the Bosporans by a pretended flight, captured their city with their wives and families and compelled the latter to send to Sauromatus to make peace. Sauromatus, who had meanwhile won more advantages over the Romans, was after some negotiations forced to forgo an indemnity, give up his prisoners and retire to Bosporus, whereupon the womenfolk were duly handed back to him unhurt, and the victorious Chersonites returned home. For this the city received true freedom and immunity and rich gifts.
Constantine the Great when troubled by an invasion of the Scythians (Goths) upon the Danube, remembering the help given to his father, called in the Chersonites", who under their President Diogenes, son of Diogenes, went with their artillery {y^^ipo^o\i(npa.i) and waggons and defeated the enemy. '
^
losPE. losPE.
p. 505,
f.
I.
200.
IV. 105, cf. 86,
epitaph of Gazurius,
v.
339.
to the presence of a Roman garrison at this period v. Rostovtsev in BCA. XXIII. p. I, No. I, publishing a Latin Inscription of about this date mentioning eq{iies) Ron^anus d]ux- per qtia\drienniiim leg."] XI. Cl{audiae). In A.D. 245 the Chersonites were restoring their walls, losPE. I. 211: just the time when the barbarians had subdued Olbiaand Bosporus. A witness to Roman commerce is a square lead weight inscribed Tpiovv*
For guesses as
CR. 1906,
Kiv 'IraXiKuv, *
For the author
v.
p. 80,
f 80.
Krumbacher, Gesch.
Litteratur''', p. 252 sqq. for the book, Byz. Zt. XV. pp. 517 577. ;
*
— TOV
J.
B.
d.
Byz.
Bury
in
TTfpX KacTTpov Xfpo^covos, v. R. Finlay, //ij/. ^(Jr^'^c^, II. p. 350sqq. Gibbon, ed. Bury, II. p. 218. Brandis in P.- IV. p. 2269 says this is all unhistorical and blames those 'i(TTopla
Garnett,
I.e.
;
who have repeated it, but it is probably drawn from some Chersonian chronicle (each incident is dated by the name of an annual president, e.g. (m<^avr)(f)npovvTos koI
Trpwrevovms Seniarov tov Offjuarov),
and represents what the Chersonites believed about their past. Also the story of Gycia is very pleasing, The genesis of the quite worthy of Herodotus. whole is very likely an attempt to explain certain statues existing in Cherson, certain privileges and perhaps the existence of the remains of a great house, ruined and made into a rubbish heap, left in the west part of the town near a postern this is Mommsen's view, Provinces, 11. p. 316, note the whole being combined with traditions of ancient wars against the rulers of the Bosporus and stock stories like David and Goliath and Ali Baba. Kochnc, Chersonese, p. 108, puts this at A.D. 318; Stritter, Mem. Populorian, IV. p. 537,
—
*"
at 327
;
Gibbon,
I.e.
at 332.
—
JVars with Bosporus
XVI i]
527
Accordingly the Emperor summoned the leaders to Byzance, confirmed the former privileges, and presented them with a golden statue (of himself) in royal crown and robes, a charter of liberties for them and their ships, and a ring with his portrait with which petitions to the Emperor were to be sealed. Also he grantetl them a yearly allowance of cord, hemp, iron and oil for the " artillery and a thousand rations to those who served it, " paid until this day to their descendants who make up a fixed number in the corps. Years passed and Sauromatus, grandson of the former Sauromatus son of Crisconorus, sought to avenge his grandfather but was defeated at Capha (Theodosia this is the first occurrence of the mediaeval name) by the president ot Cherson, Byscus', son of Supolichus, and the boundary fixed at Capha at the old frontier of the Spartocids (v. inf. p. 557). After a time another Sauromatus arose and crossed the boundary with great force collected from the tribes about the Maeotis. a The president of Cherson at this time was Pharnacus, son of Pharnacus, who led his army out to meet the enemy and proposed a single combat with the Bosporan king, although he himself was a small man. Sauromatus readily agreed, trusting like Goliath in his height and heavy armour, but Pharnacus had arranged that when he should have manoeuvred his opponent round so that each had his back to his enemy's host, the Chersonites should cry out, "aha." Sauromatus turned his head round at the cry and the scales of his armour opened so that Pharnacus could pierce him with his spear. On seeing their leader slain the host of Sauromatus fled, but the victorious Pharnacus contented himself with drawing the boundary at a line forty miles from Bosporus town, doing no harm to the citizens. In memory of this clemency the Bosporans set up his statue in their city. This was an end to the kingship of the Sauromati in Bosporus. So far the story is not such as to make it impossible that it should have some foundation. Of course we must make allowance for the patriotism of the Chersonites, who glorify the prowess, cunning and mercy of their leaders, and extend the boundaries of the city's dominion. can understand too that a confusion should arise between the ethnic name Sauromates and the proper name derived from it'. Some of the expressions suggest that the enemy of Cherson was not exactly the rightful ruler of Bosporus, he appears rather as the chief of the barbarians about the Maeotis. The state of things may correspond to a time of confusion in Bosporan affairs, when at once there were two kings, one as it seems the representative of the old reigning house, the other of more recent barbarian oric^in. At the time indicated for the beginning of these events Thothorses, and after him Rhadampsadius, seem to have been rivals of the last Rhescuporis, and after this we know nothing of the Bosporus. The barbarian element seems to have got out of hand because In the Romans were busy with internal affairs and the Danubian difficulties. earlier times they would not have allowed real wars between their vassals we may compare the state of things under Pharsanzes, another extra king of Bosporus, who put its fleet at the disposal of the barbarians (v. inf. ;
We
;
p.
608). '
118,
Cf. BoiVko?,
No.
29.
IosPE.
IV.
103;
BCA.
xvni.
p.
The forms in -(7j- are presumably to be referred to the later date of Constantine or his authority. '^
History
Chersonese.
528
[ch.
Gycia. tell the story of the plot made by a avenge his kingdom upon Cherson. Hearing that Lamachus the president of Cherson had a fair daughter named Gycia, the king proposed that his eldest son should marry her and so put an end to The Chersonites agreed but only on the hostility between the two states. condition that the prince should come and live at Cherson and never go back Now at to see his father at Bosporus, and the condition was accepted. Cherson, Lamachus, who was very rich in gold and silver, menservants and maidservants, flocks and herds and goods, had a house taking up four wards it had its own postern in the [regiones) of the city in length and breadth city wall and four towered gates with fair wickets through which each kind of Lamachus gave his consent to the beast went in and out to its own stable. marriage and after a space of two years died, and Gycia was left alone with A year after the death Asander's son, for her mother had died long before. Gycia, not desirous of Lamachus, in the presidency of Zethus son of Zethon of making a display but wishing to keep bright the memory of her father, asked grace of the elders of the city that she might yearly all her life long on the anniversary of his death make a great feast to all the townsmen, their wives, children and households, so that abstaining from work for that day they should dance and make merry in public each in his own ward. In this proposal she was encouraged by her husband who saw in it an opportunity of
Next, Constantine goes on to
Bosporan king Asander
to
:
',
carrying out his treasonable designs against the liberties of Cherson. After the feast he sent a trusty slave to Bosporus saying " From time to time upon the pretext of bringing me presents send me ships and ten or twelve stout young men over and above the rowers. Let them wait at Symbolon and I will send and bring the young men and the presents into the city. Then in the daytime in the sight of all I will send away the young men and they shall hide till dark in the meadow (perhaps the marshes of the Chernaja by Inkerman) and then I will bring them by sea round to the harbour Susa and let them in by my own postern." So they did and in time there were assembled in the cellar of the house two hundred Bosporans, only waiting for the annual feast to burn and slay, the lady knowing nothing of the matter. Now a slave-girl, trusted by Gycia, had committed some fault and chanced to have been shut up in a chamber just above the Bosporans in spinning she dropped her spindle-whorl and it rolled into a hole in the pavement. To reach it she pulled up a brick and through the hole she saw armed men in the cellar beneath, so she put the brick back carefully and sent for her mistress and shewed her the sight. Then Gycia, saying that her offence was foreordained of Heaven (6 ©eo?) that this treachery might be revealed, took her back into yet closer confidence and commanded her to keep silence but she herself opened the matter to two trusty kinsmen and bade them summon the chiefs of the city in a secret place and let them choose out three men furnished with ability, able to keep a secret, who should promise under oath to do what Gycia should ask them, for she must trust them with a matter ;
:
1
Cf.
losPE.
IV. 86, 96.
:
Gycia
XVI i]
529
most weij^hty and of jrreat moment to the state. When the three \W(\x\ came made them swear that when she died she should be buried in the midst of Then she told them of the two hundred Bosporans hidden in her the city. Further she said that they were not to forgo the approaching feast house. but to celebrate it with moderation. So she would first seem tired of it and they likewise would go early as though to bed but really as soon as the prince was put off his guard they should all join and pile wood about the house of Lamachus and prepare covered torches and then stand ready to slay all that should break out thence last of all that she herself should lock the doors and come out to them, whereupon they should put fire to the whole. To this they agreed, and on the appointed day the feast was celebrated with the utmost eagerness, so that they tired early of the dancing and went home. In her own house Gycia vied with her husband in pressing wine upon all, only she bade her chambermaids be sober and herself drank watered wine from a purple goblet but plied her husband withal. So when the citizens appeared weary she made her husband go to rest before the former time this he did gladly but had not dared say so of himself. So all the doors were locked and the keys brought to Gycia who commanded her maids to take her jewels and any precious things they could hide in the folds of their garments. Then she stole from her husband as he slept overcome with wine, locked the bedroom door, went quietly out with her maids from the great gate and gave the citizens the sign to compass the house with fire. So it was burnt with all and everything within it. When the citizens wished to rebuild it for her, Gycia would not allow it but bade them rather make a dunghill of the place where such treachery had been plotted. And the place is called the look out place of Lamachus she
:
;
until this day.
When the citizens saw the infinite mercy of heaven towards their city wrought through Gycia, and that she had spared nothing of her own, in the street of the city they set up two images of brass pourtraying her in her youth and beauty as she was at the time when she saved the city one shewed her modestly adorned, revealing to the citizens her own husband's plot the other in warlike array attacking the plotters. Below these the tale was written and whoever among the citizens wished for the fame of loving fair things would clean the letters and make clear the writing. Now when a certain season had passed and Stratophilus son of Philomusus was chief ruler of Cherson, Gycia in her great wisdom wished to make trial of the Chersonites whether they would keep their oath and bury her in the midst of the city. So she took counsel with her maids and feigned to be dead and her maids mourned her and gave word to the citizens that she was dead and asked in what place she should be buried. Whereupon the Chersonites took no account of their oath, but carried her without the city to bury her. And when the bier was set down at the tomb, Gycia sat up and looked round on the citizens " Is this," said she, " your promise under oath } Is this how you keep your word.'*" Then the Chersonites, shamed by the issue of their own ill faith, prayed her to pardon their fault and to cease from reproaching them. So they swore a second oath to bury her in the midst of the city and this indeed they kept for during her lifetime they set up her :
;
;
:
;
M.
6^
;
History
Chersonese.
530
[ch.
altar-tomb and raised to her yet another brazen statue and overlaid it with gold setting it by her tomb for a yet more sure memorial. This pleasing piece of Chersonian legend does not inspire confidence Sir Lewis Morris was not violating history when he turned in its truth. it into a tragedy and made a few changes to suit his purpose'; only he need not have made the period 970 a.d. after the death of the author who relates it. As we have seen, Dr Richard Garnett (op. cit.) is dissatisfied with the date to which Constantine refers it and rightly points out that neither the names nor the customs still less the general atmosphere suit a presumably Christian town But when he comes to putting it in the latter part of the ivth century. in the ist century b.c. because at that time there was a real Asander reigning in Bosporus he is doing more than is possible. As well fix the date of Arthur or Vladimir from the contents of the ballads without the help of It looks, as I have said, as if the legend had gathered external history. about some dismantled house (perhaps the Monte Testaccio in the west part of the city is Aa/xct^ov o-kottt]) and several statues of women, perhaps a As to religion the tone is vaguely Uap6evo
Christianity.
As
Byzantine Period.
legend has it that preached the gospel here At the end of the first century we find it aTready a place ot banishment fo r C hristians, F lavia Domitilla in 92 ^ S. Clement of Rome in 94? Whatever its foundation, m its final form the story of S. Clement is full of absurdities, he arrives with many companions and finds two thousand Christians working in marble quarries and forced to go 45 stades for a drink of water, the Saint at once reveals a clear spring, and next his preaching daily gains many converts among the townsmen up to This rouses a persecution five hundred, and seventy-five churches are built. as nothing touches the Saint he is tied to an iron anchor and thrown into the sea. His disciples pray for the sight of his relics and the waters stand up to leave a path to where the Saint lies in a shrine and the anchor by him within a church (v. supra, p. 513). It is revealed to the disciples not to remove the body, and each year on the day of the martyrdom the miracle is repeated and this keeps the Chersonites constant in the faith. But the greatest wonder is that once the only son of pious parents who had taken him to the shrine was (for the shewing forth of the Saint's glory) left behind in it, and when the to the introduction of Christianity into Chersonese,
Andre w
^S.
'\
first
;
Gycia: a Tragedy, London, 1886. Shestakov, "Sketches of the History of Chersonese in the vi x centuries A.D." Ft III. of Ainalov's Monuments of Christian Chersonese, Moscow, 1908, takes the same view of Gycia as I do. find that his very full (140 pp.) treatment of Chersonian history brings him to much the same conclusions as I had embodied in my bare outline. His first chapter, "The Beginnings of Christianity 1
^
S. P.
I
—
;
at in
Cherson,"was contributed to Serta Borysthenica honour of Professor Kulakovskij, Kiev, 191 1.
^ Ps. -Nestor, p. 7; cf. S. V. Petrovskij, "Apocryphal Tales of Apostolic Teaching on the Black Sea Shore," Trans. Od. Soc. XX. p. 29, XXI. p. i
Golubinskij, Hist. Russian Chiiicli^, *
p.
Bruttius, Fr. 3 ap. Hieron.
163,
Hist.
says
Rom.
///
Rett.
insulani II.
p.
T
160.
I.
i.
p.
23.
Chroii. Schoene,
2
XVII
Christianity
]
5 ^
i
parents returned next year to recover his body they found him alive and leaping, the Saint having fed and guarded him the while In the time of Diocletian, about 300 a.d., was made a real effort to evangelize Cherson.. nppnrejTt]y_mitiated by Hcrmon, Bishop of Jerusalem, who('1s~Tepreseirted as sendingour~bistiops wlrolesale. It r^tpn vi o lentopposition, the first martyr was S. Basileus and with him his comj)anion S. Ephraim destined for "Turkey," i.e. the steppes. Next suffered SS. Eugene, Agathodorus and Elpidius together. Later Hermon sent S. Aetherius but he was cast ashore off the Dnepr, on the island Alsos since called by his name (v. pp. 16,481, n. 7), and died before reaching his see. S. Capito his successor was sent out by Constantine, accompanied by 500 soldiers under the command of Theonas. He passed unscathed through a furnace, which was counted to him for martyrdom, built a church and baptistery and converted the unbelievers. M. I. Rostovtsev suggests' that the compiler of the legend brought into connexion the arrival of the bishop, the establishment of the corps of ballistarii which Constantine Porphyrogenitus also assigns to the time of Constantine the Great and the existence of the quarter rd ©ewi/a, presumably the military quarter, i.e. the south-eastern extension ABCV. The Chersonites are represented as obstinate Pagans, but Christianity seems to have prevailed by the middle of the ivth century'. Capito, although he does not seem to have attended the Nicene council, marks the regular establishment of the see of Cherson. His successor, Aetherius the Second, signed the minutes of the second council of Constantinople in 381 as " Tersonitanus," and Longinus those of the council of 448 (v. p. 493, n. i). At Chalcedon in 451 it was finally decided that the Bishop of Cherson was subject to the Patriarch of Constantinople. PVanko (loc. cit.) has suggested rather plausibly that the Chersonites affiliated their church to Jerusalem in order to support its claim to autocephaly, as in the time of Hermon, whose date is not far out, the church of Jerusalem was of no great importance. Later on Cherson was advanced to be the seat of an archbishop and finally of a metropolitan. During the latter part of the ivth century Cherson became a regular place of banishment for persons regarded by the Court with disfavour or suspicion, even pretenders to the throne such as Procopius*. This proves that it was not exempt from the observation of the central government. But there is reason to believe that on the whole it was more independent than any other '.
^
For the history of
S. Clement and the miracles shrine v. Menologium Graecum^ Urbino, 1727, Pt I. p. 210; Trans. Od. Soc. IX. p. 134; X. p. 139; and P. Lavrov, Mon. of Chersonese, 11. Moscow, 191 1, "Lives of Chersonian SS. in GraecoSlavonic Literature," pp. i 180. I have 153, 174 not seen Dr Ivan Franko, "S. Clement at Korsun," Trans. Shevc/tenko Soc. Lemberg, 1902 1906 (Little Russian), cf his resume in Archiv f. " Slavische Phil, xxviil. (1906), p. 229, CyrilloMethodiana," in which he expresses disbelief in Clement's ever having been at Cherson and ascribes the legends concerning him to Chersonite hagiographers Gregory of Tours is the first authority for the story, v. Shestakov, op. cit. p. 14 '
at
his
—
—
—
;
and 54
sqq.
Bede knew
it
in
much
the
same form,
RCA.
XXIII. p. 5 sqq. For the seven martyrs of Cherson v. SS, (Bollandi; /)/rtr///, I. p. 639, Mar. 7, and i)/^/7^/(?^/«;« Graecum, Pt ill. Mar. 8; also Trans. Od. Soc. vn. p. 120. Latyshev gives a full discussion and all te.xts in .Man. de TAaui. des Sciences de St P. CI. Hist.Phil. Ser. VIII. T. viii. 3 (1906) and a Russian rendering in BCA. XXIII. p. 108 sqq., see too Lavrov, op. cit. pp. 154— 170, 180— 184. The whole question is well dealt with by Shestakov, p. 17 sqq., who is inclined to allow some foundation of truth in the stories they have a certain interest as being almost certainly the work of Chersonite authors, ^
Ada
''
:
*
Zosimus,
IV. 5.
6y
—
—
History
Chersonese.
^32
[ch.
For instance it is not included in the Synecdemus of the Empire. Proof but what in case of need it received help. Not (c. Hierocles 500). towers and gates by officers repairs done to of the of in the fact is seen of this Praetorian Prefect carried out by a Domitius were Such works Emperor. Modestus under Valens (370 375)', a Tribune Fl. Vitus under Theodosius town
in
— 398) ^
by Count Diogenes under Zeno (488)', by Justinian P; at Bosporus under Maurice in 590 by Eupaterius General a few years previously the Turkish \(n pa.Tr]kaTr]
and Arcadius
(383
—
—
—
;
;
'".
'
^ ^ * ^
BCA. xxni. p. 5, No. 2. App. i2 = losPE. IV. 464. App. 2^ = Inscr. Chr. 7.
P- 71-
'
Procopius, de Aedif. in. 7. App. 7o = Inscr. Chr. 99.
"
A.D. 581,
^
App.
1/^
Menander,
= 1tiscr.
64, FHG. — CR. 1895,
fr.
Chr. Z
Genirale des Monnaies Byzantines, i. Wroth, hnperial Bys. Coins in the Brit. Mtis. I. p. xviii, hardly seems to recognize the Justinian coinage; no specimens are in the B.M., cf. pp. ciii and 43 n. He correlates the end of coinage with the capture by Vladimir, p. liii. ^^ Mansi, Coll. Concil. xv. pp. 64, 65, Ep. xvi., XVII. Shestakov, p. 31, takes him literally. " Gibbon, ed. Bury, v. p. 180; Bury, Later scription
IV. p. 266. p. 88,
f.
225.
Corp. jur. Civ. in. Novella 163, c. ii. * Oreshnikov, " Chersono-Byzantine Coins," Trans. Moscow Nunns7n. Soc. III. (1905), supplements in Numismatic Miscellany Sabatier, De*
;
Mr
Roman Empire, '^
11.
p.
362.
Trans. Od. Soc. xvi.
p. 78.
— XV^II
yustinian II.
]
Cyril
Petro?2as.
53
—
independent than he will allow. Shestakov (pp. 31 35) is less sceptical. The fullest accounts are in Theophanes', and Nicephorus Constantinojiolitanus The later writers (p. 44 sqq.), who used the same source less accurately*. (v. bibliography) merely abbreviate except Constantine Manasses (11. 3988 4100) whose poetical treatment is quite in place. During the reigns of the Isaurian dynasty Cherson was a refuge for the Orthodo.K banished by the Iconoclasts; as such it appears to have made itself more or less independent of the Empire. Several of the letters of Theodore of Studium are addressed to, or speak of, such refugees ^ At the same time it cultivated friendly relations with the Khazars, perhaps it had only changed a distant overlord for a near one. Certainly it is represented as a new idea when Petronas Camaterus, a spatharocandidate, who was sent to help the Khan of the Khazars to build himself a capital at Sarkel on the lower Don, and on his way had occasion to call at Cherson, suggests to Theophilus (c. 834) that he should make himself direct master of the city instead of leaving its government to the president {ttp(ot€voju) with the so-called Fathers of the city. So Theophilus sent this very Petronas as praetor [aTpaTrjyos) and from that day the praetors were sent from Byzance^ This is probably the time when Cherson was made a Theme, the xiith°. About this time the late life of S. Stephen of Surozh (Sudak) tells of a Russian Bravlin making a successful raid on Cherson how he got there is a mystery", perhaps he is a reflection of Vladimir's attack. Towards 861 there came to Cherson, Cyril (Constantine) and Methodius, afterwards the apostles of the Slavs, at this time sent by the Patriarch Photius on a mission to the Khazars, or perhaps to the Slavs under the Khazar rule; they also preached to the Goths in the region called Phulla'. In Cherson Cyril is said to have learned many languages eastern and northern and some have supposed that it was from their alphabets that he supplied the signs for Slavonic sounds which are wanting in Greek, but Taylor" and Jagic" have made it probable that these signs are ligatures from the Greek cursive and that their alphabet was already invented '". Cyril visited the tomb of Clement and took his relics away to Rome, and " Cersona " appears :
566 sqq., Bonn = p. 369, de Boor. Krumbacher, Gesch. d. Byz. Lit.'^, p. 350. Shestakov, pp. 38 42 Theodore Stud. .£^//.
'
p.
'^
V.
^
—
;
i.
31, 48, U. 92.
Const. Porph. de adm. Imp. c. 42 v. p. 542, Bury, Hist. E. Roman Empire., p. 415 sqq. ° Id. de Them. lib. n. ad fin. ® Shestakov, p. 47, cites Vasilievskij, RussoBysantiiie Jnvestif;ations, U. p. 74. " A pun on this word is a clear proof, which has hitherto escaped notice, of a knowledge of Hebrew on the part of Cyril or his biographer; he applies Isaiah LXVi. 19, "I will send. ..unto the nations, to Tarshish, Pu/ and Lud," where has 'tovd and *
;
n. 12; cf.
LXX
the Hebrew '?13 is a mistake for 0-1S, cf Gen. X. 6, Vulg. has African! «
Alphabet,
»
Four Palaeographical
11.
p.
195.
Articles, St P. 1884. not the place to go into the complicated questions touching Cyril and Methodius or the vast literature of the subject. The original authorities 1"
This
is
visit to Cherson are " Ein Brief Bibliothecarius an den Bischof Gaudericus" pubhshed by J. Friederich in SB. d. k. Bai. Ak. Phil.- Hist. CI. 1892, p. 393; "Trans-
which mention the
des
Anastasius
dementis," .^^. iiS. Mart. \\. p.*i9; "Vita Constantini" (O. Slav.), ed.Miklosich and Dummler, Denkschr. d. k. Ak. d. l^V. zti Wien, Phil.-Hist. CI. xix. 1870; the "Vita Methodii " (O. '6\av.), Arck. Geschicktsquellen, xni. 1854, f. Kunde Ocsterr. P. Lavrov mtends an passes this episode over edition of them all: cf. Hilferdmg, l-P'orks, St p. 1868, I. p. 306, "Cyril and Methodius"; L. K. Goetz, Gesch. der S/ave/iaposte/, Gotha, 1897, reprinting Latin translations; V. Jagic, " Zur Enstelatio S.
;
kirchenslav. Spr." in Denkschr. Phil.-Hist. CI. XLVii. (1902) and Arch.f. Slav. Phil. xxv. p. 544, xxviil. pp. 161, 186, 229; " CyriUo-Methodiana" by V. Lamanskij, A. Bruckner, I. Franko also as touchmg Cherson, s.v. Shestakov, op. cit. p. 48: v. Encycl. Brit.
hungsgeschichte
^. ^-
Akad. zu
d.
IVie/i,
;
"Slavs"; Bury, op.
c.
pp.
392—401, 485—488,
500.
— Chersonese.
534
History
[ch.
San Clemente\ The state of Cherson is described as pitiable, sides by new hordes of barbarians, its immediate environs desert, its own population much mixed and decadent. In 891, under Leo VI the Chersonites rebelled and killed the governor Symeon, but they do not seem to have established their independence". The importance of Cherson in dealing with the Bulgars and the Khazars and for missionary effort is brought out in this reign by the letters of the Patriarch Nicolaus Mysticus to Symeon of Bulgaria, to an unknown, perhaps Bogas, governor of Cherson, mentioned in them, and to the Archbishop of Cherson ^ in the frescoes of
surrounded on
all
Intercourse with Russians.
Vladimir.
In the following century the power of the Khazars had declined through the attacks of the Pechenegs, and the Eastern Slavs had been united under their Russian (Varangian) leaders, so that they could throw off the Khazar The Russians descended to the mouth of the Dnepr in spite of the yoke. attacks of the nomads on their flanks and even made expeditions for trade and war across the Euxine. Of all the Greeks the Chersonites came into closest contact with them and their city became a main channel of Greek influence flowing into Russia. Accordingly their interests are carefully guarded in the treaties made by Byzance with I gor (944) and Svjatoslav (972)^ providing that the Chersonites should be allowed to nsh unmolested at the mouth of the Dnepr (near which they had salt-works), and that their land should be left in peace and even protected from the raids of the Black Bolgars however the Russians were to support the Emperor in case of Cherson's revolting. It was through the help of Svjatoslav that a Chersonite :
Calocyrus hoped to become Emperor but failed'. The "Notes of the Gothic Toparch" have been fixed astronomically at 961 A.D. in the reign of Svjatoslav by Fr. Westberg who puts the scene of action to the north of the Crimea, but the author's avoidance of all nonclassical names makes identification of what he is trying to say hopeless^ The conversion of the Russian people to Orthodox Christianity is one of the most important events in European history, and though it was coming about by the direct intercourse of Byzantines and Russians, Christian tombs dating back a hundred years before Vladimir have been found at Kiev',
—
The
have been long by Cyril, but Franko, I.e., prints a form of the legend which ascribes the ^
relics are usually said to
and discovered
lost
discovery to a priest Philip some fifty years before Cyril. Vladimir in 988 also took Clement's relics to Kiev, but then he had force on his side. If we take Bruckner's view of Cyril's character, we might think that Photius suggested to Cyril how to make his mission to the West acceptable by using his stay at Cherson to authenticate relics which were sure to be most welcome at Rome. ^ Theophanes Contin. VI. c. 10, ed. Bekker, p.
360. 3
epp. *
Shestakov, pp. 57 sqq.; ix., Ixviii.,
Migne, P. G. CXI.
chronicle
under
those
years.
Soc.
XXV.
p. 395.
Mem.
Pop. Ii. p. 988 from Zonaras xvi. 27, cf. G. Schlumberger, Un Empereur Byzantin au X" Steele, p. 560 sqq. Publ. l:)y Hase, Leo Diaconus, p. 496 sqq. the whole question is summed up by Westberg, Mem. de VAcad. Imp. des Sc. de St P. CI. Phil.-Hist. Sdr. Vin. T. V. 2 (1901), "Die Fragmente des Toparcha Goticus." I have not seen Kunik, ib. xxiv. (1874), p. 61, Vasilievskij, Jonrn. Min. Publ. Instr. No. 185, who spoke of Moesia, nor Trans. VIII. Puss. Arch. Cong. P. Miljukov, (Moscow), 1897, who suggests of Akkerman, Shes^
Stritter,
''
;
takov, op.
cvi.
Ps.-Nestor's
Longinov, " Treaties of Peace between Russians
and Greeks," Trans. Od.
'
cit. p.
79.
BCA. xxxiv.
Suppl.
p. 169.
Vladitnir
Russians.
XVIl]
535
Cherson certainly played its part in the process, beincr frenerally reiyardcd as the scene of its most dramatic incident, the baptism of Vladimir, hence the building of the great church shewn in the view (Fig. iTy2i) and the necessity of In the Russian Chronicle the story goes that in discussing the question'. 986 A.n. missionaries from the Muhammadan Bolgars on the Volga, the Germans, the Jews (Khazars) and the Greeks came to Vladimir one after another to set forth their faiths, and that next year he in turn sent envoys to In 988 as though see how the faiths were practised in the various countries'". to take Christianity by force he suddenly descended upon Cherson, encamped upon the further side of the town in the harbour, and set about starving as he did not it into submission, declaring that he could wait three years succeed he threw up a bank against the wall (to bring his men on a level with the defenders) but these stole away the earth by a hole in the wall and carried T'inally a Chersonite named Anastasius sent Vladimir a into the town. it message upon an arrow to say that pipes brought water into the town from Vladimir cried out, " If wells to the east of him and bade him cut them off. this prove true, I will be baptized." So the defenders were reduced by thirst. Then Vladimir sent to the Emperors Basil and Constantine demanding their sister Anne in marriage and threatening to do the like to Constantinople. They agreed on condition of his accepting Christianity, and upon this it is Thus Anne set out with much weeping clear that he had already resolved. as into slavery, and with her officers and priests, and the Chersonites met her Then Anne's priests baptized Vladimir, naming him Basil in with reverence. the church of S. Basil (v.l. Our Lady, in the "Life," S. James), in the midst of many of his warriors were also the town where the Chersonites buy and sell baptized. So Vladimir took Anne to wife and by the church his palace and hers are to be seen unto this day. After building a church on the heap of earth stolen from his bank, Vladimir went back to Kiev with his bride, :
;
'
The
principal
original
authorities
for
the
baptism of VHadimir and the taking of Cherson are Ps.-Nestor, Russian Chronicle sub A.M. 6496= .\.D. 988, Laurcntian MS. St P. 1897. This is reprinted by E. Golubinskij, Hist. Russian Ch.'-, Moscow, I9<5i, I. 238, in pp. 225 columns parallel with a "Z//^ t?/ F/<^d?m/r" which agrees with it very closely. lacobus Monachus, Panegyric {Memory and Praise) of Vladimir, ib. pp. 238 245. The Special" Life of Vladimir published by :
—
i.
''
A.
A.
Shakhmatov
at
pp.
— 1072 — 1074
in
"The
Korsun Legend of Vladimir's Baptism," his contribution to the Miscellany {Sdornik) of Articles dedicated by his Admirers to V. I. Patnanskij,S\.¥. II 53; besides secondary 1908, Vol. II. pp. 1029 Lives of Vladimir discussed by Shakhmatov, pp. 1044 1072. Leo Diaconus, X. 10 (p. 175). Anonyinus Bandurii, imperfect at the beginning, reprinted in the Bonn Constant. Porphyrog. III. p. 357, translated with the newly recovered beginning (after Regel, Analecta Byzantino-Russica, St P. 1891) by Golubinskij, op. cit. pp. 248— 252.
—
—
Cedrcnus, II. pp. 443, 444, Bonn. Zonaras, iii. pp. 552, 553, Bonn. Yahyi of Aniioch ap. Baron V.
" Basil Bolgaroctonus," p. 23, Miscellany {Sbornik) of the Imp. Acad, of Sc. St P. Vol. XI. iv. 1883. The discovery of this last has rendered earlier
treatment of the questions concerned out of date. cf. Rosen, op. cit. pp. 194, 198, 215; G. Schlumherger, LEpopt'e Byzantine, 'Pi\\\s,\^<.)b,i<)oo,\'o\.\. Golubinskij, op. cit. 702 end, \'ol. II. sqq. 164; S. Srkulj, " Urei Kragen aus der pp. 105 Taufe des heiligen \'ladimir," in .^;r//.y; 5/rt7/. /'////. XXIX. (1907), pp. 246 281 Shakhmatov, op. cit. and in "Investigations into the most ancient Com161 pilations of the Russian Chronicle," pp. 133 Chronicle of the Progress of the Archaeographic Owwmw//, XX. St P. 1908 S. P. Shestakov, op. c. pp. 82 93, 125 137; A. L. Bertier-de-La-(iarde, "How Vladimir besieged Korsun," Bulletin {Izvestia) of the Imp. Acad, of Sc. St P., Russian Language Section, Vo\.Xl\'. igcx). I have not seen Sobolevskij, Journ. Min. Pub. Instr. 1888, June, " In what year was S. X'ladimir Christened .'" ^ Stories of such disputations were in the air, e.g. the conversion of the Bulj;arian Boris in 864, the preaching of Cyril among the Khazars and the accounts of how they were Judaizcd, but the stories are hard to date, v. J. Marquart, Ost Eur. u. Ost.-As.
—
i
—
Rosen,
;
—
—
StreifzUge, pp.
R.
;
—
—
5
— 27.
;
;
Chersonese.
536
History
[ch.
carrying off thither Anastasius and other priests of Cherson, the reHcs of S. Clement, holy vessels and icons, also two brazen statues and four brazen horses afterwards set up in Kiev, but the town he gave back to the Emperors The Chronicle adds that some said mistakenly that as a marriage-gift {yeno). Vladimir was baptized at Kiev, Vasiliev or elsewhere. Shakhmatov's " Special " Life agrees with this tale in making the fall of Cherson due to treachery and in putting Vladimir's baptism there, but in Vladimir sends to demand the daughter other respects it differs entirely. of the prince of Cherson in marriage, on his being refused with scorn he but collects his forces, takes up his position and makes his threat as before "Vladimir waited six months and the men of Korsun were not starved out: now in the town was a Variag named Zhidibern (Norse Sigbjorn) he shot an arrow into the company of Variags and said 'take the arrow to Vladimir.'" He had written on the arrow that he was friendly to Vladimir and that in two or three years he could not starve Korsun out, "for shipmen come with drink and food into the town and their road is to the east of thine array." So Vladimir cut this road and in three months the men in the town surrendered through hunger and thirst. Thereupon Vladimir violates the daughter of the prince and princess before their very eyes, slays them and gives her in marriage to Zhidibern whom he sends to Constantinople to demand for him the hand of Anne and the end is as in the former version. Bertier-de-La-Garde shews that both these stories are fairly consistent with the strategical topography of the place, supposing Vladimir had boldly penetrated to the head of the harbour, and the shipmen landing somewhere Bay brought provisions to the point opposite the town and in North across the mouth of the harbour out of sight of Vladimir who could not keep the sea in winter, the water pipes are of course well known (v. supra, p. 502): he also shews that both the episodes with arrows are reasonable and supposes a separate cutting off of the provisions and of the water, as is implied by either story separately, e.g. shipmen could not bring water for a beleagured town in fact that the authors of these two accounts knew a common source in which appeared all and more than all the incidents that now fill up two stories, the source being a tale or ballad made up in Vladimir's camp, incorporating the motive of the vengeance of the rejected suitor. The Chronicle certainly implies that the siege took a long time and the "Special" life gives it at not less than nine months, this would enable us to reconcile the date given by the Chronicle, 988, which we may take as that of the beginning of the siege with the date of the capture deducible from Leo Diaconus and defined as between April and June 989. difficulty has arisen because Yahya of Antioch confirms the vaguer accounts of Cedrenus and Zonaras telling of a force of Russians, the origin of the Varangian guard, who were lent to Basil and Constantine and enabled them to defeat Bardas Phocas at Chrysopolis in the summer of 988 and at Abydos, April 13, 989. Yahyd says that (apparently in 987) the Emperors had to apply for help to an enemy, the prince of the Russians, and he demanded their sister in marriage, to which they consented on condition of his being baptized and afterwards (giving time for the affair of Cherson), Basil sent bishops who baptized the prince... and they sent him their sister :... and when the matter of the marriage was decided (not ;
:
:
:
A
:
Vladimir.
xvni]
c^y
Baptis?n
promised bride had been received), the host of the Russians came and joined the host of the Greeks who were on the side of Basil the Russians must have arrived between April 4, 98
:
the summer.
Bertier-de- La-Garde arj^ues that Vladimir would not have without getting a hostage for them in the shape of Anne, this being the main object of his marriage, and that Cherson must have been captured before then, in fact the hostilities against Cherson were the hostilities of which Vahya speaks besides it would be inconceivable that Vladimir should be besieging the Emperors' town just when he was helping them with picked forces. Srkulj (p. 269) has hit on the explanation without making very much of it, when he suggests that perhaps at the moment the town did not belong to the Emperors. There is no direct evidence for this, but its dependence on Asia Minor is the most constant fact in its history and all Asia was under Bardas Phocas. Hence it appears to me an excellent stroke of policy for Vladimir, when the Emperors delayed his imperial bride, to do them a service, and yet remind them of his power by taking a Greek town belonging to the rebel side this would palliate the treachery of Anastasius but would not much lessen the disaster in the eyes of Leo L)iaconus. The hostility of which Yahya speaks was the longstanding hostility of the Russians dating from Askold and Dir, now turned to permanent friendship. The Emperors were then constrained by the pressure of the Bulgarian war and the revolt of Bardas Phocas, to promise a Porphyrogenita in marriage to a barbarian, and brought up to execute their promise by the alarming service of the reduction of Cherson \ Vladimir had no need of a hostage for his \'ariags, who as a matter of fact, never came home as a body, but were quite able to take care of themselves, being for the next hundred years the main support of the Empire, always recruited from fresh Norsemen and later on from Englishmen. He was anxious for the matrimonial project because, though he knew the political weakness of the Empire, its prestige attracted him, and he really thought the time had come to adopt the faith and civilization of the Greeks. in
let his
men go
:
:
The latest authorities have come to believe that however much truth may be in the details of the siege the legend of Vladimir's baptism at
there
Cherson was inserted
chronicle at one of its early remodellings. Shakhmatov supposes that an account of his baptism at Kiev came immediately after the triumph of the Greek missionary which ought to lead up to it (the sending of his own envoys being part of the Cherson story), and it is suggested that the mission was also political to ask for his help against This would be in 986 and could be brought into Bardas or the Bulgarians. agreement with the statement of the Panegyric that he took Korsun in the with it independent sources assert that he third year after his baptism survived his baptism 28 years in all, and his death in 10 15 is well known. It looks therefore as if Vladimir had been baptized at home, at Kiev or Vasiliev in 986, but like Meczisfaw of Poland, and Stephen of Hungary'^ in
the
;
For their unwillingness v. Luitprandi Leg. 350 of the Bonn Leo Diac, and Const. Porph. '
p.
M.
tie
adin. Imp. -
c.
13, p.
Golubinskij,
i.
p.
86 sqq. 132 n.
68
History
Chersonese.
q^S
[ch.
similar circumstances, he kept it quiet for a while until the taking of Cherson and the marriage with an imperial princess gave him a grand opportunity to make the announcement foundation for the story that he was christened at Cherson may be sought in the baptism of part of his host or in the object of it was a desire a misunderstanding of the marriage ceremony to exaggerate the part played by Cherson in the Christianization of Russia. For it was the priests of Cherson that baptized the Russian people in the Dnepr Joachim first bishop of Novgorod was from Cherson the holy and other objects made at Cherson for the Russian market went far and wide, so in
:
:
;
:
many
of the oldest pieces are still traditionally called Korsunian, but this attribution does not rest on a very sound basis except as regards crosses of a certain type which do occur at Chersonese, even with Slavonic inAt Novgorod are two pairs of bronze gates, one pair made at scriptions. Magdeburg in the xiith century and called Korsunian, the other of Byzantine It is possible design said to have been brought from Sigtuna in Sweden. that the names have been exchanged, but even so we cannot be sure that that
The Icon called Our Lady the Byzantine gates came from Cherson'. of Korsun belongs to a type which derives from Italian painting of the xivth century ". Commerce and Diplomacy.
A
Decay.
amount of prosperity seems to have come to the Chersonites commerce with the Russians, for whom were destined a hoard of Novgorod grivnas (bars of silver) found at Cherson ^ and with the Pechenegs to whom they exported silk and other stuffs and ribbons dyed In return they received hides and wax which to various shades of purpled from
certain
this
Their ships then went along the coast of at Constantinople. Asia Minor and brought cargoes of corn and wine and other such products. Without these the Chersonites could not live. Accordingly if the Chersonites were insubordinate, as perhaps in the reign of Leo, all that need be done was to seize any of their ships and cargoes that might be at Byzance, and shut up the crews and passengers in workhouses, to send and do the same by their ships along the coasts of the themes of the Bucellarii (Bithynia), Paphlagonia and the Armeniac theme (Pontus), meanwhile preventing the native ships from sailing across, and for the praetor to stop the allowance of ten pounds sent to Cherson from the treasury and the other two pounds allowed by treaty and retire to another town. For the Chersonites were equally dependent on selling the produce of the Pechenegs and buying the provisions of Asia \ they sold
• Tolstoi and Kondakov, Russian Antiquities^ crosses, pp. 32, t^'},^ ff. 21 36, 23, gates, pp. 33 Kondakov, Russian Hoards, i. p. 33 sqq., ff. 24, 25 where a distinction is insisted upon between the
—
v.,
—
;
elegance of Constantinople work and the heavy oriental style of Cherson. Golubinskij, Hist. Russ. Cli. I. ii. p. 48 strongly emphasizes the Korsun influence on Russian architecture, but in plan the early Russian churches are not like the Chersonian,
^ Kondakov, Iconography of the B. V.M. : the connexion of Greek and Russian Icofi-paintitig with Italian pai?iting of the early Renaissance, St P.
191
1,
^ * '•>
—
—
114. 165, ff. 112 pp- 163 1889, p. 14. Const. Porph. de adin. Imp.
CR.
ib. c.
53
fin.
;
cf.
c. 6.
for earlier times the
Huns
commerce
with Cherso?ia, quo Asiae bona auidus mercator importat, Jordanes Get. v. 37. of the Altziagiri
XV
1
Coimnerce.
1]
Decline
539
Besides the commerce there passed through Cherson most of the diplomatic communications between Byzance and the Fechenegs': and these latter were most important as by keeping on friendly terms with them the Empire could have the advantage of the Russians, Magyars (ToGp/cot) and Khazars, and dearly too did they make the Greeks pay for their services. However the Uzi could be emplo)'ed against the Pechenegs and also against the Khazars, and these latter could be kept from interfering with Cherson by So the system the help of the chief of the Alans or the Black Bolgars. of playing off barbarian against barbarian is expounded by Constantine'^. In 1066 we have a curious story shewing how the barbarians regarded captain from Cherson made friends with Rostislav Vladimirothe Greeks. vich, who was making the Russian principality of Tmutorokan on the east side of the Bosporus too strong, and gave him at a banquet slow poison from under his nail, then he returned and prophesied the prince's death. But the Chersonites stoned him for his pains". With the arrival of fresh hordes of Turkish tribes and the weakening of the Russian power the profitable connexion of the latter with Cherson became difficult and from the time of the Tartar invasion ceased completely. At the same time the declining authority of the Empire (during the Latin usurpation Cherson was Trapezuntine) could no longer afford assistance, indeed, with the growth of Genoese influence in the xivth century, it became hostile to The Italians while feeling their way, dwelt at the interests of Cherson. Cherson and had a consul and even an archbishop there\ but after establishing themselves firmly at Sudak, Caffa and Cembalo (Balaklava) they boycotted the city and even forbade the Greeks to trade there'. It is generally said" that the final blow was struck in 1363 by Olgerd the Lithuanian, who having defeated the Tartars and pursued them into their country, took the opportunity of plundering the poorly defended city', but cannot help thinking that the Korsun meant is the Russian town of that I name not very far from Kiev, and I find that Bertier-de-La-Garde regards this Be that as it may, the inhabitants gradually withdrew incursion as mythical. to Cembalo and Inkerman, but the episcopal see still bore its old name being even raised to the rank of a metropolis, perhaps to resist the pretensions of the Latin archbishop, and the only events recorded are petty quarrels with other sees as to small border villages finally it was united with that of Gothia still called after the few Ostrogoths who had remained behind in the Crimea. Some few people must have remained in 1449 as the Genoese then had a consul at Cherson, but in 1470 there was no one to prevent the Bank of may take 1475 the year of the S. George pulling down the walls. Turkish conquest to be the end of Cherson as a habitation of men.
A
:
We
'
As
Legat. * ^
f.
of old wilh the Turks 43, J-'HG. IV. 245.
v.
Menander,
—
Kaiainzi'n, Hist, of the Russian Empin\ Vol. V. quoting^ in note 12 Stryjkowski, Cliion. Lith. Xii. ii., but the former dates Olgerd's raid in 1332, and Kojalowicz, Hist. Litiinna, Danzig, i6i;o, p. 287, who claims to put Stryjkowski (whom I have not seen) into classical dress, says nothing of Cherson; .Solovjiiv, History nj Russia, says
c.
op. cit. cc. I 13. I's.-Ncstor, a. 1066.
A.D. 1350, Niceph.
Gregoras xvin.
Bobrinskoj, p. 162.
"
* In 1303 he was Richard an Englishman, Trans. Od. Soc. v. p. 980, Baronii et al. Ann. Eccl. Lucca, 1750, XXV. p. 565, A.D. 1333, No. xxxvii. For Italian glass dated 1322, V. p. 515.
*
"
lie
2.
i.,
nothing either.
68—2
—
1 ^^o
Cherso7iese.
Constitution
[ch.
Institutions.
The
Chersonese can only be divined by putting afforded by the inscriptions and eking them out together the scanty hints and its other colonies. The authors tell Megara with analogies drawn from can and see that the names duties of the Yet even so we us nothing. magistrates and most likely the whole spirit of the constitution underwent a complete change in the latter part of the ist century B.C., perhaps under Roman inHuence. Hence we must be very chary of applying to one period political constitution of
data derived from another \
Chersonese was essentially a democracy, and it preserved the forms and Indeed it has something of the spirit of a democracy to a very late period. been claimed for it that it was the only ancient city state which kept essential Yet no doubt it became rather autonomy well into the Middle Ages. oligarchical after its final submission to Rome under the Antonines. Sovranty resided in the People (6 Sa/Aos): but measures brought before it had first been considered by the Senate {d /3ovXa). Every citizen" might Proposals might be made either by private individuals* aspire to the senate. or by officials, occasionally vofjiocfivXaKes \ more often the TrpoeSpoi^ who seem to In earlier times we find the have presided over the senate in Roman times. date of the decree in honour of Diophantus" expressed by the name of the king, which gave the year, of the irpoaLcrvixvoiv and of the ypaiMfxaTev^. It would appear that the TrpoaLavjJivcov was the chief of a college of alcrv ixvar ai corresponding to the prytaneis at Athens with their eTna-raTr)';, and probably holding office for a month. The exact relations of alavixvaTai and irpoSpoL are not clear. The latter may have taken the place of the former whose name was part of the Megarian heritage or they may have co-existed, it being mere chance that the words occur in distinct periods at Athens the iTpoSpoL in some degree superseded the prytaneis. Further in connexion with the senate and people there was a Secretary, ypa/x/Aareus^ :
:
Magistrates. Until quite a late period the heads of the executive seem to have been It is to them that the citizens are to reveal all plots against the Sajjuopyoi Every citizen was eligible, probably there was some limit of age. the city. How many there may have been we do not know. The chief of them appears to have been said SafiLopyelv Tav [TrpcoTJav ap^av^. The word seems '
The whole matter was
excellently treated by Joiirn. of Min. Piibl. Itistr. St P.June, " Epigraphic 'j'] Classical Sect. pp. 35 as to the Constitution of Chersonesus
Latyshev
\x\
^
JosPE.
i.
184,
cf.
BCA.
XLV.
p.
44; iv. 64,
65.
BCA.
Taurica." = BCPl. ix. (1885), pp. 265 300, 524, 525, and I have followed him closely, but the data supplied by the inscriptions mIosPE. iv., especially the Oath, throw considerable fresh light; and also App. 1 8% from Joiini. Min. Piibl. Instt: 1907,
HI. p. 21, No. i; xiv. p. loi, No. 9. App. i8^ losPE. i. 188; IV. 71, 72; BCA. XIV. p. 103, Nos. (11), 12; also losPE. I. 200. App. i?, = IosPE. I. 185, cf. App. ij^ = BCA. XLV. p. 23, No. i. ^ App. 17% 18, i8% losPE. I. (190), IV. (97). * JosPE. I. 196; the word occurs in another
March = noi'TtKd,
\-nscr'\'pt\onv^'h\chg\wesi\\t.cutsiishonoriiin,IosPE.
1884,
Data
:
—
pp.
314
— 331,
where
Latyshev
^
^
•*
= App.
discusses the recent additions to our knowledge, cf
I.
199
BCA. xxin.
it
for the
^
p.
49
sqcj.
App. i6 = IosPE.
IV. 79.
(
19)
;
and
1
have ventured to suggest of App. 17 instead of
damaged wreath
Latyshev's aTpaTayr](TavTi.
Magistrates
Assemblies.
XVI i]
541
have gone out about the middle of the iind century a.d. as it last appears in App. 19 dated by the mention of Rhoemetalces (131 154). whereas in App. 18" dated a.d. 129 130 we find the first mention of Archons' a Trpwro? About this time came the abandonment of the apyoiv and four common ones. No doubt they had perished in common speech long Doric forms in decrees. before, as even the legal speech was impure. In decrees of the later period, e.g. App. 18", the best preserved, we find the chief archon sealing next after the Maiden Queen, the rest of the first two columns {(niy^oi) are taken up with thirteen names of prominent citizens, perhaps ex-magistrates, several of them belonging to the same families in the last column we have four other archons, three nomophylaces, prodicus and secretary. The chief archonship to
—
—
;
could be held more than once". np(sir(xpyovrtvijiv,
and from
that, as
I
Gazurius (p. 507, f. 339) is described as have said, it is but a step to the irpcorevcov
of Constantine Porjjhyrogenitus. called a-Tpar-qyoL, Praetors (v. p. 543), and TTpwTivoiv has the wider meaning of "being a leading citizen"." On a seal (p. 543), it seems a real title. There must have been Strategi in ancient times, but the sixth wreath of Agasicles (App. 17) is doubtful. The administration of justice was in the hands of the citizens who swore to judge according to the laws. There were magistrates called irpohLKoi who must have had to do with the course of justice, perhaps as at Corcyra they were representatives of the senate in legal affairs \ The vop.o
aTe(l)avrj(f)opaji'
The Byzantine Governors were
We
;
;
:
A
no doubt that of the Maiden, is named in dating decrees'". There were also Tapiat tcjv Upo)v who were to defray the expenses of erecting a statue to Diophantus and the inscription to Syriscus". With the priests are coupled in several inscriptions the Kings whose office was no doubt purely religious'". That they were eponymous we know priest,
In losPE. IV. 65 the word is only conjectural and not convincing. - e.g. losPE. I. 196. ^ irpfo-pivTtpos TToXftoy was probably a purely coniplimentary title, losPE. i. 202. * App. 18", 20, and losFE. I. 196. ° App. 18% 19; BCA. III. xiv. p. p. 21, No. I loi. No. 9; xviii. p. 114, No. 23. « losPE. I. 203. ^ Makhov, Bull. Taur. Rec. Com. XLViii., sup•
poses that the astynomi were responsible for the coinage as well as the amphorae. also Hovtiku,
*
cf.
*
losFE.
I.
200,
620, n. 5) think
;
15,
311.
Uemocrates, son of Aristo-
and Poland, p. 28, (v. inf. him a public overseer of societies. '" App. 18*, losPE. i. 190, iv. 70; cf. also App. 17, 19, losPE. IV. 86, 87, 92. n losPE. I. 184, cf. nCA. xi.v. p. 44. App. 15, losPE. IV. 87, 88.
genes; Ziebarth, p.
p.
'''
p. 170,
.
Chersonese.
^^2
Constitution
[ch.
After a reorganization in the last from two inscriptions of the same year'. half-century b.c, the fruits of which we can trace in the coinage also, human kings no longer appear and we find the Maiden named as Queen in decrees 18'') and on coins. This change it is hard not to bring into (e.g. App. connexion with the establishment of the Chersonesan Era 24 b.c. both on coins and decrees, as the date according to that era is associated with the
words l3aaLkevovaa
was the
first to
As Queen
\J^.
the goddess
seal decreesl
only appear as crowning Diophantus and others whom the city honoured, proclaiming their deeds at a festival and writing them in Latyshev takes them to be like lepo[xvdixove<; and thinks that they stone. came into the matter because of the religious character of the festival,
The
crvfjifjLi'diJiove<;
whereas Th. Reinach calls them greffiers publics, which would seem rather to correspond to ypafxixarev^, and indeed p.vdiia)v seems to be the old Doric equivalent for ypa/x/iaTeu? surviving from before the time of writing ^ at least those at lasus*, Halicarnassus and Salmacis^ and Gortyn seem to have been "living archives" especially as regards land such a function would be closely We may infer that the allied to the proclamation and registering of decrees^ called the avp.jxvdp.ove
a
fJLvdfJLCjJV^
There is no need to do more than mention the i-m^^kr^Tai who allotted the fields*; or who saw to the building of walls': the same word probably occurs in the tantalizing inscription which also mentions a tyrant, and the citizen who was elected [xeLpoTovr)Odi'". In the same inscription is named a rafxla^, the regular treasurer. |
Byzantine Government.
The
organization of Cherson under the Byzantines is nowhere clearly Until the time of Theophilus it was under its own TrpcoTtvayv koI The aTpaTrjXdTrjs koI Sov^ aTe(f)ai'r](f)opa)i>, assisted by the City Fathers'". Xep(riopo<; of Maurice's inscription at Bosporus" may be regarded as a military commander sent to help against some special attack of barbarians. The expeditions of Justinian II were probably much like that of Theophilus, reasoned attempts to subject Cherson more directly, and officials were Its freedom was saved by the ensuing nominated for its government. described.
'
\S, /osPE. IV. 67; cf. App. 17% IV. 77, 80. Oreshnikov, "Coins of Chersonese &c." JViem.
App.
^
V.
Ct
I.
I.
Tolstoi, Jouru.
losPE. losPE.
II. pp. 13, 14, instances coins of Byzantium whereon goddesses appear holding magistracies, cf.
*
Zt /. Nuvi.
"
BCA.
''^
Const. Porph. de
Misc.
IX. (1882), p.
(Wien), xxvii. (1896), '^
*
losPE.
I.
p. 27.
184, 185
Mithridate,
p.
147; Numis)natischc Zt.
70,
—
(App. 18), IV. 65 67. cf. Daremberg-Saglio,
s.v.
Mnamones. •'
Ditt. Sj//.'^ 96,
"
PerhapsatMegara, 'E(^.
1.
32
;
10.
'Apx- 1886, pp. 226, 231.
Min. Pub.
Instr.
St P. Feb. 1905, C/. Sec/, p. 72^
IV. 80. I. 202. XViii. p. 114,
'**
No.
ib. IV.
23, iiird
Adm. Imp.
c.
68.
century 42, ovk
B.C. tjv
GTparrjyoi cnro tcov evTfiidfv (Constantinople) (ITTOo-rfXXd/xfi'os', aX\' r]v 6 tcl navra 8iolkS)v 6 Xeyofifvos irpuiTfvwv fifrii tSiv iirovofxa^o^ivwv Ttarepoiv Tr/s TroXfws. ^^
App. yo = /nscr.
C/in's/. 99.
;
XV
1
Magistrates.
1]
Byza?ttinc Officia/s.
Cults
543
It was under a TrpcoTonoXLTrjf; and Tr/awreuotre?, I)iit the Khazar was perhaps the real ruler'. The Dux is again mentioned in a fragment which has been referred to the time of Justin 11'. Theophilus sent Petronas to be the first Praetor raising him two steps from the rank of a (JTTo.BapoKav'^ihaTO'i to that of a Trpo)TocrTTaddpio<;'. This is the regular rank the seals or leaden bullae of eight at least have come of a praetor of Cherson down to us, all of this highest order save one spatharius, but they ranked one is aTpaTr){yo<;) Xe^croi^os Kat /caret '^apdioLTa';)''. last of the aTparrjyoi* We find the names of one or two other maofistrates on seals of Commerciarii or inspectors of customs, five seals have survived, all of spatharocandidati except one spatharius. One man, a spatharius, is
anarchy. tiidun
;
:
:
described as eVt Taiv ot/c(eta/fct>t') Trp(oTevo{yTL) Xepcroi/(o9). The former title designates the manager of the property of the Emperor's privy purse. Whether the office of irpoiT^voiv continued after the institution of praetors it is hard to say, on this seal it looks like an office, whereas when Calocyrus is described as the son of a TrpcoTevwv it would seem to mean merely a leading man". Two of Jurgiewicz's seals are not definitely Chersonian, but appear to come from there, upon one of them we have a spatharocandidate iwl raiv oiKeLaKcov, on the other a protospatharius as a yei't/cog koyodeTr)<; or treasurergeneral. These seals belong to the x-xiith centuries. The different hierarchical ranks are some measure of the relative importance of the offices.
Culls.
In Chersonese one cult predominated almost to the exclusion of every the cult of the Maiden. other She was no doubt in the first place a local deity- the same to whom the Tauri offered their human sacrifices ^ Further she was identified with Artemis, apparently by a series of false etymologies and analogies^ The name Taurica suggested TavpoTr6\o<; and ravpo) her dwelling in the mountainous belt may have brought to mind, Oriloche": the bloody rites of her sacrifice recalled those of Artemis Orthia at Sparta. Herodotus (n*. 103) identified the Tauric goddess with Iphigenia, who was and was not Artemis Brauronia. Hence a confusion in which mythologists
— —
:
Theophanes, p. 570, Bonn Nicephorus C politanus, p. 46. JiCA. xviii. p. 121, No. 37. '
= 372
de
Boor;
—
'^
^
For
a table of these orders
v. J.
* cf. Const. Porph. op. cit. c. 53, p. 251, Bonn, tovs 8« tovtwv n ponrevovTas. The native goddess referred to on p. 523, n. 7 was milder, seeming only to have received the jawbones of domestic animals as meat-offerings. '
B. Bury,
"The
Imp. Administration System in the ixth Century," ^.22, Ihit. Acad. Suppl. Papers, I. iqw ci. H\rschfeld, " Die Rangtitel d. rom. Kaiserzeit," SB. Berlin Akad. 1901, p. 579 sqq. • PhilotheOS, KXijropoXdytof, ap. Bury, op. cit.
*
\
" Schlumberger, G., Sigillographie de f Empire Byzantin, p. 235 sqq., repeated with additions by Ct I. I. Tolstoi, TRAS. St P. n. (1887), p. 28 sqq., :
cf.
Jurgiewicz,
7^rrt//i. Or/. 5"(7^.
XIV.
p. I, Pi.
I.
XV.p.41 XXI. J//«7//(7j,p.39: Tolstoi and Kondakov, Russian Antiquities, iv. pp. 4 7, ff. 4 6; K. M. Konstantopoulo, )iv(. MoXv^So(3oCAXo in Svoronos, Journal Intei'nationul d'Arch. et de Numisni. v. Nos. 120, 121 IX. No. 118*: BCA. XX. p. 25. ;
—
;
III. p.
s.v.
Bp'iv/xoi'ia,
;
'\(f)iy(Vfta,
—
'Op6la,
— 1409;
'Op(TiXo)(r),
riapdevos,
Harrison and V'errall, Myths and Monuments of Ancient Athens. o'^.y^i, 404; Farnell, Cults, 11. p. 452. Orcshnikov, op. cit., p. 9, vehemently objects to the Maiden being called Artemis; I should have done better to avoid the
TavpoTToXos, pp. 1375
pp. 137, 138, 147.
PI. HI.
Artemis and the Taunc Maiden v. Artemis ^ 15, i. p. 585, and Parllieiios, 1661 also Wernicke in P.-\V. s.v. Artemis,
For
Roscher,
—
name. v.l. Orsiloche in .Amm. Marc. XXII. viii. 34; Ant. Lib. 27, citing Nicander, who gives Iphigenia the name 'Opo-(Xo)(.fia.
"
cf.
Cults
Chersonese.
544
[ch.
The whole
story was brought into artistic shape and popularized byChersonese, without troubling about origins, they acquiesced on coins she is the huntress with bow and in their Maiden being Artemis Three attitudes may go back to hunting boots. spear, short chiton and early for such dependence standing over artistic statues though the coins are a deer and driving a spear into its neck from behind (PI. iv. i6, 27), sitting and looking at the point of an arrow, perhaps with her deer beside her (PI. IV. 8, 9), and kneeling on one knee with her spear laid down by her and holding a bow in her left hand (PI. iv. 14) lastly we have what appears to be her cult image, perhaps the ^oavov of which Strabo speaks (vii. iv. 2) she stands as though casting her spear with her right hand, while the left is outOn her head can be distinguished a mural crown stretched with the bow\ which re-appears on coins bearing her head alone (PI. iv. 17): that is she also did duty as city-goddess, as Demeter may have done at Olbia': it is in this aspect that she encouraged Diophantus and his army (App. 18, 1. 23). Mela (11. i. 3) calls Diana the foundress of the city and the chief festival in Her altar was on the acropolis the religious year was that of the Ylapdeveia. and no doubt her temple too with its irpovaov in which decrees of honour Near it was an altar ras 'Kepcxovdaov, who must have could be set up^ been rather the local nymph than the Tyche of the city the gender seems to rule out a Hero Chersonesus whom Oreshnikov* sees on certain coins and a bas-relief: perhaps the Nymphs' cave mentioned by Mela (1. c.) belonged to A cave called Parthenon is mentioned as the refuge a nymph Chersonesus. Basileus^ of S. On coins besides the heads with mural crowns we have other heads that may be considered to exhibit Artemis (e.g. PI. iv. i 5, perhaps 2 and 4 might just conceivably be Apollo). Also the figure of a deer must be referred Lastly the Victory which appears driving a quadriga (PI. iv. 6) or to her". a biga^ perhaps even that standing with a wreath*, must be thought of as an Even without these nearly two thirds of the coins emanation of the Maiden. figured by Burachkov bear the Maiden's image. A very curious case of the citizens' devotion is furnished by an inscription which thanks Syriscus son of Heraclidas for having laboriously written an account (inter alia) of the manifestations of the Maiden and read it aloudl There can be no doubt that if any priesthood was eponymous it was that A dedication gives the name of a priest who had also been of the Maiden. king'", and another, probably that of the same Gazurius who was chief archon". Upon the coins Apollo occurs most frequently after the Maiden. Sometimes it is hard to tell which is meant, but in the later series upon rejoice.
Euripides.
But
in
:
—
—
;
;
;
—
'
PI. IV. 25, 26, 28,
kov, XVI.
1
p. 16, PI. V.
side view: front view Burach-
The reliefs from Aj Todor, BCA. XL. 12 — Honly faintly recall these attitudes.
10.
^
Cf. "ApT-6/ii9 Ti^x'? Tfpao-coi'jV.
^
losPE. IV. 67. Nicm. Misc. H.
*
Roscher.
I.
p.
Coins of Cher." pp. 8, 32. ap, Latyshev, v. p. 531, n.
Cap. 4 of his
the latter looks rather Mithridatic. * PI. IV. 12; B. XVI. 90, 94, 95. Bur. XV. 69. losPE. I. 184 cf. IV. p. 277, giving WiJhelm's
'>
i"
" losPE. "
^
''
mostly upheld by new pieces, BCA. XLV. supra p. 517. App. 15 =/oj/'A\ IV. 83, also probably 87, 88.
p. 87,
p. 44, v.
1628.
^
PI. IV. 17,22,
rtsioraX'xonirom Arch. Epigr.Mitth. arts Oesterreich,
XX.
life,
4.
Other interesting dedications
IV. 86.
ib. IV. 84,
ivth cent.
Apollo.
'S.aiTripixos
:
85, iind cent., Ar;Xios 'AttoXXS TLapBivusL Kar' ivinrviov, the nomenclature suggests p.
16,
No.
2,
a upohovKoi.
;
Btas
Ilapdevov, BCA. xxvii. a priest or perhaps
may have been
The
XVI i]
Maic/e?2.
Other Deities
545
which his bust appears distinguished by the lyre there can, pace Bertierde-La-Garde (v. inf. p. 549), be little doubt'. No inscription mentions him. Athena Sotira receives one dedication, made by a man for his wife (both names are lost). The statue above was the work of Polycrates'. In date this was as early as any dedication to the Maiden and in itself one which we should value specially highly for the name of the artist. Athena's helmeted head, in type like that used by Alexander, occurs on a few coins (PI. iv. 1, 12). In the Oath of the Citizens the Maiden comes just where the patron of the city should come (cf inscription cited on p. 516, n. 6). Zeus, Earth, and Sun are invoked without our deducing thence that they had any special cult at Chersonese, their very natures and offices made them the guardians of all oaths, still less has the mention of all the gods and goddesses of Olympus any definite significance, even the heroes of the land need not have had direct worship paid to them. The only other inscription mentioning Zeus is a dedication of a piece of wall to Zeus Soter not earlier than the imd century a.d.^ Zeus is represented on one coin which bears his head on the obverse and Coins like PI. iv. 24 are thought by Koehne a thunderbolt on the reverse\ and Burachkov to bear Zeus but the head is more probably that of Asclepius'. I(oui) O(ptimo) M(aximo) which instead of D.M. heads the gravestone of M. Antonius Valens, Rostovtsev explains by a combination of the Roman worship of Jove and the Spanish habit of dedicating gravestones to upper deities*. To Aphrodite was dedicated the temple which dating from the end of One the iind century a.d. furnished many fragments to Uvarov's basilica^ coin (PI. IV. 10) bears a type which resembles rather her head than the Maiden's, but it does not seem to have been repeated. 1
In the same basilica that yielded the fragments of Aphrodite's temple were found pieces of frieze with skulls of oxen and goats [}), and swags of ivy*, suggesting that it was to Dionysus that Pasiadas son of Artemi[dorusJ king and priest dedicated it^ One type of coin (PI. iv. 7) with its Janiform head suggests the Indian Dionysus and Ariadne or some one else of Dionysus' train, but it is not less like a bearded Hermes. To Hermes Demoteles son of Theophilus (iind century a.d.) dedicates as gymnasiarch epinicia which take the form of five elegiac couplets inscribed upon a base and containing several new epithets applied to the god, who is prayed to be gracious to all, ocrot k\vtov acrrv to A&jyoou vaiovcriv, an interesting example of the Chersonesites' long-lived pride in their Doric descent"*. He has but few coins which honour his deity: his head appears on some (PI. IV. 19. B. xv. 67, 82, 83, 86, xvi. 119) and on others the caduceus, this is scarcely evidence of an actual cult. Asclepius with or without Hygiea also appears but rarely upon coins '
PI. IV. 23, 25, 26,
loi, 106 -
—
1
28; B. XV.
43— 45, XVI. 99—
14.
losPBl.
IV. 82, V.
supra
p.
295, n. 12.
BCA.
xxvii. p. 39. * Giel in TRAS. vii. PI. Xix. No. 35, a thunderbolt occurs as a countermark on a few other coins, •'
losPE.
e.g. PI. IV.
202,
cf.
13.
the coin described in BCA. xvi. p. 59, 11. /3, cannot judge; it is said to bear busts of Zeus and "
I
I.
Of
Artemis and
M.
EIPHNHC CEBACTHC
effaced.
«
BCA.
^
losPE.
"
Von
Mat.
xxvii.
No.
p. 38,
2.
203, V. supra pp. 295 and 525. Stern, Od. A/us. Guide, p. 79, No. I.
xii. PI. iv. 2, p. 19
;
losPE.
i
;
iv. 87.
Dionys[us restored in PCA. XViii. p. 14, No. and on an altar (.') at Old Cher., Mat. xil. p. 57, and Dionyjsia, losPE. I. 184, are very risky: AIONYCOY scratched on a cup, BCA. il. p. 24. '•'
1
23,
'"
Latyshev, >«/-«.
1907, Class. Section, pp.
.)////.
Publ.
Instr.
261— 265 = novT«a,
St p.
69
P.
311.
(PI.
Cults
Chersonese.
546 IV.
29,
probably
24;
B.
restoration of one inscription',
115
xvi.
—
[ch.
According to Latyshev's in which complimentary physicians' services. But there is 118).
he had a temple
decrees were set up perhaps in return for a bare possibility that we have to do with a name like Asclapiodorus. Many coins exhibit Heracles or his symbols, the lion's head or the Inasmuch as the mother city was Heraclea, and Chersonese may itself club. have been a Heraclea, it is no wonder if there was a cult of Heracles. But It may have but suggested his appearance on coins does not go for much. the name of the city or it may have been mere reproduction of types The most usual head is Alexandroid". specially common about the Pontus. The Dioscuri appear on a bas-relief and on coinsl The altar rots Xepaovdaov (App. 18, 1. 52) and Mela's Nymphs' Cave have already been mentioned. I cannot admit as evidence of any cult at Chersonese the sherds with two or three letters or a monogram scratched upon them such as HP or HPA, Al, AAMA, AIM, A0A, API, APT, for these are the first letters of men's names as well as gods' even CCaJTH begins some human names. It may be no mere chance that ten in von Stern's collection bear HP or HPA but these are :
common enough
initial
At Aj Todor
combinations
(v.
361).
p.
523, 7) were inscriptions and reliefs dedicated to " the Thracian Riders," Dionysus, Mithras, Hermes, triple Hecate and Jove, (on another site) Artemis, also a cistern inscribed N]ymph[aeum the temple being outside the wall was accessible to others beside the Roman garrison\ (v. p.
n.
;
Kalendar, Literature and Athletics.
We
know four months of the Chersonesan Kalendar, Dionysius, Heracleius, Lyceius and Eu[cleius]. Save for Heracleius, perhaps derived from Heraclea Pontica, they bear out Latyshev's guess that Chersonese used a Kalendar like that of Megara and its colonies, Byzantium and Chalcedon^ Of literary activity in Chersonese our only specimens are one or two metrical epitaphs of which perhaps the less said the better^ and the hymn to Hermes. do just know the name of one Chersonesite writer Syriscus crowned for celebrating the Maiden's wonders but it seems they had to go to a stranger for any statue which should be an ornament to the city. Still their Doric traditions saved them from falling into the inflated style of the Olbian decrees'. The tale of Gycia must reproduce Chersonian tradition, and a good deal of the hagiographical literature to which reference has been made was doubtless written in the city.
We
As in lists 1
at Olbia, so here
we have evidence
of victors in running both
losPE.
I.
of the survival of athletic contests*, long and short distances, throwing the
189.
20; B. XV. 46—53; also a beardless type that may be Heracles, PI. iv. i8; B. 54—57; lion's head, PL IV. 10, 21. The club is very common. ^ CR. 1903, p. 28, f. 25; Oreshnikov, Num. Misc. II. "Coins of Chersonese &c." p. 31. 2
PI. IV. 9,
Arch. A71Z. 1911, pp. 234—238 citing M. I. Rostovtsev BCA. XL. p. i sqq. PI. i— v, "The Sanctuary of the Thracian Gods and the Inscriptions of the Beneficiarii at Aj Todor."
5
App.
BCA.
cf.
18,
17"
XXiii.
p.
Congress, Odessa, pp.'4o, 319. "
No.
*
/<5j/'£'. iv. 108,
iv. 70, 95 Trans. Vlth Russ. Arch. 1886, Vol. il. p. -jo^novTiKa,
1
:
10, 136,
149
;
^C4.
Xiv.
p. 107,
p. iii, No. 25 ; xxxiii. p. 48. 17 /^j/'is. I. 200 alone approaches them. ;
''
I. 228, better IV. p. 282 ^Cy4. x. Jonrn. Min. Publ. Instr. 1907, Ci. 26i=noi'riKd, p. 311.
«
/^^P^".
No. 14 p.
and i8% losPE.
61
;
;
p. 20,
Sect.
2
:
Kalendar.
XVIl]
Games.
Literature.
Coins
547
and ayKuXo/iayta which one would like to translate In honour of the victors we have the beginning words of each line of an elegiac epigram which we need not regret. More interesting is a fragment' which seems to tell of contests of trumpeters and heralds and of an epigram written by one Marcus. All these inscriptions arc shewn by the names^and the grammatical forms {aKovriv) to belong to late Roman times, at least the third century. They justify Pliny's praise when he says that in the whole
javelin, boxing, wrestling ju-jitsu.
region the Chersonesites kept their Greek civilization specially
bright'-'.
Plate IV.
Coins.
Koehne in his book on Chersonese and later in MK. and recendy General A. L. Bertier-de- La-Garde have done most to bring the coina^re of Chersonese into order. The latter divides its numismatic history into three periods, which he has tabulated as follows" I. Independence, from middle of ivth century to middle of ist century B.C. /4^ and /E. Nos. 1—22.
Autonomy,
II.
from middle of
Types chief, Artemis, Heracles rarer, Pallas, Hermes, Aphrodite, and Zeus many secondary, bull, griffin, lion, deer, Nike, etc. :
|
XEP I
Types: Apollo, Artemis;
Roman
to
middle of /E only.
One
Liberty,
century A. D. Nos. 26—29.
llird
of magistrates except
once
;
upon the
rarer,
at
end
XEPCONHCOY.
earliest.
Zeus,
Heracles, Pallas
and Nike:
secondary, deer, eagle, caduceus.
XEP.
—
III.
XEPJ
Names
1
N
once at beginning
;
v
J
century R.c. to latter part of Und century A.D.I v and JE. Nos. 23 25. 1st
;
:
!
No
magistrates.
Dates.
JjP
or
its
varieties.
Artemis (Apollo not allowed by Bertier-de- La-Garde), Asclepius and Hygiea;bull. XEPCONHCOY EAEY0EPAC no dates, no names, no
c I
t
:
or two transitional pieces do not
come
]JJ".
into this grouping.
The silver coins in the first group are rare. Up to the Mithridatic period Bertier-de- La-Garde^ makes of them two main divisions according as Heracles appears upon them or not. Upon the greater part the Maiden is unrivalled and these are coined on a standard of about 55 grn. or 3"55 grm. to the drachma, this he identifies with the Phoenician standard. So No. i would be half a drachma. No. 3 a lightish drachma, No. 4 a didrachm, No. 5 a tridrachm, No. 13 a tetradrachm: we seem to have the obol of this series in
= -55 grm. Artemis head 1. Oreshnikov, Mat. vn. p. 38, No. 35
M.
The
8-5 grn.
|
:
Fish over club, below X E P. weight corrected by B.-de-La-G.
to be derived from the coins of Heraclea Pontica", such a common type as not to go for much. It is hard to think that it was not regarded as the armes parlantes of the Tauric Peninsula. But No. 9 (141 "6 grn. = 9' 1 7 grm.) does not fit in with such a system nor its congeners of half (reverse as Nos. 9 or 8) and quarter (reverse as No. 8) This Heracles class has didrachm, drachma and hemidrachm of the weiofht. Persian standard, lightened from its 86 grn. drachma, as used in Asia Minor and especially in the mother city Heraclea Pontica with whose types it agrees.
but
bull
it
upon club seems
is
BCA.
XIV. p. Ill, No. 24. Praecipui nitoris in toto eo tractu custoditis Graecis moribus, NH. IV. 85. 3 "Signification of Monograms IJP etc.," 1
^
"^
1 RAS.
Num.
Sect.
I.
(1900), p.
56
:
op. c, generally agrees but separates a group from c. 1 10 to 24 B.C. which he calls "Bosporan Influence," and the next he terms " Reign of the Maiden." ^
Tra/?.?.
6
cf.
—
xxvi. pp. 236 248. Pontiis, PI. xxix., xxx.
C^/. .SVc.
BMC.
Oreshnikov,
69
—
—
2
The
Coins
Chersonese,
548 first
[cH.
attempt to issue coins on this standard approached more nearly and the series comes out
to the original weight DidrachiT), 16473 grn.= Drachma, 8034 grn.= Hemidrachma, 39"i56 grn. =
:
Heracles as No.
io'56 grm.
9.
|
5-15
grm.
do.
2-5
grm.
Peculiar hd of Artemis
1
|
r.
|
Artemis as No. 9. Arlemis slaying deer as No.
16.
Bull as No. 8 (B. xiv. 18, 19).
Evidently all very rare and of specially good workmanship. Chersonese struck silver upon one standard, the Persian, for external, on The two series run parallel another, the Phoenician, for internal circulation. as we see both from their style and from the magistrates' names common to both: to make a bridge between the systems was the object of the tridrachm No. 5 equivalent to a Persian didrachm. Oreshnikov^ does not accept this. The coins in the top row on the plate belong in style to the second half The coppers Nos. 6 and 7 are as good in execution of the ivth century. The spearman on No. 6 would appear to be a local hero, as the silver. on the defensive like Chabrias^; both the types of No. 7 are interesting, the Janiform head on the obverse is quite unexplained, Oreshnikov supposes it Head makes the beardless head to be the bearded Dionysus and a Maenad Dionysus and the other Zeus' the reverse is a favourite motive among the Scythians. The second row represents the following two hundred years the tetradrachm No. 13 is the largest of a series with a similar head on the obverse, didrachm (B. xiv. 3 5), drachma (B. i 2) have reverse like No. 16, the half drachma has bow and quiver as on PI. vi. 5 (B. 22 The first 24). trial of Heracles-coin came early in the iiird century, the main issue such as No. 9, later, even half-way down the imd. That coins like Nos. 9 or 13 were circulating at the end of that century is shewn by the countermarks, e.g. the dolphin is Mithridatic, and just traceable on No. 13 under the thunderbolt but these are
;
:
:
—
—
—
Kf the first form of 153* which marks all the next period at Chersonese. At the very beginning of the ist century there was a rough and ready reform of the currency. Under four magistrates, Demetrius, Moeris, Apollonius and Diotimus, any coins of anything like the right weight, e.g. drachmae both of the Artemis and the Heracles series, like Nos. 9 and 13 but smaller, were re-struck to bring them into relation with the tetradrachms of Mithridates and the Roman denarii now the chief currency of the Levant. No. 17 comes from a hoard found in 1853 near Sevastopol and now spread all is
,
over Europe, No. 18 (there are coppers very like it, B. xv. 54) is the chief constituent of a hoard found in 1903^ near Karan, between S. George's Monastery and Balaklava, just north of 979 on Map viii., apparently in a house or small fort burnt in the Scythian wars. In this hoard were found copper as well as silver coins and not merely new-struck ones as in the former hoard, but coins that had been in circulation previous to the reform, so we may put magistrates' names such as Choreius, Menestratus, Pythion, Promathion, Diagoras, Istron, &c., fairly late. The earliest in style found in the hoard was No. II, but examples of it occur with ist century stamps, so its good execution must be due to exact copying of the Alexander type. The head on Num.
Misc. \\. " Coins of Chersonese &c." Bertier-de-La-Garde, Trans. Od. Soc. XXX. "Monetary Novelties" No. 2: issue numbers A '
^
—
occur, also the same magistrates as on No. 7. * Cat. Uvarov, p. 42, No. 287 p. 279. * Trans. Od. Soc. xxvi. p. 250. :
HN?
XV
1
Mo?iograms.
1]
Dates
549
Sinope' and the deer is i)erhaj3s Mithridatic (cf. the smaller denomination, No. 18, the memory of the Heracles series was preserved. No. 19 was found in the Karan hoard and belonj^s to this date. No. 20 also bears the head of Meracles in a lionskin which has hitherto been restricted to silver but the whole type is very similar to Panticapaean coins (PI. vi. 12, 14, 16, 24). The ist century h.c. was the time of chief naval activity on the Euxine, and durinjj^ it prows commonly occur on coins. This one may have to do with the exploits of Diophantus. The coin has been re-struck, the die seems hardly big enough for the blank,
No. 17
recalls the type of
On
PI. VI. 7).
Thoroughly it may have been originally cannot be distinguished. Panticapaean is No. 21 with its lion's head (cf. PI. v. 9) and the star which appears to be Mithridatic (cf. PI. vi. 3). Certainly the grazing deer on No. 22 so too B. xvi. 97, is Mithridatic (cf. his later tetradrachms and PI. vi. 7) but what
:
JE.
Artemis
like
No.
13.
|
Eagle on thunderbolt
(cf.
PI. vi. 11),
XE
P,
countermark
J}^.
has already been said that great changes took place at Chersonese What they were exactly we cannot second half of the last century B.C. (v. p. 521), but on monetary affairs we find their influence fundamental. It
in the tell
Coins already
in circulation
were countermarked \m or
later
]^, new ones p. 521) being
bear the latter on the die and date-letters appear, the era (v. calculated from 24 b.c. A find in the valley above Jalta, the site of a local sanctuary (v. supra, p. 523, n. 7), has provided a coin of the type common to the second and third period, e.g. No. 26, with an inscription forming a transition between them, obverse XEPCONH EAEY0, reverse fFAPOENOC-. This confirms the o^uesses of Becker and other writers that the monograms indicate the Maiden goddess Bertier-de-La-Garde suggests that the mint came under the direction of the temple authorities instead of the town magistrates, and therefore the goddess's monogram was put on the coins. A difficulty arises as to the interpretation of the obverse type, a bust with a lyre before it (Nos. 23, 25, 26, 28). Bertier-de-La-Garde sees in it Artemis YMNIA and certainly it looks very feminine on e.g. No. 28, and ;
he thinks that the more elaborate
monogram
m^
stands for TTAPOei/o?
'^fivia:
but it might do just as well for fTAPOeVoY and on No. 25 the head is certainly masculine, it might be said to be a reminiscence of a Roman Emperor. But after the history of the interpretation of a colossal statue such as "Winckelmann's Muse," certainty in regard to badly executed coins cannot
be attained. In this second period there is a change of metal, no more silver is coined, a small number of gold pieces, corresponding in weight to the Roman or Bosporan aurei (v. p. 632). Their political signification and the dates they bear have been treated in the history of Chersonese*. No. 25 with the letters PNH = 158, i.e. 134 a.d., is the last of them.
but
1
^
we have
BMC.
—
PoHius, XXII. II 13. ^trii&r-dt-Ldi-GdLxdt, On fnor.ogra»is^Y
p. 60, PI. VI. 5. 3
Oreshnikov, Nian. Misc.
il.,
and the bust a personification. For these see pp. 522, 523, Bertier-de-LaGarde in Trans. Od. Soc. XVI. and von Sallet in Zt/. Num. and Berl. Beschr. I. p. 7. irapdivos
etc.,
thinks this not
•*
Coins
Chersonese.
550
[ch.
The third period is marked by the word EAEY0EPAC. Probably in between had been a time of direct subjection to Rome. There is no more With the archaism of decadence question of gold or silver, only of copper. the coins, like No. 27, bear reproductions of types of the first period, Artemis slaying a deer like No. 16 and the bull which appeared already on No. 4, but mostly we have Apollo with the lyre and Artemis standing. It has been suggested that this is a reproduction of a group set up in the city Artemis in a mural crown, with dart and bow, a stag by her side, not so very unlike Diane de la Biche but shewing late date by the accumulation of attributes. The tolerable style of Nos. 28 Asclepius and Hygiea are purely Roman. and 29 is due to a raising of craftsmanship accounted for by close communicaThe lettering with clumsy serifs is enough tion with more civilized centres.
—
—
to
shew the
late date.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Sources.
The
—
earlier collected in Latyshev's Scythica et Caucasica {TRAS. 1890 1906), the Byzantine mostly in I. G., Memoriae Populorum olim ad Danudium, Fontum Eztxinum, dr^c, incolentium.
Stritter,
St P., 1771
Herodotus,
— 1779-
iv. 103.
Ps.-Scylax, 68.
Polybius, XXV.
Ps.-Scymnus,
(xxvi.
ii.
1.
Strabo (308), vn. iii. Pomponius Mela, n.
NH.,
iv.
17, iv.
2—7.
3.
i.
ap. Justinum, XXXVll.
Trogus Pompeius Pliny,
12.
vi.),
822 sqq.
iii.
i
;
XXXVIII.
vii. 3.
85 (26).
Josephus, Bell. Jud. \\. xvi. 4. Phlegon Trallianus, Olynip. Lib. XV.
Fl.
Memnon,
c.
XLix.
FHG.
4,
Polyaenus, Sirategemata, vin.
Ptolemy, Geographia, ni.
20 (xxii.),
fr.
FHG.
\n. p. 607.
ni. p. 551. 56.
vi. 2.
Ps.-Arrian, Periplus Po?iti Euxini, 30 (19).
Anonymi Periplus P.E. 80 (54). Ammianus Marcellinus, xxn. viii. Jordanes, Getica,
v. 32, 37.
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De
III. 7.
Procopius,
De De
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I
1
2.
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Menander Protector, " Excerpta de Legationibus," c. 43, FHG. Theophanes Confessor, Bonn, pp. 173, 510, 537, 566, 570 372—380, 451. Theophanes Continuatus, vi. c. 10, p. 360.
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Nicephorus C-politanus, Bonn, pp. Constantinus Porphyrogenitus,
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i
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Leonis Diac, Hase, ;
"
240
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Strukov, D.
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i
Tolstoi, {
—
—
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—
Ct L L and N. P. Kondakov, Russian Antiquities in Monuments of Art. St P., 1889-97. pp. 18—20), IV. pp. 1—24, V. pp. 27—38.
= KTR.
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18
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2
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[cH.
Bertier-de-La-Garde, General A. L. " Remains of Ancient Constructions in the Neighbourhood of Trans. Od. Soc. XIV. (1886), pp. 166 279. Sevastopol and the Cave-towns of the Crimea."
—
"Excavations of Chersonese," Mat. XII. St P., 1893. "Chersonese," BCA. xxi. St P., 1907. Malmberg, W. K. "Description of Classical Antiquities found
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vil.
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Archaeological Excavations at Chersonese, 1897
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Monuments of Christian Chersonese, i. " Ruins of Churches," Moscow, 1905. Garaburda, M. I., and M. I. Skubetov, "The defensive Wall of Chersonese," Bull. Taur. Record Com. Sympheropol, 1909. XLIII. Pechonkin, N. M. "Archaeological Excavations on the site of Strabo's Old Chersonese," BCA. XLII. 126, cf Arch. Ajiz. 1911, p. 206. pp. 108 (Vinogradov, Th. A. " Excavations at Aj Todor," Hermes (Russian) VI. pp. 248 sqq., 278 sqq., St P. 1910.) Ainalov, D. V.
—
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Gibbon, E. Decline and Fall. Ed. J. B. Bury. London, 1902. Waxel, L. de, Recueil de quelques Antiquitds trouvdes sur les bords de
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80—170. Berlin, 1843. CIL. III. Suppl. XIV. p. 392, No. 3608 cf. supra p. 525. Finlay, G. History of Greece lender the Romans. Ed. H. F. Tozer. Vol. II. p. 350. Oxford, 1877. " Psephisma of Chersonese rewarding Diophantus." Jurgiewicz, W. Trans. Od. Soc. xii. (1881), pp. 1—48. Burachkov, P. O. "An Attempt to make the Diophantus Inscription agree with the Locahties and the Boeckh, A.
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(Zur Geschichte von Cherson in Taurien, Berlin, 1897.) losPE. i. 184—240, iv. 64—190, 464—467. Mat. IX. pp. 1—45 XVII. pp. 1—25 xxiu. pp. 2—51.
Latyshev, V. V.
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BCA. XIV.
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1885
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—
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"On the = noi'TiKd,
—
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"Epigraphic Data p.
—
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—
—
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100,
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68, Nos. 1 14; III. p. 21, Nos. i 59; II. pp.61 14; x. Nos. 8 },•] xviii. p. 114, Nos. 23 39 xxili. p. 35, Nos. 13 31 xxxiii. pp. 43 49, Nos. 3—11. 15, Nos. I
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40.
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p.
—
479.
Gilbert, G.
Handbuch der
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The Provinces of the Roman Empire { = R.G.\.). London, 1886. " Straboniana, VI. Die Erwerbung der Kiisten des Pontos durch Mithridates VI."
Mommsen, Th.
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History of the Later Roman Empire. London, 1889. A History of the Eastern Roman Empire (a.D. 802 867). London, 1912. Reinach, Th. Mithridate Eupator, Roi de Pont. Paris, 1890. Bury,
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Coins. Besides the two works of Koehne whose importance is chiefly numismatic and has made earlier works neglif^ible, and Bertier-de-La-Garde's article on the Zeno Inscription in Trans. Od. Soc. xvi.
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70
554
Theodosia
CH. XVIII
c o O
8
I I
S
O O
o O
T3
2
555
CHAPTER
XVIII.
THEODOSIA AND NYMFHAEUM. Tkeodosia.
Although Theodosia and Nymphaeum were soon to become part of Bosporan kingdom they have not left themselves without witness to their free existence, and the former at any rate always remained a separate title in the rulers' style and a special division of the kingdom. The anonymous Periphis P. E. {jj (51)) says that Theudosia, a deserted city with a harbour, lay 280 stades, Tfj^ miles, from Cazeca, that it was an ancient Greek city, a colony of the Milesians and often mentioned in literature. So far he agrees with Ps.-Arrian (30 (19 H.)), but he adds from some unknown source. " now Theudosia is called in the Alan or Tauric tongue "ApSa/BSa, = kiTTddeoq it is said that exiles from the Bosporus once inhabited it." As the
:
it not deserted till after Arrian's time, this is so much against the authenticity of the second half of the Periplus ascribed to him (v. p. 24, n. 3). Ulpian, the scholiast to Demosthenes Leptinem, says that Satyrus died while besieging it and that it had its name from the sister, or according to other authority wife, of Leucon who on capturing the city made it more of a port than before and renamed it'. This question of its name is interesting some authors (v. p. 560) and inscriptions give it as ©euSoo-ta which in itself is a Doric form^ others and even inscriptions of the same ruler, ©eoSocrta. On the later coins we have
an inscription proves
m
;
OEY
IX. 7), OEYAo", on most early ones probably autonomous, OEoAE-^ and Jakunchikov's. v. p. 559), OEoAEo', but OEoAo (PI. ix. 6) is almost 4
(PI.
(PI. IX.
Koehne\has suggested with great probability that these are iQviKo. from some ungreek name *0EOAEIA and that Leucon made a kind of pun in changing this to the name of his sister which somewhat resembled it and was also a good augury for the newly won city. As to Ardavda Miillenhoff gets the right meaning out of it (v. p. 39) but it has been suggested" that this was a mistaken interpretation and that the second half is cognate with dare making an equivalent for the Greek name. It is almost certainly Iranian, but we cannot take this as throwing light on the Tauri for it is more probably Alan. The site has never been systematically excavated, but in the harbourworks carried out in 1894 by that distinguished engineer and archaeologist General Bertier-de-La-Garde there were found inscriptions^ sculpture as early.
'
V'on
Stern,
Theodosia^
p.
12,
thinks this a
mere scholiast's invention deduced from the text of Demosthenes a Bosporan Theodosius,v. App. 28. V. Sandys in Dem. Lcpt. H- In all but the latest inscriptions both forms end in -Ix]. :
-'
^
Bertier-de-La-Garde,
"Monetary
Novelties,"
Trans. Od. Soc. XXX. No. ^
Giel,
TRAS.
"
MK.
i.
10.
v. PI. iv. 14.
p. 276.
Jurgiewicz, Trans. Od. Soc. vm. p. g. losPE.W. 195, 196 (ivth cent. H.C., of. v. Stern, Theodosia, PI. x. 2, i), 197 (nird cent. A.D.), 198. " ''
70
—
c c
(v.
[ch
"Th eodos ia
6 pp.
296,
298),
terra-cottas',
sherds
of
BOinOPI-l-OEIMITOTI f^APlOsiKVAIi
some
pottery',
with
.
graffiti,
and also amphora-handles (v. abecedaria two the names' and p. 361), curious (v. p. 358, n. 8), all proving that the hill whereon stand the remains of the Genoese citadel at the east end of the circuit of mediaeval walls was Other excavations made in 1852 by Prince the site also of the Greek city. sea-painter Aivazovskij on the initiative of great the Sibirskij and in 1853 by beautiful gold work which may be referred Count Perovskij* produced most decidedly above the average of the Pontic to the ivth century and terra-cottas the harbour-works are of quite a But the terra-cottas found in coasts. distinct class shewing a genuine archaic style of which one or two specimens (v. p. 364) must go back to the vith century recalling the Kopai of the Athenian Acropolis, and black-figured vases tell of Athenian commerce*. That makes the history of Theodosia begin over a century before the first event recorded, the siege laid to it by Satyrus c. 389 B.C. (v. inf. p. 574). We have an incident of this siege preserved by Polyaenus who says that the Heracleotes supported the Theodosians and sent across Tynnichus with the few soldiers they could raise and several buglers to be put into separate So when they sounded the besiegers thought boats distant from one another. in the darkness that they were so many full complements, and retired before Certain it is that Satyrus died without having taken the the superior force. city, but Leucon was more successful, although it is probable that he too had It looks as if there was a prolonged to contend with the Heracleotes'*. struggle on the part of Heraclea Pontica, helped no doubt by her colony Chersonese, to extend her power over Theodosia or at any rate to prevent its Memnon of Rhodes may have falling under that of the Bosporan rulers. taken the side of Heraclea in this struggle, at least we do not know in what other war he should have opposed Leucon^: if so the Heracleotes remained hostile through all Leucon's reign, as Memnon's career only just overlapped his. However, when at length successful, Leucon took no vengeance on Theodosia but made good use of its natural advantages. Strabo (vii. iv. 4) says that the harbour was sufficient for as many as a hundred ships, whereas the harbour and docks of Panticapaeum could only accommodate thirty as a matter of fact the natural harbour has never been very good and the roads however, that is not a though spacious are absolutely open to the se. dangerous quarter and the gently shelving beach would allow Greeks to draw their ships ashore. The piles found in the recent harbour-works may be the remains of a Greek mole or may only go back to Genoese times, they shew that the need of a real harbour had been met before the present final solution of the difficulty. For Leucon Theodosia had two great advantages over Panticapaeum, it was always free from ice, and it was close to the rich cornlands instead of being upon the "rugged peninsula." Accordingly it was e.g.
with
early lettering
its
:
;
here that he
made
the staple of his corn-trade as
363, Od. Mils. Terra-cottas., I. p. 21. v. everything Sitrn, T/ieodosia,¥\.n kept together in the Odessa Mus., v. Guide, 50 sqq. ^ Trans. Od. Soc. XX. p. 181, PI. 11. No. 49. 1
V. p.
^
Won
^
Rep. of Arch. Expior. for
—
\%^Ty
:
;
Koehne,
p. 274; ABC. Reinach, pp. 52
1.
is
p.
iJ/A'.
we
speech of
find in the
PI.
Xlirt,
— 54; KTR.
= supra
LXXa.
i,
p.
4,
(Terra-cottas); "p. 13 sqq. Von Stern, Theodosia, PI. 11. ''
"
Polyaenus,
''
ib. v.
xHv.
v. xxiii. i, v. inf.
:
VI. ix. 3.
pp. 576, 626.
6,
401, 10,
f.
p.
294,
117
Ejxcavatioiis.
XV'III]
History
SSI
Demosthenes against Leptiiu-s, and Strabo speaks of his sencHng 2,100,000 Further, its j)ossession made it easy to defend medinini across to Athens. the whole eastern projection of the; Crimea by a tlilch rLinning across to the sea of Azov.
Fig. 342.
After Bertier-de- La-Garde ap. von Stern, Theodosia,
Leucon and
V\.
i.
Contours 45
ft
apart,
jsloa-
denying themselves supreme authority themselves archons merely and let the name
his successors without
were considerate enough to call of the city be part of their official style (v. p. 576). It is likely that Theodosia suffered in the wars between Paerisades I and the Scythians', certainly compared with the many ivth century things objects '
Demosthenes
in Phoniiionem, §
8.
Theodosia
55^
[ch.
it probably fell into the same of the Hellenistic period are decidedly few B.C. It was taken by Diophantus' straits as Chersonese in the iind century and probably regained some prosperity under Mithridates yet, perhaps under pressure of his taxation, it was one of the cities which followed the example This is the last historical notice of of Phanagoria and revolted against him". it the mentions in Mela, Pliny, Ptolemy and later Ammianus are merely geographical and we might believe the Peripli that it lay desert in Roman times but for pieces of terra sigillata\ the fairly complete series of Bosporan the most important, coins found on the site\ and one or two inscriptions referred by von Stern'* to the iiird century a.d., shewed that there existed at Theodosia just such a religious society as at Tanais and elsewhere in the :
:
—
—
;
A
presumption that it continued to have some importance Bosporan kingdom. as a frontier port is offered by the existence of a dignitary of the kingdom called the prefect of Theodosia". Von Stern^ expands two- or three-letter monograms upon sherds into
names of Apollo, Athena, Ares, Hera or Heracles, Artemis, Asclepius he wishes to regard them as deoi crvvpaoi, but men write the name of a god to whom they are making a dedication, even when there is only one in the temple, besides we have no right to make them names the
and perhaps Demeter
:
of deities at all. In the very unhistorical
wars between Chersonese and Bosporus rePorphyrogenitus^ Capha is named as the spot where by Constantine counted their enemies and set the frontier against them. That the Chersonites defeat it was inhabited in the succeeding centuries is shewn by Byzantine pottery" and by a pillar with epitaphs dated a.m. 6327= a.d, 819". This name of Caffa is that under which the site of Theodosia became famous. As the chief Genoese mart on the Black Sea it destroyed by its competition the trade of Cherson and ruined its Venetian rival Soldaia (Sudak) which finally came under its authority together with Cembalo (Balaklava). It was far more important than Vospro (Kerch) and even Tana (Azov) in which were quarters for the merchants of each rival city. The Genoese appear to have established themselves at Caffa shortly after 1266 and the settlement, being the objective of a trade-route reaching to the occasional hostility of the Tartar of the Thracian Bosporus. Then precarious, it is wonderful that they from their base, and the Turks had no difficulty in seizing it in 1475. At that time it seems to have contained a population of about a hundred thousand made up of many creeds and races. When the Genoese were turned out the rest remained and it was quite prosperous under the rule of the Turks who called it Little Stambul. The Sultan kept it directly under himself and did not give it to the Crim Tartars.
China, flourished exceedingly in spite of Khans, until the Turks gained control the tenure of the Italians became very could hold it at all at such a distance
1 '^
= /osPE.
App.
i8
V. p.
588,
Von
I.
185,
Appian, //m/.
1.
41.
7?cw^. Xli. (iJ/zV/^r.) 108.
Stern, Theodosia, PI, IX. 100. ^ Bertier-de-La-Garde ap. Stern, p. 90. ^ Trans. Od. .SV?c. XXIV. Minutes,'^. 2() = IosPE. IV. 468. V. p. 612, App. 61, 6^ = IosPE. U. 29, BCA. X. ^
''
e.g.
p. 26,
No.
21.
Trans. Od. Soc. XX.
'^
supra
p.
* v. supra 255 Bonn. " '"
Von
p.
173,
PI.
i.
4—21,
cf.
361. p. 526,
de
Adm. Imp.
c.
53, pp. 252,
Stern, Theodosia, PI. vi— viii. iv. 9286 Latyshe\-, Inscr. Christ. 75.
C/G.
;
Coins
History.
XVII i]
559
in I7
At the time of the Russian conquest
:
'.
Plate JX. Nos. 4
Coins.
The M.
3'9 gin.
coins
go back
= "25 grm.
Head
r.
'
xvui. ampy.x
B.
162 grn.= ro5 grm.
JR.
Female head
in
Giel,
Almost
as early
is
Ox-head, three quarters
A'..
as No.
7.
No. 4 inscribed OE oA
to the vth century, e.g.
of I'allas,
—
E-^-
and
4.
2
Ox-head in profile r. (cf. No. it seems in incuse square.
r.
TRAS.
v.
PI.
iv.
29)
©EOAEO
all
as
14.
a coin in the Jakunchikov collection at St Petersburg'':
r.
!
Star,
between the
six short thick rays
WEOAE^.
The star has been compared to that on coins of Chersonese (PI. iv. 21) and Panticapaeum (PI. vi. 3) and the general similarity of d(;sign regarded as evidence for a monetary league, but the Theodosian coin seems very much Found at Theodosia all these coins no doubt than the other two. belong there in spite of the unexpected form of the in.scriptions. The charging ox upon the reverse of Nos. 5 and 6 appears on coins of Heraclea Pontica and Chersonese (PI. iv. 4, 5, 8, 16) and would seem to point to an alliance. The largest silver coin, recently acquired by Bertier-de-La-Garde^ 72-8 grn. = 472 grm. Club, beneath 0EYAO JR. Head of Heracles earlier
I
bearded
r. |
also recalls Heraclea, but almost certainly belongs to a time
when autonomy
had been lost, as does No. 7 with a similar inscription, though the resemblance between the latter and the commonplace types of Leucon II (PI. vi. 16, 17) does not amount to very much, and cannot be adduced as proof that it belongs Burachkov's .win. 4 7 belong to other cities. The to a time of subjection. standard seems to be Aeginetic as the coins fit into the Panticapaean series".
—
For the present state of the walls, V. BCA. xxviii. pp. 45,91. For a convenient account of Caffa in Genoese times, fuller than von Stern, Theodosia, pp. 25 31, V. W. He)'d, Histoire die Commerce dii Levant an '^
—
MoyenAge,
Paris
and
Leipzig, 1886,
11.
pp.
156-
G. L. Oderico, Lettere Ligustkhe, 21s, Bassano, 1792 M. G. Canale, Suova Istoria della Repubbliea di Gcnova, Florence, 1858-60, 11. pp.
365-407,
cf.
;
Many documents and
234— 241. inscriptions are in various numbers of Trans. Od. Soc. (v. von Stern, op. c. p. 25, n. i ) and Atti della Societa Lv.iure di Storia Patria,\\-^\\.2,xZb-]-i^^, P. A. \'igna, "Codice Uiplomatico delle Colonic 399— 457, HI. pp.
Taum-Liguri,
.x.D.
1453-75-"
witnesses to its prosperity under Turkish rule and E. D. Clarke, Travels, \\. p. 144 sqq. and I'allas, \'inoTravels, W. p. 265, to its subsequent ruin. gradov, Lagorio and K. Neumann criticize the methods of the government.
Peyssonel, C^;;//«mr,
'
'^'^'^^^-
^'^^y
^'^^
*-''^V
„ ,.
^"'"-
^'^''-
grateful to the ,
''
'"'•
owner
•
".Monetary novelties,
»
P'
„>
PI.
'7'
i'^^^^' for sendmg i.
10,
'
•
me
a
Irans. Od.
.
Soc.-if.\y..
,,,,,,.,-,,
•
.^- P- ^31: B. xvni. 2 would be jobol, I erlecki s J"st similar but -5 grm. i obol, G.cl s, li, ix. 4. or 6 obols, see ,'\"^^ Berticr-de-l.a-Garde s, 5 l'^''^.": -Materials for blathmological Investigations, .
'
^'^
\^
'^""'- '^'"'- "• P" -6' ^"*- -*'-^^53-
—
Sources
App.
Qtohoaia{i]\ 185,
I.
343,
II.
iv.
Mela,
3.
II.
I.
4,
11.
63
[ch.
hiscriptions mentioning 'Dicodosia. {
BCA.
29;
36,
6,
No. 21) and losPE. Strabo, Vll.
and
26, 27, 42, 61,
18,
Ny?nphaeum
Bihliogfaphy.
Theodosia
560
:
= IosPE. X.
p.
29, 29% 30, 35 (= losPE. 346, 15) and losPE. 11. 10, 347, IV. 400 {Qfvbocnds), 418, 419. Demosthenes in LacriUim 31 34 (mss. with o) in Leptinem, 33, Schol. Ps.-Scylax, 68. Ps.-Anian, 30 (19 H.). Appian, Hist. Rom. Xii. 108.
App.
e6uSocria(r;),
26,
!i.
345.
II,
344,
—
6.
NH. IV. 86 (26). Ptolemy, Geogr. III. vi. 2; VIII. x. 4. Ammianus Marcellinus, XXII. viii. 36. Pliny,
Polyaenus,
V.
xxiii.
Stephanus Byz. s. v. ediuKii, Bevbocruivus kgI Qev8o(TL(vs {some MSS. with o,also s.v.'Nvfj.cpawv). ;
Harpocration,
s.
v.
Anonymi Pcriplus P.
E., 77 (51), 78 (52).
Ancient History and Antiquities. Inscriptions found there, losI^E. IV. 195—198, ^b%= Trans. Od. Soc. XXIV. Minutes, p. 29. Neumann, K., Hel/enen, pp. 464 469. Koehne, B. de, Mtise'e Kotschoiibey, i. p. 271 320. Vinogradov, V. K., Theodosia. 'i'heodosia, 1884. Lagorio, F., "Four Periods in the Life of Theodosia," Tratts. Od. Soc. XV. (1887), p. 404. Kulakovskij, J. A., T/ie Past of Tauris, Kiev, 1906. von Stern, E. R., "Theodosia und seine Keramik" (Russian and German), Pt in. of Das
—
—
Museum
Odessaer Gesellschaft fiir Geschichte und Altertumskiiiide, Odessa, 1906. unfortunately I had not received it This last sums up all there is to be known of Theodosia when I compiled the above outline: however I found that on the whole the author confirmed my details conclusions and I had very little to add, and 1 have been allowed to take from it the plan d.
kais.
;
:
of the latter
and of
La-Garde,
85 sqq.
p.
carrying out the harlDour works are added by Bertiei-de-
his discoveries while
NympJiaeum.
At Nymphaeum' (Eltegen,
20) we can clearly trace the old harbour an acropolis, ^povpiov (Appian 1. c), set upon the cliffs and defended by a bank, a lower town and a necropolis. The excavations carried out by Kondakov (who found the interesting tombs with things in the Scythic style and an early coffin, v. pp. 208, f. 106, 210, 214, f. 115 and 329) and Verebrjusov" and of late years by Mr Novikov its owner, whose collection has been acquired by the Hermitage, have mainly yielded minor antiquities including a fine Panathenaic vase, but there is a fair number of inscriptions, mostly epitaphs^ Most interesting of these is the first, Xlvppo
Strabo,
1.
c.
v. p.
ttoXi? euXt/xei^o?),
from the dedication Ap/u/
'
'A/)jLto8tw^
with
its
early vth century writing and
Attic associations, from the agonistic (.'^) list of citizens published by Skorpil which shews that early in the iiird century B.C. there was an Ionic 1. c", population with many Attic names and a small barbarous element, and from the inscription on Glycaria's fountain (see below). ^ form, Aeschines iti Ctesi^vfj./iontem, 171 Strabo vil. iv. 4; Appian, Mithridates, 108: Ptolemy, in. vi. 2; Steph. Byz. s. v. ;
who
the
prefers
(Ovlkov
^vjxc^uLevi
which seems supported by the ill-recorded
losPE.
nCA. XLV.
p.
76 (50); J' IV. 86,
T
NYM*ATOS
of the
n. 201 taken by V. V. Skorpil, 14 as a genitive; Anon. Peripl. P. E.
Harpocration
Ni;/x(^atn, its
to
Coins
NYN .
Nymphaeum.
s.
v.:
Ps.-Scvlax 68 has
and NYM;'Pliny, .
.
"
NH.
Skorpil gives an exhaustive
^'i^^r. XX. p. i6, cf. also Brandis, Bosporos (2) in P.- IV. lu. p. 769. CP. 1876, pp. x— xxv 1878, p. xxxvii; 1879,
account, Trans. Od. s.
v. ^
;
—
xvi. 1880, pp. xiv ^ losPE. n. 288, IV. 287, 325, 361, BCA. III. P- 44, No. 10 of the ivth cent. KC, losPE. iv. ^74 of the iiird, il 102, 204, iv. 226, 276, 375, />C^- xi v. p^ 121, No. 43 of Roman date.
pp.
Ixii
^
6 g
Ixvii;
Lolhtz-Bechtel,
III.
1.
3083.
^Cy4. X. p. 25, No. 20. JosPE. IV. 205 cf. ib. 432.
1
XVMII
Ny7nphaeiim
]
c
6
We cannot tell whether Nymphaeum was originally founded by the Athenians in order to secure a share of the Bosporan corn-trade or acquired It is generally thouirht to have been one of the gains by them subsequently. of the Euxine expedition which Pericles made in 444 u.c. shortly before the Spartocids seized the power at Panticapaeum which was proliably not strong enough at the moment to raise any objection. The archaic writing of the dedication to Harmodius suggests that the Athenians were honouring their hero at an earlier date than this. We know from Craterus (ap. Harpocrat.) that Nymphaeum was a member of the Delian league and paid a talent, hence Kohler has been able to restore its name from NY. He has also restored Klf^ to KLfxfxepLKov, Opuk, and DAT to Uarpaev^ the village near the monument of Satyrus (v. pp. 20, 23, 573) but this is all very doubtful*. If right it tends to shew that Athens made a serious attempt to establish herself on the Bosporus. In any case these possessions became untenable when she lost command of the sea after Aegospotami u.c. 405. The Athenian commander Gylon handed the place over to Satyrus and received Cepi in exchange. No doubt he was fined for this by the Athenians and Aeschines calls it treachery, some have thought that the fine was merely the formal disapproval of an act which must not be allowed to set a precedent. Aeschines discredits his statement by calling the Bosporan rulers enemies whereas we know that very shortly after they were on excellent terms with Athens. Probably Gylon was in a difficult position and contrived to extract from an inevitable loss to his country a personal advantage to himself. Skorpil" has published an inscription found in the sea off Eltegen in it the praise of As]ander's wife Glycaria is put into the mouth of a wayfarer who has drunk his wine with water from a fountain by her tomb the stone is in shape suitable for the keystone of a rustic arch and has a hole for a water pipe. There is quite a good case for the restoration of the husband's name and for identifying him with King Asander who married his known wife Dynamis rather late in life the lettering is very like their inscriptions (v. :
:
:
Skorpil goes on to suggest that Nymphaeum pp. 591, 592 n. 7, 593 nn. 4-6). and would thereby explain the next fact about was Asander's home or appanage in history, its rebellion against Mithridates (Appian, I.e., v. p. 588). Pliny speaks of the town as a thing of the past (I.e. fuere oppida... Nymphaeum Dia) it may have suffered in the troublous times about the beginning of our era, but there are three or four gravestones of Roman date and the name survives in Periphcs Anonymi and the Peutinger Tables. However, the harbour probably began to silt up in the early centuries of our era and there seems no evidence of the town's existence in Christian times. it
recorded
;
Nymphaeum (PI. ix. 8, 9 Aeginetic ^, 2 and 5 obols^) and go back to the vth century all bear on one side the head of a Nymph, on the other NYM, HYH or NY, a vine-leaf and grape-cluster. The
coins of
are of silver
:
2 = IG. {CIAlt.) I. 37 "Urkunden z. Attischen-Delischen Bundes," Abli. d. k. Akad. d. IV. ZU Berlin^ 1869, Nos. 24, 25, pp. 74, 75, 165, 167, cf. supra pp. 447, 458. - BCA. XXXVII. pp. 14—22, with Rostovtsev,
SI\//oj
who disclaims
Investigations,"
"
App.
Gesch.
;
d.
M.
responsibility for
any theorizing:
['Afrjai-S^oi/ Y\\iKu^)(ia 8(i/ia[^],
dyx^iKprjvov
xal ^
K
I'fio/j
aixnava-as
(fydififurj
|
|
|
Trapa -nvpa^i'ihoi crtv
f2\Kva-a criiv Bpofilaitovt' ((^pa(Ta- KOI (a>\av(Ta\ \
Tovi
(Tw([(Ls]
f 7rtfifi{o/i€'i/oirr].
I
Heitier-de-La-Gardc,"Mat. for Stathmological p. 45, No. 159, 76 grn. =4-93 grm.
7'
Bosporus
562
[CH. XIX
JuiOtai-
Fig. 343
a.
fN'^Ka.UrleS
PLAN ofPANTICAPALUM (Kerch)
an6
its
ENV\f^ON$.
N -
T
4l
5
r
v^^
BTowTvWatta, AsVvilvM&ru^c.
-'^ ^^^'v
Z"^''-
Nonunvw.
^^^
cQU-Museum.
f^ole
(l.Thtnyiitf
e ixova-bip'is.
OiTACDTAB^ I.Soricui. \89o
:
X C
>--...^"">v
.
cf Mat. XIX .fUn. .
Tnat xix
VSgi
.
CR./91 p.dl
3.5tA$,v"s.l87t.CR.^
CK/7t, AntVwftmiu. 1877 ^"^
'^i-S'.V«73. .\xii,
P.
SvV"i'.,.on„^
"7.
''*"•' I
fvestoci 1891. Mit.xi^
9.avvf\ft{lerei.-tS<=p.|'*^fur^o»^^i ,
Fig. 344-
io».a.Ouuif;in,a.n4t-^iii'Vi.
5^3 6oUtn
farruW
Lon^'^'xJ*-
Ktrck 6ul<^*n»k.
Ra^J KirravJ
i^^^ looki'nef
N
.NV.
Oft
1300 Fic;.
343
E.H.rn, b.
CHAPTER
XIX.
BOSPORUS.
The Bosporan kingdom was the agelong rival of Chersonese and in As the latter was the last Greek city to remain every way opposed to it. an autonomous democracy, so the Bosporus offers the first example of the type of state in which a monarch made a Greek city his capital and from it ruled a barbarous population. So the rule of the earlier Spartocids foreshadowed the Hellenistic states that arose after Alexander's death, because on the Bosporus Hellenistic conditions appeared independently. As elsewhere, the rulers treated the Hellenic cities with great favour and spared their susceptibilities, but they could not allow them real autonomy. The commercial lonians of Panticapaeum were probably very well suited with their rulers, who on the whole allowed their trade to prosper, defending them against the natives of the interior and the pirates of the coast with more only hear of consistent success than democracy could have secured. revolts when the dynasty had become effete or a foreign conqueror had imposed intolerable burdens to provide material for his ambitious schemes. Full light upon the actual development of this original form of state would be very welcome, but -save for an inaccurate list of rulers in Diodorus, very scanty references in other authors and a few fragmentary inscriptions, we have a little more information about the last are left in the dark. century b.c. when the Bosporus was brought into close connexion with the kingdom of Pontus and the general course of history. Again the darkness closes down and of the Bosporan kingdom for three hundred and fifty years after Christ we know but the names and dates of its kings and their faithful defence of an outpost of civilization against a weight of barbarism to which at last they had to give way.
We
We
Si^e of Panticapaeiuu.
The position of the various towns that made up the kingdom of Bosporus has been already discussed in the general survey of the coast (pp. 20 23 and Map in.). The actual site of Panticapaeum should present a certain amount of interest but there is nothing above ground to attract the archaeologist.
—
:
71-2
—
1 564
Bosporus.
Town
[ch.
Sites
The mighty masonry of some of the tombs has been described (pp. 194, 294). Upon the sketch plan prefixed to this chapter have been marked the Hnes of the walls surrounding the acropolis (Mount Mithridates) and the lower city as They differ seen by Dubrux and Ashik in the early part of last century. much from those shewn by Dubois de Montpereux and may be almost as fanciful. But the general lie of the land necessitates something similar well agreeing with Strabo's description (vii. iv. 4): " Panticapaeum is a hill To the east is encircled all about by dwellings in a circuit of 20 stades. for about ships it has also an acropolis." The a harbour and docks 30 latter is evidently Mount Mithridates surmounted by a chapel to the memory :
of Stempkovskij the archaeologist, mayor of Kerch during the twenties, and by the curiously cut mass of rocks called the throne of Mithridates. This must have formed the basement of a considerable building. Half way down the hill there runs round it a kind of terrace approached by a fine flight of steps. On its widest part stands the old Museum, built on it was destroyed during the war by the model of the " Theseum " at Athens the carelessness of the allies, who let the Turks amuse themselves by smashing all its contents, and since then it has been left as a memorial of Western Happily the practice of forwarding the more valuable finds civilization'. to the Hermitage was already long established and Lutsenko the director had sent away everything of great importance. The present Museum is in To the east of Mount Mithridates are traces of the ancient mole the town. jutting out from the oldest part of the modern town the site of the former Turkish fortress and the ixth century church of S. John". The modern town is mostly on the north of the hill on very low ground which was probably harbour in ancient days. The present bay is silting up with the accumulations of the brooks Melek-Chesme and Bulganak and the deposit left by the strait current. The houses only climb up the lower slopes All the sides of the latter are of made earth full of debris of of the hill. antiquity, but it has been turned over and over by all kinds of excavators, so that finds made there are not very instructive. In general about the Bosporus the excavations have yielded many beautiful objects, but very little information as to the history and topography of the various sitesl Diggings to the nw. of Mount Mithridates (Fig. 344, e) shew that spot to have been inhabited in the vth century B.C. but to have been the extreme limit of the town in that direction, as a little further on were found tombs of that date and a kind" of Monte Testaccio. Further to the east about id) discoveries were rather more interesting. Here Duhmberg found the cellars of considerable houses'' with fragments of painted wall plaster, flooring and pillars. Near here have also occurred a few pieces of mediocre sculpture. This district must have been covered with fairly rich houses in the ist century B.C. The only public building yet explored is the Bath-establishment of the same date uncovered in 1898 (see plan and explanation p. 565, f 345)This part of the town perished by fire and sword skeletons were found head downwards in a well. ;
—
;
'
2
W. H. Russell ap. McPherson, p. 4r. BCA. XXXII. pp. 69 — 74, 39—44. Older things seem now appearing (as ff.
against Ionian pots and archaic jewelry, Arch. A?iz. 1911, p. 205, ff. 14, 15; I9i2,pp. 333— 337, ff- 16—18, ^
p. 338),
20, 21, p. 346, XIII. PI. VII *
ff.
CR. 1891,
31, 32; cf. p.
BCA.
1899, p. 17, f. 26. v. p. 422.
25,
types of tombs about Kerch, "
CR.
1899, P- 19,
XLV. pp. 92—110,
f-
28.
For the
•
xix]
Panticapaeti
m
565 a
a ,"!
a
1
a,
B
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c I" L" c.S^?, p 3 '" L ^ ^ ^ 2 •? > o u ^ tn rt - ic-i- 5 ^ ^ «1 c « S
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rt
3
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Jr 3^
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ai
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-'
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2
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£ 4j
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C. ul,
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2 c i: c t c o tC _ 3 O <« '5 ^ _^ S s^ .
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^
3v ^
a
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2
c
a
e K
H V 0^
c66
Town
Bosporus.
[ch.
Sites
well, and there was a fountain Mithridates near the sea, water was probably a difficulty with the men of Panticapaeum hence the numerous large cisterns that have been found on the slopes of the hill. At this day there is no water in Kerch fit to make tea with, except what is fetched from Taman on the other side of
Although the baths were suppHed by a
at the foot of
Mount
:
the
strait.
Phanagoria and Gorgippia. Phanagoria was certainly near Senndja, but the topography of the town It seems to have covered a considerable area, but has never been explored. The actual site of the upon the northern part of it. the sea has encroached level space about three quarters of a mile town was what is now a more or less long and half a mile broad between the farms of Borovik and Semenjaka. From the middle of the sea-board a mole ran out about 350 yards (320 metres). The town-site is surrounded by mounds of rubbish containing tombs and barrows line for a mile and a half in every direction the roads leading to the To the south ran the old branch of the other towns of the Taman peninsula. ;
Kuban now
filled up.
No Greek
buildings have been excavated but architectural fragments, bases of statues and inscriptions have been found built into the ruins of The site of the acropolis cannot be pointed out'. Dubois Byzantine date. de Montpereux as usual saw walls and gates and streets, but the oldest The ruins seen by De La Motraye^ were inhabitant knew nothing of them. In Tartar times the peninsula of Taman was more [)robably mediaeval. thickly inhabited than now"". Inscriptions mention several buildings which are likely to have had some architectural importance, a gymnasium \ a Caesareum^ colonnades round the temple of Aphrodite Apaturias" and outside the town the temple of Artemis Agrotera'. At Gorgippia (Anapa) nothing seems visible, but inscriptions are continually being discovered these mention temples of Aphrodite Nauarchis* and of Poseidon", a 7r/3o[t'aov", a reyaez/o? tou fieydXov deov and an ipyacrTy]piov^\ ;
Tanais. generally thought that there were two settlements called Tanais, a of which we have the remains at Nedvigovka, and an earlier, which is It is curious that it is not noticed by that mentioned by the ancient authors'^ It is
later,
1
Appian,
JosPE. 11. 360, cf. BCA. in. p. 50, No. 17. App. bZ^IosPE. II. 362. • o-roat Trepii/diot losPE. II. 352. App. 2() = JosPE. il. 344. ^ App. = 47 BCA. XXIII. p. 46, No. 32. App. ^\=BCA. xxxvil. p. 38, No. 2. 'o losPE. IV. 430. 11 BCA. XXXVii. pp. 61, 63, Nos. 43, 46. '^ Strabo, XI. ii. 3; Alexander Polyhistor *
XII. io8.
Travels, II. p. 48. ^ K. K. Gortz, Archaeological Topography of the Taiiian Penhisida, pp. 87 126, Plan 3, and Historical Review 0/ Archaeological Investigations and Discovei-ies on the Taman Peninsula from the end of the XVIIIth Century to 1859, pp. 7 10, It is well to renew the caution 71, 105 and Plan. against confusing Suvorov's Fort Phanagoria just e.g. Clarke's E. of Taman, with the ancient city marbles "from the ruins of Phanagoria" came from Taman, Travels, 11. p. 82. The old name of Taman is unknown, in Const. Porph. it is Tn/xdrnp^^a and in old Russian Tmutarokan. 2
-^
—
'
•'
—
:
Byz.
ap.
a term used of it by Strabo and occurring in inscriptions on the new site; Eustath. in Dion. Per. 1. 663; Ptolemy, III. v. 12, perhaps means the new town: see also Pliny, NH. VI. 20 (7). St.
s.
v.
calls
it
'E/xTroptoi'
Phaiiagoria^
xix]
Gorgippia^
Ta?iais
567
Ps.-Scymnus who speaks at length of the river and mentions the small settlements on the Taman peninsula. Pliny says that this region was held first by Carians, then by Clazomenians and Maeonians, lastly by men of Panticapacnim, while Strabo directly states that it was a colony of Bosporans it seems to have enjoyed a certain amount of independence as he speaks of some Maeotae obeying the Bosporan rulers and some the holders of the trading station on Polemo I found this freedom not to his liking and utterly the Tanais. destroyed the settlement (c. 15 7 15. c). It had a great trade with both European and Asiatic nomads taking their slaves and hides and other nomadic products and giving in exchange clothing and wine and articles of civilized In front of it at a distance of a hundred stades lay the island of Alopecia life. with a mixed population. Leontiev, who has done more than anyone else for Tanais', was inclined to seek the older Tanais at Elisavetovskaja in the delta: P. Butkov- wished to put it, as well as the mediaeval Venetian colony Tana, at Azov, explaining the lack of remains by the wholesale blowing up of the Turkish fortress after Mr A. A. Miller's excavations at Elisathe Treaty of Belgrade in 1739. vetovskaja, 1908 910, have not been sufficient to settle the question". He shews by a map of the mouths of the Don (I.e. p. 86) that the upper section of the delta (v. Map ix.) was once divided by a considerable channel into two halves, to the north a marsh, to the south a long stretch of sandy this stretch is ground even now mostly raised above the spring floods covered with barrows for four miles, and half way along the old channel which bounded it to the north, is the site of a town with an outer bank, an The barrows are inner enclosure and a "hard" or jetty (Plan I.e. p. 120). Scythic in type save for an absence of horse-gear, but are full of Greek amphorae and other pots the town-site yields similar ware giving the date as the iiird century B.C., but some things from the barrows are much older, the But so sheath (p. 270, f. 186) came from here and another almost as early ^ far there are no inscriptions or other evidences of a real Greek settlement^ and I am much more inclined to think that we have here Alopecia and the It happens that coming up the east coast, along KaroLKia ixLydScov dv6pa>ir(t)v. v/hich the traffic went, you would get to it just a hundred stades before reaching the spot where the town seems to have started anew about 100 a. i). That this place has a right to the name Tanais the inscriptions prove but as nothing on the site goes back h.c. the presumption is that the old town was elsewhere. Probably some change in the river channels made it advisable to re-establish the .settlement between the villages of Nedvigovka and Sinjavka upon the north side of the northernmost arm of the Don now :
—
—
1
:
:
;
Dead Donets. Above a high cliff sloping steeply down to the space about 700 feet square was surrounded by a bank outside this was a ditch omitted on the side next the river. To the east and west were ravines which helped to isolate the site. At the corners of the square and in
called the river, a
;
Fropylaea (Russian), IV. p. 387: Extract from Rep. of Arch. Explor. in 1853 (St. P. 1855) pp. 65 121, cited in Latyshev, losPE. W. pp. 225, 226. Drevnosti, i.e. Trans. Mosc. Arcliaeol. Soc. '
—
''
HI. (1873) pp. 155
— 168.
Tana, A.D. 1362, CR. 1890,
Epitaph of a Consul p. 41,
f.
20.
at
^ BCA. xxxv. pp. 86-130, V\. V. ff. 23, 24 late ^rr//. Anz. 1910, pp. 202— Sc. sheath and rhyton 206, ff. 5,6; alsoib. 191 1, p. I97>f- 5,vithcent. sheath. * Panathenaic Amphora, Arc/i. An::. 1912,
=
A
p.
374,
it, cf.
ff.
66, 67, late vth cent.
BCA.
XLV.
p. 83, PI. vi.
li.C.
looks
more
like
Bosporus.
568
Town
Sites
[
CH.
There was a gate at the the middle of the north and west sides were towers. NE. angle and another in the middle of the south side from which a way led down to the river. By the sw. angle below the cliff was a Monte Testaccio. The barrows of the necropolis had mostly been rifled in ancient times but Professor Veselovskij had some success in i9o8\ finding evidence of both
ml w^/.
W^m^^^S^^^,^^^J^W'^%
t^^^ \=g-g.-
STEPPE
BAKR0W5 FURTHER TOE.8{N.
Sketch Plrnof
TANAIS AFTER.
LEONTIEV
Fig. 346.
Nedvigovka.
Scale about 5^00
o^"
150 yards to the inch.
interment and cremation with interesting cinerary urns of slip ware and iind century jewelry of some pretensions, especially an earring with a large Nike pendant". In the middle of the town was the market-place as shewn ^
Hermes
Anz. 1909,
(Russian), 1909, 140 145, ff. I
pp.
—
p.
—
6.
246 sqq.
;
Arch.
''
I.e.
p. 150,
f.
10.
Tana is.
xix]
History^ Fotmdation of Cities
569
by remains of its paving there were also two wells. All the masonry was exceedingly poor except one wall which may have belonged to a temple. The town was destroyed suddenly so that stores of wheat in the cellars were in cellars, too, were found candelabra and a lamp of bronze, not removed the most elegant bronzes found in South Russia (v. p. 381, n. 13). The earliest inscriptions belong to the time of Sauromates I about the beginning of the iind century a.d.,' the latest to that of Ininthimeus in a.d. 237'. Beside those set up by the religious societies and one or two private dedications, one of which seems to mention the docks (v. p. 619), no doubt to be placed on the sandy belt of beach where coins are still found, we have a whole series commemorating the erection of various buildings walls', towers\ gates^ a market-place" and a spring beautified so as to be a tower". Soon after the date of the last the town must have been destroyed probably by the Goths and Borani who were threatening the Bosporus about that time. Barbarous wallings and coins which go down to Rhescuporis the Last a.d. 338 and Valens shew that it was not entirely deserted. The cause of its brief prosperity is referred by Leontiev to the disturbance of the trade routes in Western Asia due to the decay of the Parthian power and its wars with Rome. So Tana which later flourished in the same neighbourhood was Tanais had no indebted to the decay of the Caliphate and to the Crusades. ;
:
:
Those referred of its own. Vacquier* do not belong to it.
coins P.
to
by Burachkov
it
(xxiii.
i
and
a)
History.
We
have no data telling us just when Panticapaeum" was founded by the Eusebius puts the foundation of Trapezus, a colony of Sinope, at but the Greeks do not seem originally to have approached the B.C., 756 Cimmerian Bosporus from that side, the Caucasus coast discouraged them. On the left side of the Euxine Istrus and Olbia are given as founded in the middle of the viith century and Panticapaeum was probably rather later. It was reckoned the mother of the cities on the Bosporus and was most likely Milesians'".
the '
^
^
of them".
first
losPE. IV. 446, 449, A.u. App. s,() = IosPE. n. 434. JosPE. IV. 447, A.D. 163;
and Vospro as a synonym
123. II.
431, [431 bis\
c.
A.D. 220. ^
JosPE. II. 427, A.D. 188 428, A.D. 192. losPE. II. 432, c. A.D. 230, 435. App. ^^ = /osPE. II. 430, A.D. 220. App. ^g = /osPE. II. 434, A.D. 236. Nitmi.^matique des Scythes etc. Tannais ;
"
* ' **
p.
103, PI,
I.
9.
''
s. v., WivTiKant]), but (Greeks living at a distance sometimes said Bosporus without precising further that they meant the town Panticapaeum. To the people of the country Bosporus meant the land on each side of the strait with all the Greek cities except Theodosia which lay rather apart. The name Bosporus for the city prevailed in Byzantine times, e.g. Procopius (te Acdif. III. 7,
M.
—
Thracian. (sic),
The true name of the European capital was Panticapaeum (Ptolemy, HavriKanaia, Eustochius ap. St. Byz.
for Kerch survived into Bosphorus is the usual Latin and English form but Pliny and Tacitus use the more correct Bosporus in inscriptions, e.g. losPE. II. 36 ( = App. 42), 42, 355, 358 (v. inf. p. 598, n. 7, 12), we have Bodo-Tro^oy by mistaken p. 613, n. pedantry. The word is probably not Greek but
the middle ages.
'"
No
(Brandis, P.- IV.
p.
741.)
importance need be attached
to
.Steph.
Byz. S. V. coKidBrj d( Trapa Atiyroi; TratSos, XaiidvTot t6v tottov Trapa 'A-ya/jrov tov IkvOmv fdamXttos xat KoXfO-avTos rqu nuXiv ('nro tov Trnpai'jjjfovTos noTafioii navTiKunov. At the traditional period of .A.eetes The there were yet no .Scythians in the country. name is not Greek and may have something in common with that of the river Panticapes. The coins with AFIOA may point to a Greek name Apollonia, v. p. 628. " Ammianus Marcell. XXii. viii. 26.
72
History
Bosporus.
57©
[ch.
Phanagoria\ the capital of the Asiatic shore, was the only town not Arrian (ap. Eustath. I.e.) names as its founder Pha
alive the
name
Cimmeris
of non- Milesian adventurers. is definitely called a foundation
name was Gorgippia, and perhaps
of the
Bosporan
tyrants'.
Portus Sindicus was To judge by the agonistic catalogue^ Gorgippia also a secondary foundation. Eumelus brought Dorians over contained a considerable Dorian element. Cepi we know to have been Ionian^ from Callatis". Whenever Panticapaeum and the Greek towns about it may have been founded, we get no ray of light upon their history until the vth century. Then Diodorus Siculus gives us what purports to be a list of Bosporan rulers Unfortunately his information is not even consistent with for two centuries. itself and one of the two dated inscriptions shews that his chronology is purely artificial that he has fitted the regnal years of Bosporan kings to the list of Athenian archons by a secondary calculation, not by using direct evidence that they answered each to each. Further his text is in a bad state, the numbers being as usual specially liable to error but when his light fails we realize how hard it is to supply any sort of continuous list. The first entry in the history of the Bosporan kingdom runs**: " In the archonship of Theodore at Athens (438/7 B.C.). ..those who had held the kingship of the Cimmerian Bosporus, they bore the name of Archaeanactids, had ruled forty-two years. And Spartacus took over the rule and ruled seven years." Who were the Archaeanactids'' we do not know and it does not seem much use bringing them into connexion with Archaenax of Mytilene. Their name would seem to point to their being a privileged family from whom magistrates were chosen, such as were the Codridae at Athens. Their ancestor had a very suitable name for the founder of such a house, so suitable as to make one doubt his existence. Diodorus uses the title king very vaguely, probably they were not really kings, if only their rule had gone back to time immemorial we might have thought of the title as surviving from primitive usage but if we are to believe Diodorus and he is our only informant their rule came into being but forty-two years
So by
its
Stratoclia^
;
—
;
—
—
;
*ai'ayopi'a, passim ^avayopeta, Ps.-Scymn. 886; ^avayopdov, Strabo, XI. ii. lo; ^avayapr), Dion. Per. 1. 549, 4>aii'ayopa, Eustath. in eundem
;
1.
losPE. \\. 6 was probably a Spartocid. ^ losPE. IV. 432, cf. Mat. XXIII. p. 64. "^
;
*
Pliny,
NH.
VI.
18 (6): Stratocles in
App. 27=
Diod.
.Sic.
XX. xxv.
MtX/jo-iW, Ps.-Scymn. Aeschines in Ctes. 171; Strabo, XI. ii. 10; Cepoe, Mela, 1. 112, Pliny, NH. vi. 18(6). The inhabitants used the e^fiKoi/ Kr/TriVj^y, BCA. XXlii. p. 42, No. 26, ivth cent, inscr. at Panticapaeum. ^ Diod. Sic. Xli. xxxi. i. » v. S. A. Zhebelev, "The Bosporan Archaeanactids," Jour7ial Min. Pub. Instr. St P. 1902, March, p. 130. ''
1.
K^ttos
899;
r' aTroiKio-^fio-a 8ta
K^rrot,
1
Arc/iaeanactids.
xix]
Spartocids
m
Diodoj-iis
571
If they were a clan with a hereditary claim to government before in 480 h.c. they must have gone much further back Zhebelev remarks that Diodorus does not generally go back before that date, so his first year for their power seems quite meaningless. If they had held power onl)- for forty years they ;
must have been parvenu
tyrants.
How
Spartacus or rather Spartocus (so his descendants alwaj-s wrote the name on their inscriptions) took over the power we know not: the usual idea that he was a Thracian mercenary leader who made a coup (Vdtat has everything in its favour'. Spartocus reigned for seven years. So Diodorus says in two places (xii. xxxi. and xii. xxxvi. i), but he is made to die in B.C. 433/2, which gives him only five years of reign. In the latter passage his successor is called Seleucus and reigns forty years (so the best ms. P[atmius], vulg. four). In the next passage touching Bosporus (xiw xciii. i) we hear nothing of Seleucus, but are told that in h.c. 393/2 died Satyrus son of Spartocus king of Bosporus having ruled forty-four years (so P., vulg. SeKarda-a-apa, edd. reTTapaKovTa to make it agree with the archon-date and xxxvi. i). Before P. was discovered it was usually assumed that XII. between Seleucus with his four years and Satyrus with his fourteen a *Spartocus II had dropped out. Now it is generally thought that Latyshev' is right in supposing that Seleucus a name neither Greek nor Thracian and never heard of before the time of Seleucus Nicator though so familiar afterwards is a mistake for Satyrus whose single reign took up the time formerly assigned to Seleucus, '^ Spartocus 1 1 and Satyrus. Diodorus goes on to say that .Satyrus dying in 393/2 B.C. was succeeded by Leucon his son who reigned for forty years and in the next passage (xvi. xxxi. 6) that Leucon having ruled forty years died in 354/3 B.C., and was succeeded by his son ".Spartacus" (I I), who reigned five years till his death in 349/8 when "Parysades" his brother began his reign of thirty-eight years (xvi. lii. 10), and after his death a civil war followed in 310/9 b.c' There was no reason to doubt this series until an inscription found in the Piraeus in 1877 shewed that in 347/6 B.c.^ the Athenians had received from the joint rulers of the Bosporus, Spartocus and Paerisades (so always in inscriptions) envoys to announce the death of their father Leucon and were setting up a decree complimentary to them and their brother Apollonius who remained in a private station. This means that Leucon did not die till about the preceding year or perhaps the one before that\ just the date given by Diodorus for the death of Spartocus 1 himself. Schaefer's explanation is no doubt right that Diodorus, calculating back from 310/9 when he had definite information about the Bosporus, knew that Paerisades had reigned thirty-eight years but did not know that five of i
—
—
On the Thracian names of Spartocus, Paerisades - (ITaTpoicXer)?) and Camasarye, v. W. Tomaschek "Die Alien Thraker," ni. in Sitzbcr.
^ App. 28=Kumanudis,'A^i7i'
Akad. zu IVie/i. CXXXI. pp. 44, 18, and 49. Journ. Min. Pub. Instr. St P., June, 1894, "On the History of the Bosporan Kingdom," I.
BCH.
'
d. kk. -
= no>'TiK((,
p. 174.
XX. xxii., being the beginning of an extract which goes into details of Hosporan history and augurs a firstrate source. ^
Hicks'^ Hill, 140. V. pi. 5 Ditt.'- I. 194, In App. i\ = CIAtt. \\. i. 31 1 a year and a half had passed after the liberation of Athens from Demetrius Poliorcetes before the Athenians set up a decree to .Spartocus III, who had sent corn and congratulations upon that event, ;
•'
;
v.
infra p. 580.
72—2
History
Bosporus.
572
[cH.
these ran concurrently with the reign of Spartocus 1 1 whom he regards as reigning before Paerisades from 354/3 to 349/8. Hence, instead of letting Leucon's forty years begin in 388/7, Diodorus But I believe that he left the had to push back his accession to 393/2. discrepant forty-four years to Satyrus and that the readings of the mss. in both places where the latter was mentioned (xii. xxxvi. i (mss. SeXeuKo?), P. P. reTrapoLKovra rerrapa vulg. TecrcrapoLKovTa vulg. Teacrapa and Xiv. xciii. I Diodorus is almost as much out about SeKaTeaa-apa) go back to this number. Spartocus I to whom he gives seven years although the dates are but five The whole confusion shews that Diodorus took some fixed date years apart. and calculated back from it adjusting the result to the tables of Athenian archonships. Paerisades was succeeded in 310/9 by Satyrus II who only reigned nine months being slain in battle with a younger brother Eumelus who also slew Eumelus reigned five years and five months another brother Prytanis'. (b.c. 309 304/3) and was killed in a carriage accident leaving the throne to So far, his son Spartocus who reigned for twenty years (303 283 B.c.)l thanks to Diodorus, we can establish the chronology more or less (see table inf p. 583) and it remains to fill in this outline by the testimony of other authors and of inscriptions. Of Spartocus I we know nothing more. His short reign must have been fully taken up with establishing the authority of the new dynasty. How far that authority stretched we cannot tell. Satyrus I devoted himself to rounding off the kingdom. find him holding Cepi before the collapse of the Athenian sea power (405 b.c.) when Gylon the Athenian governor handed him over Nymphaeum and received Cepi in exchange (v. supra p. 561). This acquisition of Nymphaeum was the first enlargement of the kingdom of which we hear. Henceforward there was no more need for the dyke just to the west of Kerch on the boundary of strictly Panticapaean territory. It was probably Satyrus that secured the whole eastern end of the " rugged " peninsula by the dyke which runs across from Opuk-Cimmericum to the Maeotis. Nymphaeum gave vSatyrus a harbour less liable to be ice-bound than Panticapaeum, but in pursuance of the same policy he set before himself the task of adding the port of Theodosia to his dominions. The harbouring of Bosporan exiles^ was probably a mere pretext. In this he was not successful but he left things so far advanced that his son Leucon could fulfil his desires. It is extremely improbable that a ruler who held Cepi and went as far afield as Theodosia should have allowed Phanagoria to continue perfectly free we may assume that if he did not receive it from Spartocus, it was his first objective^ That Satyrus had yet extended his power over barbarians to the east and like his successors called himself king of certain native tribes is unlikely, but we cannot be sure, inasmuch as from his time we have no inscriptions, ,
—
—
We
;
'
-
^ *
Diod. Sic. XX. Diod. Sic. XX.
xxii.
— xxvi.
c. 7.
Anon. Peripl. jj
(51).
Brandis P.- IV. ill. p. 767, holds that Phanagoria was independent until the time of Mithridates.
It
hard to reconcile this with the inscriptions its immediate neighbourhood {/osPE. 343 Leucon) or its actual site {losPE. IV. 418 is
either from 11.
Paerisades) and the general situation required early annexation.
its
Spartocus
XIX ]
Satyriis
I.
Tif^gatao
I.
573
but he is mentioned by Lysias and by Isocrates', who represents him as well disposed to Athens and allowing Athenian grain vessels special facilities for which he received the thanks of the city. On the other hand he sc.-ems liable to suspicion and capriciously condemns to confiscation and death the speaker and his father Sopaeus or Sinopeus one of his chief ministers, though afterwards repenting and marrying his son to the speaker's sist(T. hear of exiles and plots, so all Bosporans were not satisfied with his rule. Strabo (xi. ii. 7) mentions on the Asiatic shore near Patraeus-', a tumulus raised to the memory of King Satyrus. It is likely to have been the first of the name who best deserved such a monument after his long reign and great services. The tale of Tirgatao' does not fit any known Satyrus, but Latyshev is inclined to refer it to Satyrus I. The story goes that Hecataeus king of the Sindi, having been driven from his kingdom, was reinstated by Satyrus who gave him his daughter in marriage and bade him slay his former wife Tirgatao, a Maeotian princess of the tribe of tht; Ixomatae; Hecataeus out of love to her spared her life, but put her in prison. She, however, escaped to her own people, married her father's successor, roused her tribe against the Sindi, overran the kingdom of Hecataeus and did harm to that of Sat)Tus. The two kings sued for peace and handed over Metrodorus son of Satyrus as a hostage but meanwhile tried to get Tirgatao assassinated. She foiled the plot, slew the hostage and renewed the war with such success that .Satyrus died of chagrin and his son and successor Gorgippus had to buy peace with
We
:
rich gifts.
The main reason for supposing that the story applies to Satyrus I, is that the rulers of Bosporus subsequent to his time claimed to be kings of the Sindi a good reason against is that Satyrus died at the siege of Theodosia and was succeeded by Leucon also that we do not hear again of the Ixomatae until much later and that Metrodorus is a late type of name^ However, in the same generation as Leucon I there was a Gorgippus, the father of Comosarye wife of Paerisades I\ and Latyshev suggests that he at first divided the kingdom with Leucon ruling the Asiatic side and founding Gorgippia. The inscription" on which Leucon is called Archon of Bosporus and Theodosia does not help to prove that his authority was all
:
:
part west of the strait inasmuch as it was found near But that sometime in the ivth century a Gorgippus had quasisovran rights in Gorgippia we know from tile-stamps with rOP[rin PO Y'. But these would suit another Gorgippus mentioned with another Satyrus by Dinarchus" about fifty years later, and the repetition of the same names in limited
to
the
Lake Tsukur.
the family
makes
impossible.
identification
Pro Mantitheo,
It
is
% 4, 393 n.c. speaking of Trapeziticus, 3—5, 1, 20, 35, 51, 52, 57, B.C. 394; the speaker is a young Bosporan, name
for 'A7roXX
unknown.
nn. 4, 8, 9.
^
405
B.C.
-
This
1
may
^
may
1861, p. 176
m.
not be the Ilarpao-v? (MSS. Hecataeus ap. St. Byz. s.v. Polyaenus, viii. Iv. For the name v. supra, or
P-
39-
•
seems to occur upon tiles as MHTPOC where the C does not = 2 but is a sign of abbreviation by suspension, cf SATYC for Snrrpov, APOC *
It
162
;
that
KPATI PC, TIMOC,
(]iel,
A7.
.Skorpil in
/>'.,
p.
41
;
the
in
&c. IICA. XI.
:
CA'.
v.
p.
Bobrinskoj Miscellany,
155
App. Tp^IosPE. l\. 346. App. 26 = /osPE. 11. 343. : Mat. xvii. p. 71, No. 7; Skorpil I.e. n. 5; ib. n. and ABC. Reinach, p. 135, No. I.XVMI. c
cf.
;
p. 33,
s
ndrpao-i?) of 3
p.
;
quite likely
1
1
a gold cylinder inscribed '0/);((i/io s /// Demosfhencin, 43.
roi" ropyi'n-Tro.
History
Bosporus.
574
[ch.
unknown times after b.c. 250 the decadent Bosporan kingdom may have acquiesced in the independence of the Sindi and been incapable of resisting That Strabo (xi. ii. 10) seems to call Gorgippia the spirited Tirgatao. ySacrtXeiot- rdv l.LvSioi' points to their somewhat recent independence. His operations had been Satyrus died while besieging Theodosia'. rendered null by the aid of the Heracleotes who sent across the ingenious Leucon I, his son, is always regarded as one of the most Tynnichus". He was successful in reducing Theodosia and enlightened of Greek rulers. made it the great port for the shipment of corn. He is said to have named
—
sister or wife what may have been its precise Master of Theodosia he developed the not know. agriculture of the flat district between that town and the Bosporus. The open country had been subject to the steppe Scyths who even pushed their raids across the strait on the ice to the country of the Sindil No doubt fear of such inroads led the minor cities more readily to acquiesce in the The agricultural inhabitants of the plain spread of a strong central power. were reduced to serfdom and th e Bosporan kingdom was ready to become the
the
town anew
state previously
after
his
we do
granary ofGreece. Naturally the closest ties sprang up between such a country and the chief commercial and manufacturing state of Hellas, Athens, and it is in this connexion that we hear most of Leucon and his successors. In this, too, he completed the policy of Satyr us^ Of these friendly relations we hear in Demosthenes. In order to equalize the burdens of the Social War, b.c. 356, Leptines proposed that all immunities decreed to individual citizens, except descendants of Harmodius and AristoThis was bad policy in the case of foreigners who geiton, should be revoked. had merely complimentary citizenship and Demosthenes opposed it the case of Leucon and his sons was a very good one for his purpose. Moreover Demosthenes had family relations with the Bosporan rulers, for Gylon his maternal uncle had been under their protection since he had handed Nymphaeum over to them, and either now or subsequently the orator received from them a yearly allowance of a thousand medimni of corn'. So Demosthenes sets forth at length the advantages reaped by In a normal year Athens imported Athens from the good will of Leucon". On these 800,000 medimni of corn of which half came from Bosporus. remitted the export amounting medimni Leucon duty of per cent 400,000 3^ to 13,000 medimni and further, both at Panticapaeum and at his new staple Moreof Theodosia, gave the ships bound for Athens facilities to load first. famine, he sent enough corn (presumably over, three years before, in time of ;
Harpocration, s. v., cf. supra p. 556. Polyaenus, v. xxiii. For Heraclea's policy in this matter see supra, p. 516, but Chersonese had long been existing, witness Ionian pots found there, V. Add. We cannot say to what date should be referred the war between Heraclea and Bosporus mentioned by Aristotle, Oeconomica, il. ii. 8. ^ Herodotus, IV. 28. '
'^
* For variations in Athenian commerce as measured by the ceramic finds v. supra pp. 338
I, 339, 442 for the Pontic corn-trade besides Gernet and Grundy whose opinions are noticed on
n.
:
443 n. i, see G. Perrot, " Le Commerce des Cdr^ales en Attique au ive Si^cle avant notre Ere." Rcviie Historiquc^ iv. (1877), pp. i 73; Th. G. Mishchenko "Commercial Relations of the Athenian Republic with the Kings of Bosporus," Kiev University Bulletin, No. 7 (1878), p. 477: H. Francotte, " Le pain k bon march^ et le pain gratuit dans les citds grecques," Melanges Nicole, A. E. Zimmern, The Greek Conunofiwealth, p. 135 Oxford, 191 1, p. 356. p.
—
;
^
Dinarchus in Dem.
"
Dem.
/;/
Lept. 29
§ 43.
— 40.
Leuco?i I
XIX ]
(171(1
Athens
575
normal rate) to let the Athenians make fifteen talents profit on the Strabo (vii. iv. 6) may mean this same consignment when he speaks of 2,100,000 medimni sent by Leucon from Theodosia. Such an amount would about represent the Attic wheat deficit in a thoroughly bad year or it may be the total of several consignments. There is no reason to supi)ose that there was any question of a gift in either case. The 15,000' medimni sent by Spartocus III (v. infra) is quite a different thing if only for the small amount
at the
surplus.
:
of corn involved.
The ordinary price for corn was 5 drachmae a medimnus. No doubt no doubt, too, they did the Bosporan rulers were themselves large sellers a profitable business with other states and the fisheries provided another No wonder that Bosporus could afford the wine and oil, source of revenue. the pottery and manufactures of Greece, even if money had to be spent on :
on the support of Greek, Thracian and native mercenaries and on a fleet to keep down the neighbouring pirates. Perhaps it was for this purpose that later Spartocus 1 1 and Paerisades wanted the crews granted them in the inscription" set up to them in the tribute to threatening Scythian tribes,
Piraeus.
But from Athens the Spartocids received also less material recognition. F"rom the same inscription we know that Satyrus had been honoured in some way, from Demosthenes and the same source we know that Leucon was publicly praised by the Athenian state, granted the citizenship and immunity from civil burdens and crowned at the Panathanaea with a golden wreath worth 1000 drachmae: which wreath according to custom was duly inscribed and dedicated to Athena Polias further that the decree conferring :
honours was set up, as Demosthenes tells us, in triplicate, in the Piraeus, at Bosporus and in the temple of Zeus Urius at the entrance of The decree of immunity was necessary because there was the Euxine. always money belonging to the Spartocids lying at Athens and some That is why the ingenious citizen might have proposed an antidosis. But it was the insult of proposal of Leptines had a material importance. withdrawing a privilege granted as a courtesy which would have done the harm. No doubt th^ Spartocids' vanity was flattered by these compliments. As Perrot remarks they never seem to have sought the glory of success at the great Hellenic games, at which Sicilian princes loved to display their magnificence. Probably the descendants of a Thracian condottiere could not gain admittance. But it was some consolation that the "eye of Hellas" enrolled them among her citizens and allowed the distant Bosporans to enter for the Panathenaic games and bring home prize amphorae (v. pp. 347, 626). Dinarchus (I.e.) In later times the compliments paid went even farther. accuses Demosthenes of corrupt motives in proposing that Birisades \sic\ and The Satyrus and Gorgippus should have bronze statues in the Agora, inscription from the Acropolis in honour of Spartocus III (b.c. 287/6)'', speaks of such statues set up to his ancestors in the Agora and in the Emporium and of an offensive and defensive alliance concluded with them, and proposes to these
1 '^
So Perrot p. 64. App. 28 = Ditt.^
Edd. restore I.
129.
Trei/TaKoo-iour.
*
App. 34 =
Ditt.-
i.
194.
Bosporus,
576
History
[cH.
up to him two statues, one in the Agora by his ancestors and one upon the Acropolis, as well as the usual inscrij^tions and wreaths. have the first few words Leucon had to do not merely with Athens. of a decree in his honour passed by the common assembly of the Arcadians Perhaps he employed Arcadian mercenaries or granted soon after 369 b.c' them such a favour as the Mytilenians a few years later. These he let off with i^ per cent export duty on 100,000 medimni of corn a year above that figure they had to pay the usual if per cent". He left behind him as good a reputation as was possible for a man who was regarded as a Tvpaui^o<;\ To have looked after his soldiers' morals by stopping their pay when they got into debt through vice or gambling*, is counted to him for righteousness by Latyshev, who reckons among minus laudabilia his saying that a tyranny has need of bad men'^ and the devices for foiling conspiracies of which Polyaenus (vi. ix. 2, 3) tells us, though one of these, enlisting the support of the trading class by borrowing its money, is both not indefensible and the other not more treacherous than necessary shew that the Bosporan Greeks had the spirit not to submit quite tamely the financial operation (ibid. § i) of calling in all the coinage and reissuing it at double its face value seems to have been regarded as doing no harm to anyone it may have begun a practice which disfigured Bosporan coin with countermarks but the style of extant coins subjected to the process points to a later ruler of the name. Polyaenus (v. xliv. i, see inf. p. 626) also relates the trick played upon Leucon towards the end of his life by Memnon of Rhodes who was in the employ of the Heracleotes, the consistent foes of the Bosporan kings. Besides the decree of the Arcadians three other inscriptions on the Bosporus record his name. In one from the Taman peninsula" he is only styled archon of Bosporus and Theodosia. In another from Kerch he bears the titles of archon of Bosporus and Theodosia and king of the Sindi, Toretae, set
We
:
:
:
:
Dandarii and Psessi'. The natural inference is that the former inscription belongs to a time when he had not yet conquered the native peoples. Latyshev argues from this and from the story of Tirgatao (v. supra p. 573) that at first he was not ruler of the Asiatic side of the strait, but the stone comes from there and the document would not have been dated in his archonship had he not at the time borne rule in that district. Hence we may infer that Satyrus set the reduction of the neighbouring Greek communities as the limit of his policy and that Leucon raised the dynasty from being archons of a few coast towns to being also kings of wide stretches of country and populous if barbarian tribes in the interior and he it was who left the greatest name to posterity. Towards the end of his reign he seems to have admitted his sons to power, as they are thanked with him by the Mytilenians.
—
1
losPE.
II.
4,
Kerch.
"ESo^fi' Toii 'ApKaaiv AevKoiva \rov 2ari;]po(ii) WavriKaTravrav ^ Ditt.2 9I4 = /C XII. {IGins) ii. p. 2 No. 3: already in 428 B.C. the Mytilenians had been getting corn from the Pontus, Thuc. III. ii. 2. ^ Cf. Chrysippus ap. Plut. de Sioicoruni Repugn. 20; Strabo, vii. iv. 4; Dio Chrys. de
Regia Pot. II. ]]. * Aeneas, CoM. Poliorc. V. 2. ^ Athenaeus, VI. 71 (p. 257 e). App. zb^IosPE. II. 343. ' App. 2j=IosPE. 11. 6; in App. 2() = IosPE. 11. 344 he only appears as the father of Paerisades. For the tribes see supra pp. 24, 127, 128. <"
Leuco?i
XI x]
Spa j^toe us IL
I.
Pacj-isades
I
577
—
Vxom the joint monument
rci^n of Spartocus 1 1 and Pacrisades I (349/8 344/3) the Piraeus inscription from which we learn the true chronology of these rulers, the precise honours paid th(Mn by Athens and the existence of a third brother Apollonius, who though a private jjerson received compliments by way of afterthought'. The inscription is headed with a basrelief shewing three figures, but unfortunately the heads have been mutilated so w(; cannot judge whether any barbarous traces were left in the family type'. Paerisades when reigning alone (344/3 310/9) continued the policy of Leucon'' and is classed with him as a mild and capable ruler. He may ev(!n claim to surpass him Strabo (vii. iv 4) says he was reckoned a god, whether before or after death we cannot tell here again we find the Bosporus anticipating Hellenistic custom. However, he had his difficulties as about the only
is
—
;
:
330 B.C. commerce in Bosporus was utterly disorganized by a war with the Scythian king\ Probably the nomads had made a raid into the country about Theodosia, but war with the eastern tribes may be referred to. In this direction Paerisades enlarged his authority or at any rate his pretensions. It is hard to believe that we can trace the fluctuations of his power in the changes of his title kings do not give up titles when they no longer represent facts, George HI called himself king of France the leaving out of tribes may be due to mere questions of space^ but the addition of new tribes no doubt ;
:
indicated fresh conquests.
Paerisades at first adopted Leucon's style as in App. 29 which is just App. 27 except that there was no room for Psessi or their name has perished". Next instead of enumerating the last tribes separately, he summed them up as Matroif TTdvTO}v\ further he added ©areoiv^ and dropped the navTOji'", and made the final addition of A6(r\(i)v^°. No doubt these last two tribes stood like
The Sindi also are counted separately being the form part of the Bosporan state and being apparently
apart from the Maeotae. first
Maeotian
less
barbarous than the others.
One form
is
tribe to
inscription"
unusual
abnormal
is
still it falls
:
in that
into place as
Bosporus
left out,
is
also
whole
its
coming before Paerisades conquered
more satisfactory criterion than the absence of Bosporus, which must surely be a slip. Schaefer" has based upon this the view that it belongs to a time when Spartocus ruled Bosporus and Paerisades Theodosia and the Maeotian tribes a most unnatural combination. The stone was found at Kerch so in such a case it must have been dated by Spartocus. The whole dominion of Paerisades is well summed up in the epigram the eastern tribes, a
—
:
EiKOva ^ol/3col CTTrjcre, 'AvrtcrcrTacrt, ^avoixa-^o^ addvarov dvrjTon. narpL yepa^ reXeVa?,
cro[i'],
IlaiptcrctSeos dp')(OVTO<; ocrrjv y^dova Tep/xot-e? aK'p[oi]
Tavpojv Kauffacrtd? re '
His name occurs on
BCA.
III. p.
App. 28=Ditt.- 129: cf.
°
e.g.
Dem. App.
BCH.
in Phorui. % 36. 2()
= IosPE.
In losPE. IV. 419 of the same formula. "
M.
p. 41
II.
€)(ov(Ttv opoi^'.
App. 2>° = losPE. 11. 346. App. i\=IosPE. II. 8. '" losPE. 11. 347, v. p. 128, n. 8. " op. c. also Latyshev losPE. 11. p. xxiii. '' losPE. 11. 9: the genitive in -for is most used by Paerisades I, losPE. II. 9, 10, 345, 347i l^'- 4'8: **
;
'J
•'
losPE.
K/. B.
162.
•^
'
tiles Giel,
ivTo
ID, II
(
II.
V. pi. 5. ^ ibid. S 8.
344. to
we seem
have fragments
-ovy
= App.
29"), 345, IV. 418.
comes
in
II.
11,
Later kings of the
344,
name
346=App. use
29*,
29, 30.
-ov.
73
:
Bosporus.
578
History
[ch.
These were the natural boundaries which could only be easily passed towards the ne. where the frontier was no doubt very variable. Polyaenus (vii. xxxvii.) has his anecdote about a Paerisades, probably the first of the name, how that he had one change of raiment for setting the battle in array, another The device seems to have for the fighting and a third for purposes of flight. stood him in better stead than it did Ahab. This Gorgippus Paerisades married Comosarye daughter of Gorgippus'. may have been Leucon's brother if the story of Tirgatao applies to Satyrus I in any case he was probably a member of the ruling family as his daughter's name is, like Spartocus and Paerisades, Thracian, and his own name recurs in the history and geography of Bosporus. Paerisades had three sons at least, Satyrus II, who succeeded him, Eumelus and Prytanis'. Most probably he had another, Gorgippus, and towards the latter part of his reign had associated Satyrus and Gorgippus That would account for Demosthenes having carried with him in the power. statues of all three Pontic tyrants as Dinarchus up the set the proposal to with the phrasing of inscriptions' which begin would agree it, and (I.e.) puts proxeny to so and so. These inscriptions testify give IlatptcraSr;? koX TratSes Athenians but also Piraeans (i.e. Athenian that they treated not merely colonists at Amisus) and Chalcedonians well. Probably the reign of Paerisades represents the highest prosperity of The native tribes were the Bosporus kingdom under its own ruling house. weak or well kept in check by its vigorous ruler. As the granary of Greece Athens it was sure of a constant income flowing in from a certain market. But its best customer was indeed declining but was not yet utterly fallen. with the opening up of Asia to Greek enterprise new corn supplies were made accessible and new competitors appeared in markets whose purchasing power was lessened owing to the draining of Greece by wars and emigration. The country was made the less ready to bear this adverse change by the When Paerisades died exhaustion produced by a _yeays_civil war, 309/8 B.C. We hear nothing of Satyrus his eldest son was his natural successor. However, Eumelus a younger son disputed his claim and Gorgippus. Diodorus (xx. xxii. xxvi.) gives us a detailed account of the struggle. Eumelus allied himself with Aripharnes king of the Thateis who lived beyond a river Thates, Satyrus invaded their country with two thousand Greek and two thousand Thracian mercenaries and Scythian allies numbering He made a laager twenty thousand and more foot and ten thousand horse. waggons and joined battle against the enemy who had with his provision Neither side seems twenty thousand horse and twenty-two thousand foot. After a doubtful struggle Satyrus was to have used any Bosporan Greeks. victorious and Eumelus and Aripharnes retired to the latter's royal fastness, obscurely described as a kind of pile village surrounded by the river and Two ways only rendered unapproachable by great cliffs and a thick forest. led to it, one well guarded by the high towers of the royal castle, the other leading through marshes and only secured by wooden fortifications. Satyrus, after preliminary plundering of the open country, made his
—
^
App. ^o=TosPE. n. 346.
-
Acis,
V.
p.
585,
n.
4,
was, to judge by the
lettering, his daughter. ^
losPE.
II.
i
(
= App.
32)
and
2.
XIX ]
Paerisades
I.
Satyi-us
Eume/us
II.
579
approaches in form, took the wooden fortifications and began to cut a way through the forest, though his men were much harassed by the enemy's sharpshooters. Ultimately when by the fourth day the attack was approaching the castle, Meniscus the captain of the mercenaries had to give way to the defenders and Satyrus coming to his support was wounded and died that same evening. Meniscus raised the siege retiring to Gargaza and brought the king's body back across the strait {tov Trora/xou regarded as mouth of the Tanais) to Prytanis at Panticapaeum. Prytanis laid Satyrus in the royal tomb and hasted to Gargaza where he assumed the power. Eumelus proposed a partition, but Prytanis refused it and hurried back to Panticapaeum to establish his authority. Thereupon Eumelus and his barbarian allies advanced and took Gargaza and other places, lorced Prytanis to a combat, defeated him and shut him in a headland by the Maeotis Prytanis capitulated and promised to leave the country, but when he came to the capital Panticapaeum, made a last attempt to seize the power, failed, tied to Cepi and there was slain. This last attempt seems to have exasperated Eumelus who proceeded to exterminate the house of Spartocus and the adherents of Satyrus, and only Paerisades the young son of Satyrus escaped. He took refuge with Agarus king of the Scythians. These massacres roused the indignation of the citizens but Eumelus called a mass-meeting, defended his actions, restored the ancestral government {j-qv TraTpiov TroXiTeiav diroKaTea-TTja-e), conceded again the immunity which the dwellers in Panticapaeum had enjoyed in the time of their forbears and promised to exempt everyone from the direct taxation, doing all this to gain the affection of the masses. So he ruled his subjects according to law and aroused much admiration by his merits moreover he was a benefactor to the other Greeks about the Pontus, to the men of Byzantium and Sinope and especially to the citizens of Callatis. I-^or when Lysimachus besieged them and there was lack of corn in the city, he received a thousand of them and granted them lands upon the Psoas. F"urther, he earned universal praise by restraining the piracies of the Heniochi, Tauri and Achaei and conquered for his kingdom much land of barbarous tribes. Indeed he formed the project of uniting all the tribes about the Pontus and might have succeeded but for "his strange death. Jumping from a runaway waggon (it had four horses, four wheels and a tilt (v. p. 51, f. 6)) he got his sword caught in a wheel and was whirled round and round and killed after a reign :
:
:
—
of five years and five months (309/8 304/3). have given rather a full summary of the story of Eumelus found in I Diodorus because it seems evidently to go back to an extract from some history of, or panegyric written for Bosporus. It gives us an insight into the relations between the Bosporan state and the surrounding tribes indiThe river Thates cating what a part they played in its internal affairs. with the fastness of Aripharnes and the town of Gargaza are quite unknown', but everything points to the country between the lower Kuban and the '
Unless Thates
(v.l.
ed^iv) and Gargaza be
Ptolemy's '•i'adis and Gerusa as Wesseling and ^ijay too is unknown and not Ortelius suggest, unlike 'i'aOis, but Latyshev, y<)7/r«. Mifi. Pud. Instr.
St P. Apr. x.'^pav
in
for
i894 = norTiK(i,
'I'ciav
xai ttjv x-i
App. 4g=/iu/'A'.
l\.
p.
171, conj. Oiai'i'irii' fv Biawfon-
comparing
353.
73—2
History
Bosporus.
580
[cH.
What may have been the rights and immunities Eumelus to the citizens of Panticapaeum we cannot tell. They by restored least the citizens rather shadowy. At take singularly little probably were
outliers of the Caucasus.
part
in
their
rulers'
Eumelus may represent a
struggle.
reaction
of the
In other things besides his scheme barbarian element against the Hellenic. appears as a forerunner of Mithridates the Great. of general conquest he There are no lapidary inscriptions in honour of Satyrus II, Prytanis or Eumelus, but the names occur upon tiles'. He is Spartocus III, son of Eumelus, reigned from 304/3 to 284/3 ^-c As we have seen the the last king of whom Diodorus (xx. c. 7) speaks. Athenian inscription^ tells us that in 287/6 B.C., a year and a half after expelling the garrison of Demetrius Poliorcetes, in return for a present of 15,000 medimni of wheat Athens decreed Spartocus the usual honours: she could offer no other reward. In his own country several inscriptions date from his reign, but do not the first calls him archon alone, the next (and 11. 35) tell us much about him'* king alone, the last two give him both titles (e.g. 348 o.pyovTo^ kol ^aaLXevoPTO's). His son Paerisades II reigned from 284/3 'ill after 252 B.C., for in the latter year he presented a vase to Apollo at Delphi^ In one inscription he is spoken of as archon of Bosporus and Theodosia and king of the Sindi, Maeotae and Thateis". In the others he is only king". The tiles" with the names Spartocus and Paerisades seem to belong to these kings to judge by the lettering (P, O, Z) and grammatical forms (genitive Ilatpta-aSou) but there is very little to go upon as also in the question of the coins (v, inf. p. 584 sqq.). As Boeckh and after him Latyshev have well explained, the Spartocids at any rate from the time of Leucon when they had extended their power over neighbouring barbarian tribes, had borne a double title. In the Greek cities of the Bosporus and in Theodosia they professed to fill the more or less constitutional ofiice of Archon, though their authority was such that other Greeks thought of them as TvpawoL and called them as much when they did not wish to be polite**. Otherwise they spoke of them as ^vvda-Tai or Demosthenes speaks of Leucon as archon, the official decrees of r]yep.6ve<;. the Athenian people give no title at all no one could tell but that Paerisades and Spartocus II and Spartocus III were private individuals. So thanks are given for acts which were obviously political without any mention of the state which performed them. That the Spartocids were really the whole state we see from decrees of proxeny being made out in their name''. Naturally there was no need of such careful regard for the feelings of barbarous tribes and the Spartocids could proclaim their power for what it :
:
1
CR. 1861,
p.
16, 17 ( = App. 36), 35, [350]. '^^i, p. 176; Giel, Kl. B. p. 41
BCA.
«
losPE. w.
Bobrinskoj Mis-
^
<^^-
176; Giel, Kl. B.
Ml. p. 162; XI. p. 156. Skorpil, ccl/any, p. 33, nn. 11.
p.
41
;
9—
App. 34 = C/^//. II. 311, Ditt.M. 194. /^^•/'if. II. i3( = App. 33), 14, 348, 349:cf. 35. Latyshev, Joiirn. Min. Publ. Iiistr. St P. 1899, Nov. p. 55 { — TiovTiKo.., p. 301) n. 3 quoting Homolle BCH. vi. p. 164, n. 4.' ' App. 3S = /osP£. II. 15.
HI- p.
162
;
PPYTANh,
2
3 «
,., fitted in); ,
P-
,
XI. p.
156;
33» ""• 6, 7. ^ e.g. Dinarchus "
BCA.
(PAIPIS^A
losPE.
II.
I
ib.
p.
163,
cannot be
.,„,.,.,,. Skorpil, Bobrmskoj Misc., >
m Dein. 43.
(=App.
32), 2.
—
:
Later Spartocids
xix]
581
was and call themselves kings. Whatever may have been the concessions made by Eumelus to gain the acquiescence of the mob they probably did The constitution of their fathers and not amount to much more than words. their forbears' immunity were sounding phrases, antl if the ruler could remit the taxes paid by the citizens of the chief town it shews that he was entirely So his successor Spartocus becomes rather careless independent of them. of a distinction which was becoming an anachronism in the world of the Diadochi and Paerisades 1 1 after the last regular appearance of the ancient
—
himself simi)ly king. Later historians not unnalurall)' tended of the house kings in whatever connexion they may have been mentioning them. have an inscription' which m
formula
calletl
to call all
members
We
the Ibis
(1.
309)
Aut
pia te caeso dicatur adultera, sicut cecidit Leucon vindice dicta piast".
Qua
Neither king would seem to have reigned long: hence we have but one and one inscription from the time of Spartocus and only coins from that of Leucon II, if indeed all the coins are not still later. The tile with the coin
name of Leucon is still unpublished. Skorpil seems to refer it to Leucon I'. Then follows a break of about seventy years into the earlier [)art of which there probably come the King Aces and the Archon Hygiaenon, but as we know their names from tiles and coins only, they are better discussed in connexion with the coins of the Spartocids (p. 583). The friendly relations with Chersonese chronicled by Syriscus (p. 517) came just at this time. We next have a glimpse of the Bosporan kings in the middle of the imd century in an inscription honouring as King and Archon Paerisades Philometor, son of King Paerisades and of Queen Cama.sarye Philotecno.s, daughter of Spartocus, and now married to Argotes son of I. ..thus'. Latyshev" has identified these persons with pious donors recorded in in.scriptions in the temples of Branchidae and Delphi. At the former place under the year 156/5 we have the name of Queen Camasarye" and under the following year Haussoullier restores that of Paeris]adesl P"urther Homolle" has published a decree of the Delphians in honour of * '*
App. y] = IosFE. u. App. })^=IosPE. \\.
*
18.
Ask. ap. R. Ellis
Latyshev, Sc. ct Cauc. II. p. 106: Leucon umis ex Ponticis regibus Spartacon fratrem suuiii interfecit qui cum uxore sua solebat adulterari. Postea idem Leucon interfeclus est ah uxore sua unde Arion •*
Cf. Schol.
;
:
"Leucon
occidit fratrem pro coniuge
:
eumque
Coniux et causa mortis utrique fuit." C. von Mure, ibid, preserves the name Alcathoe but
makes her
wife to Spartacus.
Dobrinskoj Misc.
p. 33.
= IosPE.
\\. 19. Tomaschek, "Alten Thraker," p. 49 sugjjcsts 'l[rra'i']^oii, cf. ib. p. 9. ^ Johdi. Xfin. Pub. Instr. Nov. 1899, p. 52 = ''
15.
App.
Wovtiku, ' '*
i?,
p. 298.
CIG. 2855. Kt'inic
de Philoioi^ic,
n. s.
13' quoted by Latyshev, op. ^2>3 stiH follows Hoeckh
XXll. (1898) c.
p.
m makmg
^'T'ncH.
p.
53, n. 3.
xxili. (1899), i-vi. p. 96. ^ ^'" ^ ^
C.
1
13
Uitt."''
wife
to
History
Bosporus,
582
[ch.
/8a
seems rather
earlier in date than the
Branchidae
We
entries.
learn from
it
that Camasarye's father, who cannot be the Spartocus IV of whom we have As Latyshev says, both Paerisades already treated, bore the title of king. and Camasarye belonged to the royal house and were probably cousins, or
perhaps Paerisades was the son of Prytanis (v, p. 580, n. 7); he certainly seems not to have been in as direct succession as his wife and to have ranked rather as kino--consort. She survived him and from the form of the Bosporan inscription was regent in the time of her son Paerisades In Philometor, even associating in her power her second husband Argotes. view of this we cannot be sure that the Paerisades mentioned at Branchidae was her husband rather than her son and accordingly lose the terminus post Still quein for the accession of Philometor that Latyshev wishes to fix. considering the natural longevity of the Spartocids it is possible that Philometor whose reign began with a minority may be the Paerisades whom we find reigning in the last decade of the century, we can at least be sure .that he too belonged to the royal house. Paerisades the Last ruled a kingdom no longer strong enough to make uncle and niece
:
head against the barbarians, who increased their demands for tribute, and who seem to have had the sympathy of a large party of the population. Accordingly Paerisades put himself under the protection of Mithridates VI Eupator king of Pontus, and thereby brought his kingdom into the main stream of history. Mithridates employed as his agent
in
the Crimea
Diophantus, whose After defeating
exploits are related in the great Chersonesan inscription'.
Palacus, Diophantus went to the Bosporus and there was most successful (presumably in the winter of B.C. iio, inscr. 1. 10), apparently relieving Paerisades from his enemies, but leaving him the semblance of authority. So things remained for about three years, during which Diophantus was breaking the power of the western Scythians. However, in the autumn of 107, when Diophantus was actually at Bosporus seeing after the interests of Mithridates, the Scythians under Saumacus^ who had been brought up by Paerisades, rose and killed the old king and nearly caught Diophantus, who escaped on a ship sent by Chersonese. Diophantus raised a force among the men of that city, received support from Mithridates, and in the following spring crushed the revolt and took Saumacus prisoner. It is quite possible that Saumacus the was legitimate representative of the Spartocids naturally opposed to the intervention of Mithridates and like Eumelus relying on native support, but after his failure Diophantus could establish his master's unlimited authority over the kingdom. Neither among the Spartocids nor still less among the later kings can we find a place for Leucanor and Eubiotus of whom Lucian"' speaks, though the older investigators even assigned coins to the latter. '
App.
the dates p.
\2> = IosPE. 1. 185: for the question of and general account of Diophantus, v.
519^
Besides
"Konig Saumakos,"^/./ A'wwwwa/'/'/', vni. B. XXV. 37, 1775 grn. = i'i5 grm. Rayed hd r. ox-hd r. BAS SAYM. |
PI. vi. 22,
he coined
silver, v. R. Keil,
^
Toxa}-is, %% 44
and
54.
p.
329
Rfid of
XIX
Spartoci(/s.
'r.Mil.K
'Their
Coi??s
SH3
TIIK Sl'AKTOflhS.
OI'
Si'AKTDCUS
(438/7—433/2
I
H-C.)
I
Satyrus
Leucon
I
(433/2—389/8)
Gorgippus(?)
I
.Metrociorus(?)
(389/8-3498)
Comosarye
m.Theodosia(?) ni.
Spartocus
Paerisades
II
Orchamiis
(?)
Pinrisades I
Apollonius
I
(344/3—310/9)
(349/8-344/3) s. p. {with Paerisadcs /)
{alone)
m. Comosarye
~1 Satyrus
II
EuMELUS (309/8— 304/3)
Gorgippus(?)
310,9
Prytan is
(309/8)
Acis?
I
Spartocus
Paerisades
III
(304/3—284/3)
I
Paerisades
Spartocus IV
II (284/3
till
after 252)
Leucon II=Alcathoe
(after 252)
ACES(?)
Hyoiaenon(?)
Spartocus
Prytanis(?)
Paerisades
Isanthes
V(?)
I
I
I
III(?)
= 'Camasarye-* =
Argotes
Philotecnos (fl. c.
160—154)
Paerisades IV(?) Philometor
Paerisades the Last (d. c. 107).
Spartocid Coins.
Numismatists' have made so much history out of the
Bosporan coins impossible to treat the coins and the history apart, but as regards Even did the Spartocid period they have thrown on it very little real light. we know the names and dates of all the kings we could scarcely assign them their coins, for in dealing with remote cities, using imitative types, style becomes a most untrustworthy criterion, we cannot even be sure that there was steady decadence, at any time a good engraver might come across from
that
it
is
Asia and raise the
level.
Since Koehne's day attention to publishing Spartocid coins has been given by Prince Sibirskij (quite fantastic), Chabouillet, von Sallet, Oreshnikov {Ziir Miinzkunded. Cim. Bosp., the most valuable), Burachkov, Podshivalov ( Zra^j-. Od. Soc. xv. p. 13, the best photographs), Imhoof-Blumer (who puts '
them
all
into the llnd century li.c),
Latyshev (from
the historical side, losPE. II. p. xxix.), Giel, Skorpil (Hygiaenon) and I5ertier-de-La-Garde, A'«w. Misc. II. ".Mat. for Stathmological Investigations," p. 58, who alone gives all the weights, see Bibliography.
:
History
Bosporus,
584
[ch.
Coins bear three names known in Bosporan history, Spartocus, Leucon and Paerisades, and one, Hygiaenon, that occurs on Bosporan tiles with the title of Archon a fifth name, Aces, otherwise unknown but not without analogues, appears on a coin assigned to the Bosporus on the ground of its close resemblance to the staters of Paerisades and Hygiaenon. One thing is clear, that we have no coins of the older Spartocids who refrained from the title of king except in connexion with the barbarous There is no coin older than Spartocus IV, or at most Paerisades II. tribes. Coinage was the only sovran act that we can attribute to the cities of Panticapaeum and Phanagoria. Spartocus only coined silver, Leucon only copper, and Aces only gold Hygiaenon certainly coined gold and silver, perhaps copper as well. Electrum and gold staters and a silver tetradrachm bear the name Paerisades. The gold coins go together being all modelled on the staters of Lysimachus and shewing on the reverse his Pallas Nicephoros (cf. p. 448, f. 329 bis). The eleven surviving staters with the name Paerisades all come under the description applied to PI. vi. 20, 21, but they seem to fall into four groups as they differ among themselves in execution and the cast of features upon the obverse and also in the monograms upon the reverse and in weight. These particulars, the history and the chief publications of each coin, may be ;
;
tabulated as follows EL. i307grn. -8'47 grm. Ef in field nothing under seat. Once Pr. Sibirskij's, now Giel Coll. MK. n. p. 33, No. 2 Chabouillet, l. 5 Oreshnikov, Title-page Burachkov, XXIV. 6
I.
;
;
Podshivalov,
= 8-44
A'. i30'3 grn.
II.
CR. 1880,
I.
3
;
TEAS.
ffiT
infield;
grm.
II.
4, 5
Or.
;
N. i3o-9grn.=8'48 grm. CR. 1880, III.
A'^.
130-9 grn.
A^-
i3o-3grn.
MK.
II.
6, 7
= 8-48
II.
p. 33,
Or.
;
20
N.
130-1 grn.
N.
i3ogrn.
:
No.
Chab.
= 8-43
I.
I
;
;
I
Chab.
;
i.
4
i.
3
;
Pod.
;
I.
11
:
Hermitage.
i.
Acad. Sciences, St P.
seat.
2.
Paris.
Or.
;
I.
nothing under
:
i.
3
;
Pod.
p. 21.
Glasgow, Hunter
seat.
Pod. p. 21
;
A
Artjukhov's Barrow, Grave
seat.
Pod.
;
seat.
Kl under
grm.
El under
B. p. 216
S under
;
52.
and
field
2
v.
B. p. 215
13 under
= 8-44grm.
PI. VI.
I.
Uff in
grm.
;
;
Giel,
Macdonald,
II.
p.
Coll.
229, XLV.
5.
St Florian, Austria.
seat.
= 8-42grm. pj under seat. TRAS. v. 53. 127-6 grn. = 8-27 grm. No monograms. 129-3 grn. = 8-38 grm. A in field
Giel Coll.
Giel,
A^. A^.
I
A^.
P^(.')
1
seat.
Terlecki Coll.
now
Prowe.
in letters
)
:
;
A^
Temrjuk:)
from V. V. Skorpil and I. Terlecki: Oreshnikov, Num. Misc. II. (1912). "Coins of Chersonese &c." p. 37, PI. I. Nos. 2, 3, puts the first in Group II, the second in a group by itself, but to my eye the Hunter specimen links them together. 125-8 grn. = 8-i5 grm. under seat. Siverskaja Hist. Mus. Moscow. K in field TET •• i27-3grn. = 8-25 grm.
Both
IV.
;
Kerch: under
S
PI. VI. 21.
Burachkov's xxiv.
With the
5
is
staters
Michailovich
Or.
I.
4, 5
a forgery
;
;
Pod.
Mr
11.
14,
15.
Alexeev's reputed specimen no one seems to have seen.
goes the tetradrachm
lately
acquired by H.I.H.
Alexej
:
= 14-1 grm. Hd of Paerisades r., 4> in field nothing Pallas Nicephoros as before under seat. bearded and filleted. Photograph and letter from Oreshnikov v. Ntan. Misc. 11. p. 39, f. 13 Bertier-de-La-Garde, I.e.
JR.
217-6 grn.
;
I
|
:
;
;
:
Spartocid Coins
xix]
cannot feel that there I The head in three orroups. horn of the Alexander model
^85
much
essential difference between the first decidedly idealized though the Ammon is not reproduced, it is a kind of compromise the work on Sibirskij's example is finer than on the others, and the hair is rather stiff in oroup in, none come near a trood I.ysimachus so too the averaj^e wei^j^ht is decidedly inferior to the general run of the Lysimachi in the Anatlol hoard buried somewhere circa B.C. 270'. The time of Paerisades 1 1 is possible, and the style of the things in Artjukhov's barrow (v. p. 430) agrees, unless our judgment of it is founded on this xery coin, but if we knew of a Paerisades perhaps the father of I-*hilometor might do he would suit the about 230 B.C. The head on the tetradrachm is certainly a portrait, for it has coins better. a slight beard not imlikc those worn by Prusias I and II (h.c. 220 149)'. and the features to my eye resemble those on this makes for about the same date Sibirskij's stater. Group iv shews the light weight and rude workmanship of the Pseudo-Lysimachian staters issued in the western l^uxine towards the cwO^ of the imd century b.c. and first half of the ist on such appear the features of Mithridates and Pharnaces, and no doubt we have here those of Paerisades, probably Philometor or a later king if such there were they shew a decided resemblance to Spartocus. The monogram under the seat is no doubt IIA for Panticapaeum, cf. the BY of Byzantium and the TY of Tyras (v. supra \). 44^). The trident and dolphins in the exergue also appear in the western Euxine. There is therefore no proof that the unique stater at Paris inscribed the head has the horn of Ammon, and BAIIAE-''^! AKoY (131 '17 grn. = 8*5 grm. accordingly Chabouillet so is not a portrait'') belongs to a king of Bosporus (p. 3) assigns it to a Thracian or Scythian dynast: Imhoof-Blumer (op. c. was first to prefer Bosporus on account of the general likeness p. 35) judging by weight and style it ought to come rather earlier than the better Paerisades coins though the A (also found on the tetradrachm) and the absence of Athena's spear suggest lateness the name would be the masculine counterpart of 'Aki's which has occurred in the Spartocid house^ As to Hygiaenon the tiles with APXoNToI/ YriAINoNToI' setde the Hygiaenon's silver coin" matter, and so Aces is probably Bosporan also is
all
is
;
;
—
—
—
;
:
:
;
;
;
:
Horseman charging 55-6 grn.
J9..
= 3-6grni.
Head
of
Archon
asonH.
VI.
r.
much
flying behind.
'
19.
was first found and next the gold announced a copper (I.e. PI. i. 3),
between,
but he 1
me
MI. p. 58.
below, SJ^
;
;
Skorpil
lastly
19)",
has
Starry caps of Dioscuri, between them cornucopiae,
below
that Bertier-de-La-Garde doubts
Imhoof-Blumer, Portrdtk. p. n, iv. 17, 18. ' Pace Oreshnikov, Num. Misc. II. p. 41, f. M< 'AKir nmptkdSfoy avi6r)K,v A]0po[8
M.
vi.
with long back hair.
tells
BCA.
=*
cf.
r.
J^
APXoNTot / VriAINoNTo:^.
stater (PI.
I
Head
H..
with raised spear, chiamys
r.
In front,
P-
1-5:
f"'l ^'st
Hygiaenon's ^-
' "
belonging to Hygiaenon. "The date of the Archon Bobrinskoj Misc. pp. 34, 35-
Skorpil,
rule,"
2-
-,
2,
Oreshnikov,
1899;
.,
BCH. VI. p. 211 Skorpil, figures a better specimen.
E- Murct,
I'l- >• '
its
YTIA.
Mum.
Misc.
;
Trans. 11.
Fl.
,
I.e. p.
Moscow ^um. I.
i
;
Skorpil,
I.e.
37.
i>oc. I'i.
74
II. i.
1.
The
History
Bosporus.
^86
[ch.
silver coin looks of the iind century, the lettering of the tiles iiird, the
29*32 grn. comes between the better and the worse Paerisades, but the style is better than any, the hair rather recalls the Panticapaean
stater in
weight
"macaroni"
(v.
1
inf.
p.
628).
The head
certainly a portrait though slightly
is
The sum of without the divine horn or the regal diadem. all this points to Aces in the latter part of the iiird century followed by Hygiaenon and a Paerisades early in the iind\ They Leucon's coins, being copper, are naturally much the commonest. The lettering on all three varieties are rough in style and rather worn. (PI. VI. 16, 17, 18) is very similar, and there is no reason to give them to more than one king. The heads of Heracles (PI. vi. 16, occasionally the reverse has the bow the other way up and above the club") and of Athena are derived from types of Alexander, but that is the only guide to the date. Against putting them down to Leucon II, of whom Ovid speaks, is the presumption that he had a short reign, but we are hardly justified in inventing for them a Leucon III in the iind century B.C. Spartocus has only left one single coin (PI. vi. 15, in the Rumjantsev Museum at Moscow) in poor preservation von Sallet thought the E was G, and put it accordingly into the imd century, assigning it to Spartocus, the On the whole the general style points that way rather father of Camasarye. than to the iiird, and further the head bears a distinct resemblance to the Paerisades on the worst variety (PI. vi. 21), i.e. probably to his grandson Philometor. idealized,
it
is
;
Mithridates and Pharnaces.
by defending Chersonese and driving the Scythians out of Bosporus, gained throughout the Greek world the reputation of a champion of Hellenism. Also he added to his ancestral dominions a district from which in the future he could draw men, money and supplies. The Crimea and Sindica paid him a tribute of 180,000 medimni of wheat and 200 talents of silver'', and we find troops from these parts enumerated among his forces'*. Not less valuable was the access he thereby gained to recruiting grounds which supplied levies more martial if not more trustworthy than the It was because he had profited by continuous relations commercial Greeks. with the barbarians of the interior and had long been used to enrol under his banners Scythians, Tauri and Sarmatae, as well as Bastarnae, Thracians and Kelts further west, that he formed his great scheme of marching on Italy It is from the north and rolling up all these nations to overwhelm itl probably at this time that Mithridates received the allegiance of Olbia Neoptolemus was his most likely formerly subject to Scilurus (v. p. 463). agent, as we find his name attached to a tower at the mouth of the Tyras, and probably Tyras town also joined him. Mithridates,
the
190, n. 4, p. 301,
^
Burachkov, xxiv.
against Mithridates in 86 B.C. but he did not know the stater and cannot have paid enough attention to the lettering of the
*
Strabo, vii.
*
Appian,
1
Th. Reinach, Mithridate,
Hygiaenon
makes
;
tiles,
rebel
p.
Roman ^
i.
iv. 6.
xii. 15, 41
;
Bosporans even captured
standards, Orosius,
Appian, xn.
vi. xxi. 28.
15, 41, 57, 69, 109.
Spartocid Coins.
xix]
Mithridates
587
At first Mithridates seems to have ruled by deputy the provinces thai his deputy had won for him'. I'he tirst war with Rome forced him to subject them to a heavy tribute and probably interfered with their trade, also the Scythian danger may have appeared less serious now that it had been similar causes acted in Colchis and both dependencies revolted'. diverted Colchis was quickly reduced and Mithridates put in as viceroy his son of the same name. Against Bosporus a large expedition was being prepared when Murena, wishing for a cheap triumph, alleged that the Roman power was the real objective of so powerful a force and claimed to be merely anticipating Mithridates in declaring war. So for two years the attention of the king was occupied by the "second" war with Rome. After the defeat of Murena and the conclusion of peace {81 h.c.) Mithridates was free to deal with Bosporus, which he speedily reconquered. About this period come the e.xploits of Neoptolemus, who defeated the natives both on the ice and on the water of the liosporus'', but an expedition against the wild tribes of the Caucasus coast was destroyed. Meanwhile Machares was installed as viceroy of Bosporus What his title may have been we do not know, as no coins bearing (B.C. 79)\ his name have come down to us. At first during the course of the ensuing war with Rome he continued faithful and forwarded to his father reinforcements and provisions, so that he was allowed to add to his dominions the satrapy of Colchis'. Accordingly he refused supplies to Cotta during the siege of Heraclea (72 b.c.)". But when Fortune had definitely declared herself upon the side of Rome and Mithridates in great straits after the disastrous retreat from Cyzicus sent across for help, Diodes, his envoy to the Scythians, deserted to Lucullus, taking with him the money entrusted to him, and Machares withheld his support. During the flight of Mithridates into Armenia, Machares was practically independent, still he had the grace to send grain to besieged Sinope. Finally he gave in to Lucullus and made a treaty with him, offering him a gold wreath and supplying with corn the besiegers of Sinope instead of At this juncture Olbia appears to have sent help to the the beleaguered city'. ;
besieged".
After his final defeat in 67 B.C. and the desertion of Tigranes, when the West, the South and the East were closed to him, Mithridates put his hopes Colchis had not followed its ruler Machares in his desertion, in the North. He found but seems to have reverted to a kind of neutral independence. there no opposition to his flight, and wintered in Dioscurias (66/5 B.c.)^ From here he stirred up the Iberians and Albanians and gave Pompey some trouble in his pursuit.
When
had
'
to
make
So he did
f n-f'/XTTfTO
S'
in
his last
;
way along
his
Colchis,
afl Tts TU>v
the latter arrived in the basin of the Fhasis
hope was to win back the kingdom of AFichares. He a Roman squadron was watching the coast.
Mithridates had He could not go by sea, for fled
cf)l\(i>v
the steep southern slope of the Caucasus, through
Strabo
XI.
vnafixoi «<"
ii.
i8,
StotKrjrijs
TTJs ;^&)pas. -
p.
B.C. 83,
Appian,
Appian,
Xii.
Strabo, vii.
iii.
18.
64
:
XII. 67.
'*
Meilinon,
f.
53-
"
Memnon,
f.
49.
'
301. '
•*
RelniLch, Mii/irida/i;,
B.C. 70, "
BCA.
*
Appian,
Appian,
XXIII.
XII.
83
;
p. 21 sqq., V.
Memnon, supra,
p.
f.
54.
464.
XII. loi sqq.
74—2
588
HJsto?y
Bospoi^us.
[cH.
whose reputation for savagery was unsurpassed in the ancient world. The Heniochi were friendly, but the Zygi were so hostile that he had to take to boats and so get round to the Achaei, who were also well disposed'. When Machares learned that his father had come through this unexampled journey he did not dare to measure his strength against even such a small force as he had brought, but sent envoys to try and turn away his wrath, and knowing him too well to have faith in their efficacy, burned all the ships he When other ships could and put the strait between his father and himself were found and sent after him, he slew himself after having been ruler of Bosporus fourteen years and almost independent for the last seven (71 65 b.c.)-. Although the last acts of Mithridates and his death are the most dramatic events in the history of Bosporus (well is the hill of Kerch called Mount tribes
—
Mithridates), they are too familiar to make it necessary that I should describe in detail'. Filled with his great scheme of invading Italy from the for this he north, Mithridates relaxed no efforts to collect and equip an army disdained neither bond nor free, spared no wood, not even the oxen for the
them
;
plough, laid the heaviest taxes upon even the smallest property and allowed his agents to make these exactions insolently, being unable to look after them himself because of some disfiguring disease which kept him in his castle. Further, the Roman fleet was blockading the whole peninsula^ and an earthquake {64 B.C.) added to the economic ruin". Moreover, in spite of his energy and the fact that the aged king had created a new army and a new fleet, all felt that the star of Rome was in the ascendant and had lost their former confidence and loyalty. Finally the Roman deserters who formed a corps whose very position made them trustworthy, were disturbed at the prospect of attacking their motherland of Italy. The spark to make the explosion came from Phanagoria. Castor the governor, illtreated by one of the king's eunuchs, slew him and roused the people. The acropolis held out. In it were five children of Mithridates, who gave themselves up. One, Cleopatra, would not yield and was rescued by her father. Following Phanagoria's example, Chersonese, Theodosia, Nymphaeum, and the other places of which Mithridates had lately got possession, revolted. Then he began to have doubts of his own troops. In a last hope of strengthening himself he sent two of his daughters as brides to Scythian kings asking for speedy help but their military escort slew the eunuchs in charge and handed the girls over to Pompey. Yet even so Mithridates did not despair of his Italian campaign. Then his favourite son Pharnaces, whom he had designated as his heir, fearing that on the failure of this great emprise the forces of the kingdom would be utterly exhausted and the Romans embittered beyond hope of appeasement, determined to seize the kingdom while there was yet a kingdom to seize. His plot was discovered and his confederates tortured, but he was spared. The very next night he went and tampered with the Roman deserters and easily won them over and ;
Strabo, XI. ii. 13; Appian, XU. 102, says the Achaei were put to flight. The tribes do not seem to have been as hostile as they might have been. Perhaps Machares, to ensure his convoys on their way across to .Sinope, had been putting down their '
piracies.
Appian, XU. 102 Dio Cassius, XXXVI. says he was slain by his own friends, '''
;
1.
2,
Reinach, pp. 402 sqq. cf. Appian, XU. 107 Dio Cassius, XXXVn. x. 4sqq. Orosius, VI. iv., v. * Plutarch, Pompey, XXXIX. Dio Cassius, xxxvii. xi. 4 Orosius, vi. v. i. ^
;
;
'<
;
;
Mithridates.
xix]
In the confusion the fleet too. the matter already decided.
many
Pharfiaces
589
corps came over because they thought
Mithridates went out to speak to the rebels, but it was too late. h(; barely Returning to the castle he watched from the escaped from them alive. terrace while Pharnaces was crowned king with a strip of papyrus from a temple near. When there came again none of his messengers whom he sent asking to be allowed to depart safely, he thanked his faithful friends and guards and sent them over to the new king. So he prepared to die. The poison which he carried with him failed to act, though it sufficed for his two daughters Mithridatis and Nyssa. Too weak to slay himself, he had to ask this last service of Bituitus, a Gaulish chieftain who had long followed him faithfully'. So he died at the age of sixty-nine, having been overlord of the Bosporus for more than forty years. I^harnaces sent the body over to Sinope, where it was buried by Pompey in the royal tomb. Pharnaces asked either for all his ancestral dominions, or at least for the Pompey, while admitting him as a Bosporus as ruled over by Machares. friend and ally of the Roman People in return for the service he had done in ridding it of its great enemy, granted him the Bosporus only, and exempted from his rule the; city of Phanagoria, because it gave the signal for revolt". With this arrangement Pharnaces had to be content, and he occupied himself in extending his power over the tribes to the east of the Maeotis, so One of the.se tribes, the Dandarii, that his frontiers reached to the Tanais. he conquered by flooding their country from an arm of the Hypanis, so they must have dwelt in its northern delta'. About 48 n.c. he thought that the Romans being preoccupied with the civil war, he had an opportunity of First he seems to have retaken Phanagoria regaining his father's kingdom. (if indeed he could keep his hands off it so long), but treated it with clemency\ Next he overran Colchis and the former kingdom of Pontus, defeating Cn. Domitius Calvinus and fancying himself as great as his father.
However, he received the news that Asander, whom he had left as governor of Bosporus, had revolted, so he turned back and on his way encountered Caesar
be utterly defeated (b.c. 47)\ He made his peace with Rome as best he could, and fled back to So he Bosporus, for he did not despair of regaining his authority there. raised a force of natives and recovered Theodosia and Panticapaeum, but was hemmed in and slain by Asander. Now Asander had risen in the hope that the Romans would be favourable but Caesar, disgustt^d by his and give him the dominion of the country treachery, named as king one Mithridates, said to be son of the great Mithridates by a Gaulish mistress, Adobogionis, wife of Menodotus of Pergamum. However, this Mithridates of Pergamum was defeated and slain by the native claimant, and for the next few years the Romans were much too taken up with their own affairs to disturb Asander^ at Zela,
to
:
Dio Cassius, XXXVii.
'
B.C. 63,
''
Appian, XU.
'
Strabo, XI.
^Appian,
ii.
xii.
ix.
x. 4.
2. '
113.
"
11.
120;
cf.
Dio
Cassius,
XLM.
3,
4
;
t)io Cassius, XI.M. xlv.— xlvii. Strabo, XiM. iv. 3; Dio Cassius, XLM. A. Hirlius, /?^/. y4/f.r. 78.
xlviii.
1
History
Bosporus.
590
1
[
CH.
thrown by coins upon the history of Bosporus under is The former struck his large silver in Asia Minor Pharnaces. Mithridates or change certain copper coins with the monogram small and left the cities their light
Little
:
him coining for some reason under the name of Pharnaces issued gold Eupator, but their style seems later (v. p. 603). staters as Great King of Kings from a.b. (see below) 243 to 247=b.c. 55 to 51, when, as far as we know, his rule was confined to Bosporus (PI. vi. 23).
TJ^ have been
referred to
Genealogy of Kings of Pontus and Bosporus Rulers claiming Bosporus in capitals.
Pretenders'
:
b.c.
names
in
(VI of Pontic Cappadocia, I of Bosporus. Overlord c. lo 63 H.C.)
—
brackets.
Antonia = ^M. Antonius ilivir.
I
Pharnaces (Mithridate.s
MACHARE.S (79-65 R.C.)
(63-47
100.
a.d.
Adobogionis= Menodotus
Mithridates Eupator Dionysus
i
100 to
Pythodorus = Antonia
Zeno
VII [II] Pergamenus)
B.c.^
Laodicenus
Trallianus
(47 B.C.) (".lycaria
= 'A.SANDER2= iDynamis^ = (Scribonius) (reigning in^
(47—17/16 B.C.)
1
7/
'POLEMor- = '(PYTHODORls)2 = Archelaus (K. of Cappadocia
14 B.C.) ||-(l4B.C.— ?)
(d.
d. 17 A.D.)
16 B.C.)
1
I
Rhescuporis 1 (K. of Thrace)
Rhoemetalces 1 (K. of Thrace)
(Antonia =Cotys V Sapaeus Tryphaena) (K. of Thrace)
[?] I
ASPUROUS
=
[Rhescuporis 1] (8 B.C.?— 38 A.D..?)
Cepaepyris(?) (38/39 A.D. ?)
Rhoemetalces 1
1
I
i
[VII or III]
(39—49
1
CotyS
(K. of Thrace,
(K. of
I
Mithridates VIII A.D.)
1
mediatized
Lesser
43 a.d.)'
Armenia)
CoTYsI=Eun[ice] (45
— 62
and
(POLEMO
—
Cilicia
A.D.
II)
(Titular K. of Bosporus 38 41 A.D. K. of Pontus and till
63 a.d.)
later)
Rhescuporis
I
[II]
(68/9- 91/2 A.D.) I
Sauromates
I
(93/4—123/4 A.D.)
Eupator, besides being the most picturesque figure in it a very definite service, being held responsible for the introduction into it of the era by which subsequent kings dated their coins Mithridates
Bosporan history, did
and inscriptions'. This Bosporan era, as we shall call it, inasmuch as it was used on the Bosporus much longer than anywhere else, originated in Bithynia, I in App. \f' = BCA. XLV. p. 23, seems to make B.C. 179 the 157th year of an era otherwise unknown, perhaps reckoned '
n.
I
Pharnaces
his successors Mithr. II, Ariobarzanes, Mithr. Ill,
(v. p. 518),
Pharnaces I, Mithr. IV Philopator Philadelphus, Mithr. V Euergetes and Mithr. Eupator, to whom as against E. Meyer and Reinach he restores the
from B.C. 336, the accession of Mithridates, son of Ariobarzanes, whom Loper calls Ctistes, giving as
traditional VI.
Asand67^ and
Kra.
XI x]
Dy7iainis
591
commemorated the year in which Zipoctes raised that rank of a kingdom. The point from which it is nrckoned The months are those; of is the autumnal equinox of n.c. 297=a.u.c. 457'. we have no names of Hosporan months before the Mac(;donian Kalendar its introduction, prohal)ly they were after the Milesian pattern as at Olbia and Tyras (p. 472). The era first appears upon the coins of Nicomedes II in 15.C. 148/7 and continues till the death of Nicomedes III in n.c. 74/,^. Mithridates, during a close political and commercial alliance with Bithynia, issued his famous tetradrachms bearing date A.n. (Anno Bithyniae sen Bospori) 202 = B.C. 96/5 and subsequent years, and staters from a.h. 205 = They probably circulated in Bosporus, and were in themselves B.C. 93/2. Pharnaces 1 1 also put these sufficient to familiarize his subjects with the era. The first coin dates on his coins, which were no doubt issued in Bosporus. distinctively Bosporan on which the era is used bears date a.b. 281 = B.C. 17/6 (Fig. 347) and belongs to Dynamis, wife of Asander, ruling alone after her husband's death. The first dated inscription bears the name of Aspurgus antl usually read fl T, but quite j)ossibly EKT, giving the dates the year ~ where
it
prohalily
princij)ality to the
;
^T
A.B.
313 or 325
= A.I).
17 or 29-; the last elate
known
is
a.b.
794
= a. d.
497/8*.
Asander and Dynamis.
The
mention of Asander seems to be in the Nymphaean inscription quoted on p. 561, according to which he had a first wife Glycaria. It would also be a witness to his importance at Nymphaeum, and this may have been the reason why that city revolted before any other. The literary references do not tell us who he was, but speak of his personal antagonism to Pharnaces this makes it hard to understand why the latter, during his time of power, did not make away with him and how his daughter Dynamis came to be Asander's wife. The most natural explanation is that he had his own following in the country, due, it is suggested, to his representing the Spartocid tradition, and was too strong to be attacked so Pharnaces early in his reign, when Asander would be about fifty, thought that he would attach him to himself by giving him his daughter to wife, and afterwards trusted him to the extent of leaving him in charge of the kingdom during his expedition to Asia. The common idea that Asander at the age of 63 married Dynamis just after he had killed her father is almost too much even for the ist century b.c.^ it is founded on the gratuitous assumption that Pharnaces only had one daughter, the one whom he offered in marriage to Caesar before Zela\ The account of Asander in Dio Cassius (liv. xxiv.) is that he married Dynamis, daughter to Pharnaces first
:
;
1 Gary, Histoire des Rois dc Thrace et dc ceux du Bosphorc Cimme'rieu cclaircie par les ntcdailles, Paris, 1752, and Froelich, Regum Vctcriim numismata anecdoia ant perrara no/is illustrata, Vienna, 1752, as summarized by Eckhel, D.N.V. Pars 1. vol. II. p. 381, ap. Latyshev, losPE. il. Introd.
p. xxxiu, fixed the first year of the era at 297 B.C. All have agreed, and Th. Remach, rww^ey^^wwd'^-,
Bithynian source. Loper (loc. cit. and Bull. Russ. Arch. Inst, at Constantinople, \'\\\.^. 160) thinks an inscription of
p.
130,
has traced
it
to
its
Mithridates Pluergetes at Ineboli is dated by .\.i;., Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. v. (1905), p. 113.
cf.
^
BCA.
4
skorpil,
X. p. 90,
No.
107.
RCA. xxxvn.
p. 21
'-'
;
losPE.
\\.
364.
Trincc Sibirskij,
Soc. X. p. 56; Bertier-de- La-Garde, xxix. (1911), "Coins of Rulers of the Cimmerian Bosporus determined by Monograms," p. 181. To have not been able to j^js i^st article, though accept all its positions, I have been most indebted throughout the next fifteen pages.
Trans. Od.
ib.
I
5
^npian
Xlli. qi.
^
Bosporus.
592
;
History
[
CH.
to Mithridates\ and that by 14 b.c. he was dead and taking over the power, had married first an adventurer Scribonius and afterwards the Roman nominee Polemo. Lucian- says that
and so granddaughter wife,
his
after
Asander was raised by Augustus from ldva.p-yr)
:
We
:
1
App. 41 =IosPE. II. 356. MacrobiihQ Lucian's, c. 17. * Die Cassius, Liv. xxiv. 4, implies some interval between the death of Asander and the appearance '
Cf.
'"'
\i
of Scribonius.
Because of the length mentioned this wall is supposed to be across the isthmus of Theodosia, and the remains of a bank there still exist but even this has only half the breadth required, and at this time the kings of Bosporus ruled as far as Chersonese and did not want protection on this line. Strabo (vii. iv. i), speaking of the isthmus of Ferekop, says that it is forty ^
generally :
stades broad, but that other authors give it as 360. This 360 may be due to his authority reckoning
bay of Carcinites to the open Maeotis at Genichesk, then it is not far out. A wall 360 stades long, with ten towers to the stade, would take up a most enormous force to defend it one of 40 stades would naturally be very closely fortified. The mention of the number of the towers suggests that Strabo meant the isthmus of Ferekop and merely adopted the wrong reckoning of the right across from the
distance across, Strabo, XI. '>
" *
supra,
n. App. T,() = IosPE.
p.
16, ^
II.
n.
6.
ib. XI.
ii.
12.
25.
Bertier-de-La-Garde, Trans. Od. Soc. XXix.
p. 207. •'
v. ii.
BMC.
(i) Giel,
Sibirskij
;
(3)
Fontus Kl. B.
etc. PI. x.
Fl. II.
10
shews
0K = 29.
22; (2) B. xxv.41 after
Oreshnikov, Cat. Uvarov,
p. 62.
Asaiider.
XI x]
and Antony
— only
I
Po/c7/io
593
assume the
to
This
Aujj^ustus.
Dy9/a//iis.
is
style of kini^^, a licence attributed by Lucian to essentially Oreshnikov's explanation and does account for
requires us to assume that Asander died early in his year 29 and that Dynamis issued her coin very soon after. As archon, Asamler hastily coined a great deal of bronze bearing a ship's prow all restruck on already existing coins either of Panticapaeum and Phanagoria or of Sinope
the facts
it
and Amisus
(v. inf. p. 630 and PI. vi, 24, 25), but as king he seems to have Perhaps he had supplied the demand by his hasty confined himself to gold. Apparently he feared that to assume the title of archon, strike; reminting. coins and reckon his rule from the date of his rebellion against Pharnaccs, a rebellion so definitely disap[)roved by Caesar, would have been to llout the suzerain claims of the Romans and might lead to their sending fresh nominees like Mithridates of Pergamum, or at any rate make them unready to allow him the full title of king, the unauthorized assumption of which they could not In any case we may reckon the extreme years of his rule have overlooked.
B.C.
47/46
= A. u.c
707/8
= A.i5.
251 and
h.c.
Dynamis then was queen in this latter adventurer Scribonius", who claimed to be
17/16, a.u.c. 737/8 = a.1!. 281'. year, but on the appearance of an
a grandson of Mithridates named by Augustus to succeed upon Asander's death, she took him for her husband. Upon this Agrippa, who was at Sinope settling the affairs of Asia, sent across Polemo, king of Asiatic Pontus, to slay Scribonius and take possession of the He found that the Bosporans had already unmasked and slain the kingdom. impostor, but were by no means ready to accept as king the member of an upstart dynasty, and they did not yield to Agrippa's decision until he came This is all put down to the year a.u.c. 740= u.c. 14 = himself to support it.
A.B. 283'.
Dynamis professed special gratitude to Augustus. Accordingly she set up him at Panticapaeum^ and Phanagorial At the latter town she also one In these, no more than upon her stater or the complito Livia". up
statues to set
mentary inscription of the Agrippeans', is there any mention of her husband. It has been supposed that they were the expression of her gratitude for the alliance with Polemo, but rather she was still hoping for the favour of beingleft alone as queen-regent to bring up her son, or more probably grandson, For Asander, V. p. 591 n. 4 and the following: von Sallet, whose Doctor's dissertation was De Asaiidro et Foleinone.-.qnaistiones chronologicae et '
iiuiiiisiiKiticae, Berlin,
Num.
1865, amplified into /><7/r.
s'.
Bosp. 11. d. Pontus, ib. 1866, thinks Julius Caesar recognized A. so that his coins begin in A.U.C 708/9= H.C. 46/5: Waddington, Rev. Num. n.s. XI. (1866) p. 417, dates his archonship from the death of Pharnaces, B.C. 47: Burachkov, General Catalogue, pp. 190, 230, PI. XXV. 41—50, begins with 45 B.C., and (iiel, h'l. B. pp. 10 12, PI. n. 22, agrees with von Sallet these are all well summarized by Latysliev, losPE. \\. pp. XXXV— xxxvii, but he comes to no conclusion. Giel, TRAS. Vii. p. 225, PI. XlX. 60 goes over to Oreshnikov's view as put forth in Catal. of Ct Uvarov's Coins, Pt vii. pp. 62—68, V. esp. No. 471, the stater of Dynamis, supra Brandis, s.v. Bosporus, P.-W. ill. Fig. 347pp. 777—77^), makes Asander date from his first Gtsc/i. u.
d.
—
:
M.
Kbn.
d. Ciin.
48/7, and so gives But he reign. sees the head of Asander on all his coins alike, which is absurd: Asander certainly did not put risinj;
against
Pharnaces
Dynamis some years
in
of solitary
and 2, own head upon the coins of years though Wroth, B.\fC. Pontus, p. xxxi, and Regling his
i
with Hennig {Birliitcr Munzbldttcr, XXi.x. [908, These latter 86) think that he did in year 3. I am take the head on years and 2 to be Antony very much inclined to find Antony on all three regret not having seen V. Voigtius, Dc years. 1 Asandro liospori Regc, Kiev, 1894. Dio Cassius, Liv. xxiv. 4—6. ' Eutropius, vii. 9, (Augustus) omnes Ponti Dio R. adjecit imperio; maritimas ciuitates Cassius, I.e.; Eusebius, Ol. 191. 3. p.
i
'
•'
" "
App.
i,o
= losPE.
n. 354. ib. v. 420. .App. ^,\=IosPE.
iv.
;
201.
ib.
I
11.
356.
75
History
Bosporus.
594
[ch.
But the success of Scribonius shewed that this could not be Aspurgus. allowed by Rome, though it was probably for this that the Bosporans fought Dynamis, as a daughter of Pharnaces, must have been an against Polemo. elderly bride and probably did not long trouble Polemo, as within a few years we find him married to Pythodoris'.
Polemo I and Pythodoris.
Polemo had no possible right to the Bosporus, The princes, vassals of the Empire, formed at this time a special class whose members from Mauretania to Bosporus and from Judaea to Thrace intermarried and were regarded as
Polemo was
interchangeable''.
by Antony.
raised into this class
His father
Zeno, a rhetor of Laodicea, had bravely defended his native city against the Parthians, the son was made king, first of Lycaonia, next of Pontus and finally Although he supported Antony at Actium he did not lose of Little Armenia. the favour of Augustus, and Agrippa thought him a suitable instrument for securing the obedience of the Bosporus'. His second wife Pythodoris belonged to a similar family. Her father Pythodorus was a great man at Tralles, as rich as a king and a close friend of This brought upon him confiscations, but his wealth carried him Pompey's. He married Antonia, eldest daughter of the triumvir by his second through^ wife Antonial
So Polemo and
his wife belonged to the Antonians, but this did not being highly favoured by Augustus. Towards the end of his prevent their over of the most countries that formed the kingdom of life he reigned He subdued Colchis'', continued the conquest of the eastern Mithridates. coast of the Maeotis, and on a lack of obedience on the part of the colony of Tanais utterly ravaged it^ Polemo met his death while making a treacherous attack upon the xii. iii. 29) regards as a tribe of Aspurgians, whom Strabo (xi. ii. 1 1 barbarians living in a space of five hundred stades between Phanagoria and This is the first we hear of the Aspurgians, and it can hardly be Gorgippia. a coincidence that Aspurgus is the name of the next king of whom we know, It would be natural to suppose them to be a the rightful heir of Asander. political party of his adherents having its chief strength in that part of the country but that the name occurs in inscriptions ^ 6 eVt twv ^Aa-irovpyiavoiv being one of the officers of the Bosporan monarchy in the latter part of the iiird century a.d. Rostovtsev" suggests that Aspurgus founded a military ;
:
'
I
cannot but think that she was only divorced
and regained power, so
that the
'J)^
coins (PI. VU.
I)
were struck by her from A.B.'289 = B.C. 9/8 to A.B. 304 = A.D. 7/8 perhaps as regent for Aspurgus. 2 P. C. Sands, The Client Princes 0/ the
/-J
Roman Empire under
the
Republic,
short of this period. 3 Strabo, XII. iii. 29; * Strabo, XIV. i. 42
viii.
16.
*
Mommsen, £ph. Epigr.
"
Strabo, XI.
ii.
18.
just
stops ^
p. 272.
(xi.
3)
ii.
speaks of this having taken
and from this it has been argued that Polemo hved to withm a few years of 19 A.D., but as we do not .^^^^ ^^.''''^'^° /^^ ^.^''^ wntmg know his method of composition or to how much !;5^^'^'°" ^"^ subjected his notes, this is no criterion, The sack of Tanais may have happened thirty vfaxrri:
:
years before. ,
I.
Strabo
''
Pl'''ce
"• ^9
^^ff' '^^^- ^-
^ ^, (=App. 61), ,
P- '5-
431, 43i
'^"•
Pole7no
xixl
I.
Mofiogrcuns cS
Pvthodor^is.
595
made up of mercenari(;s whom he; had used aj^-ainst Polemo and estahhshed on the land side of the: Taman Pennisula. This rt^i^n'on would, as Hrandis (p. 780) says, be called to. \\(nrovpyLai>d aiul count as a local division of the kingdom beside i'rja-o<; and the others (v. |). 613). That Strabo was so little clear about them would aroiie that Polemo's death was not very fresh in his mind, but we have no information as to wh(-n it happened. It seems likely that the liosporan coins, which b(;j^in in a.i:. 2X9 = li.c. 9/8, imply that he was no lont^er kin;;' in any case Pythodoris married Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, about 8 a.d. Polemo struck a few pieces, but they are not comiected with Bosporus (PI. \'i. 27): as Ik^ did not represent the Mithridatic tradition he did not use the Bosporan era. Pythodoris succeeded to Polemo's kingdom, but we do not know whether Strabo (xii. iii. 29) says nothing of it in his account Bos])orus was included of her dominions, but that may refer to after 17 a.d., when she had been left a widow by Archelaus. She seems to have retained her rule in Asia Minor until succeeded by her grandson Polemo 1, and also directed affairs in Thrace, where her eldest daughter Antonia rry[)haena was married to King Cotys V She has left coins with the dates 60 and 63 of the Actian era, both Sapaeus. with heads of Augustus and one dated 60 with that of Tiberius. The reverse types, Capricorn (PI. \'i. 28) and Scales, refer to the horoscope of Augustus, his conception and birth'. settlement, perhaps
-f)
;
:
1
Aspurgits
Rhescuporis
to
J.
Roman power by
the forced marriage of Dynamis to by Augustus of the sole right assumption the with Polemo, almost coinciding rights, is the starting point other coining all to coin gold and the limitation of curious difhculty with due to the jealousy of a period in Bosporan history beset Bosporan mint. P'or the with which the Romans controlled the issues of the = b.c. 9/8 there begins then in a.h. 289 first few years it was absolutely closed the series of dated aurei which continues almost uninterrupted until the ivth century a.d.; this would furnish a satisfactory chronological framework but for the fact that not until a.b. 377 =a.d. 80/1, save for two significant exceptions, do we find a full name and a king's portrait upon a gold coin'.
The
assertion of
:
Instead A.D. 7/8; A.B.
A.D.
with
we have
J^
(ib.
but
305, 306
= A.D.
lo/ii
— 13/14;
J^
^
(ib. 14/15— 37/8; the name Mithridates, (cf.
19), A.B.
ib.
6), .\.b.
a.b.
336
334, (ib.
Orcshnikov, ap. Giel, A7. B. p. 12, and of the Taiiric Record Com»nssio>i, xxxiv. Sympheropol, 1902, " Pythodoris and her house in the Pontic Kingdom"; he is largely indebted to Mommsen, Ephem. Kpigr. 1. p. 270, I
W.
V.
a.h.
i),
8/9, 9/10;
and the
Voigt, /V//'^A»^'-/M,'i AIM. (1899)
289
^
— 304 =
and the
like (ib. 4), a.b.
B.C.
9/8 to
like (ib.
338
10),
= a.d. ;
39/40, 41/2
^
(ib.
22),
3),
311—334 =
335=A.D. Z7l^—Z'^l9\ then two
342— 357= A. u. 45/6—60/1
Bulletin
M. p. 250.
(PI. vii.
A.B.
2),
307— 3 10= A.D.
^
monograms:
;
aurei
afterwards .\.b.
359
=
175 does not agree, and refers the scales to Tiberius, cf. Manilius, i. 507, IV. 548, and Housinan p.
ad
loc. ^
The
table on p. 611 gives every year of the that appears on a coin during this
Hosporan era period.
75—2
History
Bospoi'ics.
^g6 A.D. 62/3
and ggg
(PI. VII. 23), A.B.
CH. [c
365— 374 = A.D. 68/9—77/8;
the heads too
rarely present recognizable features, though after Bertier-de- La- Garde's exposition (v. inf. p. 601) we may take it that they all represent Romans and not
Bosporan
rulers,
fifijc
dated inscriptions
and j/^ are certainly
attest,
accession of either,
Cotys and Rhescuporis, as
do not exactly determine the
unfortunately they
but when ¥Ap was appearing upon
mentions Aspurgus and uncertainties those with
for
|
"C^ and BA'Y^
those with TXp and
rise.
The coppers have
not even dates,
do not bear
^re quite puzzling, they
^
coins an inscription
portraits
contemporaneous with the Mithridates and Gepaepyris appear in full upon gold that bears those marks. coppers, but they are certainly as exceptional as that king's gold Cotys and Rhescuporis use names as well as monograms, one gets round the law by an artifice, the other at last attains freedom to put his image and superscription on The heads on the coppers with monograms are some both gold and copper. help in checking the dates on the gold, being mostly inscribed Roman portraits. In one case (ib. 21) Nero allows not even a Bosporan monogram, just as he occasionally we have heads of has his own on gold in a.b, 359 (ib. 22) Bosporan rulers apparently defined by the monograms JXp, Sh, Rg^ and
either
:
are not
all
certainly
:
:
and certainly. Before embarking upon conjectures it seems best to see what is definitely known from authors and from inscriptions, both sources of knowledge being very scanty just when the monograms are most enigmatic. The first name we meet is that of Aspurgus mentioned in no author but a servi mamauissio from Phanagoria tells us that he was reigning in a.b. 3r3=A.D. 17, or else perhaps a.b. 325\ We have no certain knowledge of the limits of his reign, though the coins allow us to make a guess at any rate at the closing date. On the base of his statue" were set out his titles, from which we know that he ruled over the whole Bosporan kingdom and right up to Tanais but Chersonese is not mentioned, for if had now regained its freedom, though somehow his name occurs in an inscription there^ We learn also that he was acknowledged by Rome (^tXo/caio-ap as well as ^iXopw/Aaios) and was called the son of Asander (^ KcTav^p{6y)ov). Coins (e.g. PI. vii. 20) and Tacitus and Petrus inscriptions^ shew that he was father to Cotys Patricius call Cotys brother to Mithridates VIII (III), so we have the names of two sons. It is at least possible that Gepaepyris was his wife (v. p. 601). Dio Cassius (lix. xii. 2) says that in 39 a,d. Gains granted to Polemo the son (or rather grandson) of Polemo all his father's dominions. Later on (lx. viii. 2) he says that in 41 a.d. Claudius granted Bosporus to Mithridates, a descendant of the great Mithridates, and ceded to Polemo part of Cilicia in exchange. But we have the aureus (PI. vii. 10) with an Emperor's head on one side and on the other Nike, the name of Mithridates in full and the date a.b. 336= a.d. 39/40, and another with the date a.b. 338= a.d. 41/2 This
is all
that the coins yield readily
;
;
;
1
-
losPE. n. 364, V. supra App. dfZ^losPE. w. 36.
p. 591.
^ ^
losPE. iv. 147. App. 44, \^=IosPE.
II.
32, 37.
Aspurgus.
xix]
Mjthrtdates VIII.
Cotys I
597
shew that he was exercising sovran rights long before the grant to Polemo was revoked'. We do not know the reasons for the Roman poHcy perhaps Gaius, who had his intuitions, distrusted Mithridates, antl the: highly connected Zenonids took the opportunit)' of a change at Hosjjorus to urge a claim, which, though Polemo II does not seem to have gone to the country, brought him coin[)ensation nearer home. The coins of Polemo and his mother Antonia Tryphatma have nothing to do with Bosporus (PI. \ii. cS, 9). Besides the gold coins Mithridates issued coppers with his own head and name, and the club, lion-skin and cjuiver of Heracles and the trident of Poseidon on the reverse (PI. vii. 11). Others have the head and the name of Oueen Gepaepyris which also appear on the obverse of coins like PI. \'ii. 7 with a goddess in a calathos antl veil on the other side. rhesc were numismatic audacities, no one else dared to put his full name directly on to a coin until leave was given forty years later, and they symbolized a revolt on the part of Mithridates against his [position as a vassal of Rome, a position he felt unworthy of his great ancestry. The emblems of Heracles and Poseidon refer to a descent from them to which the later Bo.sporan kings laid claim^ we do not know how it was traced. But it was of Mithridates the Great that his namesake was most proud and this pride became the inspiration of his life. If, as Latyshev supposes, what Petrus Patricius'' says of Mithridates Iberus really applies to Bosporanus, and in giving him a brother and successor Cotys he seems to shew his own mistake, Mithridates disregarding his mother's advice really made preparations for war against the Romans and when their suspicions were aroused sent his brother Cotys to Rome to allay them. He however revealed the whole scheme and receixed the kingdom lor himself, Tacitus gave an being conducted back by a force under Didius Gallus. account of all this in a lost book of the Annals; the end of the story which is preserved'' recalls that of Satyrus and Kumelus. Didius Gallus withdrew with the main part of his army and left Cotys, quite a young man, under the protection of Julius Ac^uila and a few cohorts. Mithridates was regarded as crushed, but he began to win over deserters and rouse the native tribes till he had sufficient force to drive the king of the Dandaridae (or Dandarii) out of his kingdom, also he made Zorsines, king ol the Siraci, resume hostilities. So Cotys and Aquila made friends with Eunones, king of the Aorsi, who supplied them with cavalry. Aquila and his allies routed their enemy who could not make a stand at Soza in the country of the Uandaridae, because that tribe was not well disposed, but Zorsines to
:
',
the country of the Siraci, a place set in a strongposition beyond the river Panda and clefended by wooden walls and earthThe fate ot Uspe struck works. This was stormed and quarter was refused. terror into the Siraci and Zorsines made his peace with Rome, prostrating
attempted to defend Uspe
•
Giel,
TRAS.
p. 354, PI. VI.
Soc. -
p.
A.r..
225,
I'l.
vii.
62;
v.
67; Beriier-de-La-Garde, Trans. Od. 177, Nos. 70, 71.
XXIX. p. In App. \i = IosPE.
dated
On
vii,
in
338, the king's
II.
400,
from Anapa,
name has been
erased.
whole the scratches are more like Mithridates than Polemo, and so Stephani restored it. The erasure may have been due to the hatred of Cotys Latyshev restores Polemo's name and the
:
suggests on the strength of it thai Polemo ruled on the Asiatic side and Mithridates on the European, but there is no real evidence for this; however the epithet t^tXo-yf/j/xariKoj would suit Polemo better, ^ '
Burachkov, xxvi. 93. App. 54 = /ti.f/^i5.'. il. 41.
''
FHG.
"
Ann.
IV. p. 184, fr. 3.
Xli.
15—21.
Bosporus.
59^
History
[ch.
So the Roman force returned after coming himself to the Emperor's statue. within three days' journey of the Tanais. On its way back some of the troops were wrecked on the Tauric coast and slain by the natives. Mithridates could not trust Cotys (proditor olim, deinde hostis, cf. Pet. Patricius), and did not regard the guarantee of Aquila as sufficient. He dressed the part of the suppliant king, prepared a suitable speech' and threw Eunones raised the suppliant and sent himself at the feet of Eunones. envoys to Rome asking that Mithridates be spared the indignity of a triumph and the punishment of death. Claudius having decided that the trouble and risk of so distant an expedition were too great^ said that he was quite prepared to exact the due penalty of Mithridates, but that he preferred to spare the conquered. So Mithridates was brought to Rome where he was thought to have borne himself too insolently for his position, crying aloud so as to be heard by all, " I was not brought back to you, but came back if you do not believe me, let me go and then see if you can bring me back." He lived at Rome until the time of Galba who had him executed for taking part in the All this is related by Tacitus under the year conspiracy of Nymphidius'. that Mithridates appeared in Rome after his long year A.D., doubt the no 49 struggle. Cotys had been on the throne for more than four years, as we have :
monogram D^) dated
a coin of his (with the
a.b.
342=a.d.
45.
Ancient authors tell us no more about Cotys, but we have several inscriptions with his name. Two are servorum missiones (cf. App. 43) and merely give us the dates 57 and 59 a.d. and tell us that like all his successors he bore the names Tiberius Julius\ On the base of a statue of his preserver Nero he is the first Bosporan king to proclaim himself " pious and high priest of the AugustiV' while an inscription on a fountain" claims that he has raised again the glory of his land and house, and holds all the sceptres of the Inachii (=Achaei). In two mutilated inscriptions of Rhescuporis 1 (H), Latyshev has been able to restore the name of Cotys (which alone can fit) with all but absolute certainty, so shewing that his wife's name was Eun[ice] and that Rhescuporis was his son^ do not know in what year Rhescuporis came to the throne and no author mentions him. All we hear of the Bosporus at this time is that in A.D. 66 Herod Agrippa says that the Heniochi, Colchi, Tauri, Bosporans and peoples round the Maeotis are now kept in order by 3000 hoplites and forty
We
Ann. XII. 18 Mithridates terra marique Romanis per tot annos quaesitus sponte adsum utere, ut voles, prole magni Achaemenis, quod mihi '
:
:
solum hostes non abstulerunt. 20
;
sed disserebatur contra suscipi bellum avio itinere, inportuoso mari ad hoc reges feroces, vagos populos, solum frugum egenum, taedium ex mora, pericula ex properantia, niodicam victoribus laudem ac multum infamiae si pellerentur. A good summary of the disadvantage of punitive expedi-
c.
:
:
tions. * *
of Jews in these parts, no doubt from the diaa-n-opd in Asia Minor bearing out Kulakovskij in his review of losPE. ii. in Joicrn. Mm. Publ. Instr. St P., May, 1891, p. 180 n. v. inf. p. 622, n. i.
App. i,\ = IosPE. II. 32. App. /\^=IosFE. il. 37. losPE. II. 355, Phanagoria, dated A.D. 71, on the base of a statue of Vespasian, K[i'ptoii' tqv crvinravTos Booa-nopov; BCA. xxxvil. p. 70, No. 7 '•'
''
''
:
[roji'
eV
'Vijiepiov
Plutarch, Ga/3a, 13, 15. losP E. IV. 204, Kerch
:
BCA.
XXVII.
p.
38,
No. 34 from Duzu Kale near Novo-Mikhailovka on the coast E. of Anapa, from which the stone was probably brought. It contains the first mention
npoy6va>v jda[cnX(OL>u (iao-iXea piyav] 'lovXwv Prjcrl^KovTropiv, /iatrtXe'tos' Koru-J '
"$ k"' ^aaiXiiTcrqs Evv[eiKr]s (?) vioi/, (piXoKaiaa-j pa koI
jiaarwv 8ia
jiivo
koI ([yepyiTr^v
6 drjpos rnpyi.7nr€u)[v
pov rov 'idwv
ev(py([Trji'].
rrjs ]
naTpidos]
Mithridates VIII.
xix]
Cotys
R/icscuporis
I.
L
Com a
599
warships (cf. p. 523)', but these two inscriptions and two nianumissions, one dated a.o. 79, the other, a.d. Si", belong to his time several more mention him as the father of Sauromates his successor-'. ;
In A.H. 377 = A.I). 80/1 the Hosporan rulers in the i)erson of Rhescuporis obtained what they had been striving after for three generations, the right to put their names and portraits upon their coins. But we cannot exactly fix the year of his death, for a.b. 388= a.d. 91/2 is the last year in which he coined, whereas we have no aureus of his successor Sauromates until a.I!. 390 = A.D. 93/4.
Coins zvith monograms.
we now
turn back to correlate these few facts just outlined with the contemporary coins it appears that for the last half of the [)eriod we are not entirely at a loss and it is best to see what we can make of it before attempting The coinage with the name of Mithridates is the definite exthe first half. pression of his bid for more freedom if not for independence, of his pride in his divine ancestors and his regard for Gepaepyris, of whom more later the dates shew that he exercised sovran rights during some three years a.d. 39/40 If
:
to 41/2 before his first defeat, but as
no coin of ^gjc (obviously Cotys) bears
date before 45/6 it looks as if it took four years before Cotys was well on his throne: the next bears 48/9, leaving an interval which it is tem[)ting to connect with the second resistance of Mithridates ending in a.d. 49. On Cotys, as might be expected, shewed great subservience to Rome. coppers with his monogram we have mostly Roman portraits, Claudius and Agrippina (PI. vii. 19), Britannicus, Nero and Poppaea\ the latter with the epithet Se/Saa-Tij granted in a.d. 62 and so the latest coin of Cotys, as no Still Bosporan likenesses do occur, his own, one aureus is known after 60/1 '.
ra> apparently a posthumous honour paid to those rulers'". Also he found an excuse to put tiis whole name and his father's on to a coin by displaying his pride in the honours accorded him by the Romans, on the obverse the sella curulis, wreath and sceptre^ labelled TEIMAI BACIAEIUC KOTYOC and on the reverse various arms and TOY ACnOVPrOV (PI. vn. 20). But Nero put an end to this and we have a solitary
marked with JSp and one, a woman's, with
aureus with his
monogram
^^
dated
a.d.
62/3
(PI. vii. 22)
and answering
to
a copper with nothing Bosporan at all (ib. 21): this we can correlate with Buffer the presence of the Roman troops of which Herod Agrijjpa spoke. states were out of fashion Claudius had annexed Thrace, in the following year (63) Nero annexed Pontus, reducing Polemo II to a small part of Cilicia: it
:
so he seems to have mediatized Cotys. cannot be sure that all this does not belong to the next reign which
We
'
Joseplius,
Domaszewski, 2 3
/>W/. R/i.
/ud.
II.
Mus. XLVII.
xvi.
4;
A.
von
(1892), p. 207.
^C^.XLV. p. 10, N0.2; App. 46 = /^j/'Z:. 11.52. JosPE. II. 38, 39, 358 IV. 446. Burachkov, xxvii. 105, iii: BMC. Pontus, ;
*
XI. 14; 9, '°
13; 10—12; XII.
Koehne,
MK.
11.
p. 226,
=.\.D. 65/6, but Iiertier-de-La-(.iarde, Trans. Od. Soc. XXIX. p. 163, rejects it. " I.e. p. 162, I'l. M. 34, 30, 31 ; Bur. XXVII. 105 {
= BMC. '
Poiitits, xi. 13), 113, 106. Juba II and Ptolemy of
Cf. coins of
Miiller,
I.
tania,
claims one for A.B. 362
pp. 106, 129.
L.
Num.
ifc
Parte.
Maure-
Afriquc,
in.
—
6oo
Bosporus.
History
[ch.
may have begun any time between a.d. 62 and 68/9. Rhescuporis seems to have decided at once for Vespasian, an aureus of the latter year with bears that emperor's portrait and to him he probably owed his recognition as we have three king, hence the laudatory inscription cited above (p. 598 n. 7) more aurei with the monogram of Rhescuporis dated a.b. 369, 370, 374 = Domitian must have A.D. 72/4, 'J^j'i, but none from the time of Titus. regarded Rhescuporis with special favour, as instantly upon his accession his head appears on the reverse of an aureus and on the obverse he allowed the king to put his own bust and the inscription BACIAEUJC PHCKOVnoPIAOr..
U^
:
As
i']'] expired a fortnight after Domitian's accession (Sep. 13 a remarkable example of the swiftness of the Roman posts, In a.b. 383 and 384 and the quickness with which coin-dies were sunk\ appears the full name Tiberius Rhescuporis but he soon (PI. VII. 24) Julius shorter style in which followed he was by his successors. reverted to the In copper he at first continued the types of Cotys with the arms and the TEIMAI (cf PI. VII. 20) and Nero's reverse (cf. ib. 21): later he launched out into portraits, his own bust flanked by the club and trident on one side of a coin and his queen's on the other or both facing each other on the obverse, or else a full length shewing him seated on the curule chair and holding his sceptre (ib. 25) a new version of the TEIMAI, putting his foot on the neck of one of two crouching captives or again riding swiftly with uplifted spear further we have a view of a town gate with an equestrian (cf. PI. VIII. 4) statue over the arch (cf. ib. 2), and a reverse with Nike. All these point to successful wars with barbarians". Two more of his coppers are used by Bertier-de- La-Garde', to support his view that this Rhescuporis was the son of Aspurgus and that the latter also bore the name Rhescuporis as well on the obverse of each is the head of a long-haired king and BACIAELUC
the year
a.I!.
A.D. 81), this
is
:
:
PHCKOVnOPiAOC, on
the reverse
p[ffl
and a female head wearing
in
one case
a calathos (as inf. PI. vii. 7) in the other a stlengis* either of them would be He a goddess or a Roman lady, perhaps Li via, in a goddess's attributes. regards it as a coin rendering posthumous honour to the king's father, like those of Cotys mentioned above, arguing that you would not have a king's monogram on the same coin on which he had been allowed to display his full name and that we know from e.g. PI. vii. 20 that a king could put his father's name in full but there is nothing surprising in the use of an old die for the reverse after the whole name had been allowed' and we have good reason for thinking that Cotys not Aspurgus was father to this Rhescuporis^ finally we have no real evidence that Aspurgus was called Rhescuporis at all. This idea had originally been suggested by Burachkov to account for the ;
:
monogram to guess at
^^
known
monograms
to I
belong to the time of Aspurgus
am
inclined to see in
General 13ertier-de-La-Garde tells me Turkish ships cross from Constantinople in three days. '
Burachkov, XXVii. 121
^
XU. ^ *
5
— 131 BMC. ;
Poniiis,
II.
Trans. Od. Soc. XXIX. Pontus, XII. 4.
BMC.
p. 164, PI. 11. 32, ^^l.
^p
the
:
but
if
we
same name as
are in
A stranger thing is a coin with B^E on the reverse and the same monogram countermarked on the obverse. Giel, TRAS. v. PI. vi. 60. " This disposes of an interpretation of the monogram on Fl. vii. 25 as tov 'Aa-novijiyov. it might be = a.b. 371 = a.d. 74/5. the date ''
AOT
1
Couis with MoHogrtuns
xix]
with the insertion of
we can
\\
for /SacriXcu?
:
and
60
can hardly he chanar that
it
see AflP three important letters of 'Ao-7roG/)yo
:
in
the addition of the
S would introduce too great complications. So too it can hardly he a coincidence that the W comes just when there was a new emperor whose namt-s Tiberius Julius were borne by all the successors of Aspur^us and most likely were adopted by him in connexion with the conferment upon him of the kinj^dy
On
the reverse of coppers, except on
5, |[^ acc(»mpanies a which is probably Aspurgus: on the obverse appear first Tiberius and then Gaius with their superscriptions'.
title'.
PI.
vii.
portrait
Aoain
^,
woman's monoj^ram as we s (v. p. 599), we can see the; characteristic letters ol JiacrtXtcro-A rHllat7ri'Pi9', a name that we read upon the coins of Mithridates VIII, and only their mother could apj)ear upon the the (^tXopw/xaio? mother of whom Petrus Patricius coins of both brothers speaks. It looks therefore as if Aspurous bejj^an by putting^ his simple monotj^ram can hardly be chance that in know from coins struck in her honour by Cot\ it
a
—
ni> on his coins in a.h. kinji^
307 and 310 =
a.d.
io/ii,
13/14. received the
title
of
from Tiberius in a.b. 311= a.d. 14/15 and died in a.r. 334 = a.d. 37/
leaving A.B.
led to
Polemo IPs empty
The monograms {y^ and
claim.
p^ffl
kept the A as
is a survival from the D in Jj^ indicating that have hazarded the suggestion that Dynamis lurks in she was the head of the Anti-Polemonian or Asj)urgian party though she must have been very aged but her rival Pythodoris also ruled at the age of sixty. Of JQ^ have no interpretation perhaps it belonged to an elder brother of Aspurgus there may be a T in it accounting for the top line. As to the portraits on these gold coins from a.b. 289 to 374 there can be scarcely any doubt but that they are meant to represent Romans and that very little attempt was made to secure a resemblance, though fathers and sons Roman officials would have or very near relations are made somewhat alike demanded closer portraiture^ Until a.b. 3io = a.d. 13/14 we have the .same face on the obverse its disappearance after that year points to Augustus. Its companion on the reverse goes on one more year and has been called The next face on the obverse as it takes the place of Augustus is Agrippa. clearly Tiberius and persists not merely to a.b. 333 = a.d. 36/7, as we might The reason suggested is that on the reverse they took to expect, but to 335. putting the next heir to the Empire, first perhaps the younger Drusus. then from A.B. 321 =a.d. 24/5 a son of Germanicus, finally to be defined as Gaius. When the latter came to the throne, there being no obvious heir, they left the two heads as before, a precedent for the Emperor's predecessor or parent taking the obverse and himself the reverse. The two staters of M ithridates VIII
part of BAo-iXeu?, perhaps the top line
.
^
I
:
I
:
;
:
:
'
IV. 203 mentioning Cotys, son of as well be Cotys 1 as II or III but it The style Ti. Julius is us anything.
So losPE.
Ti. Julius,
does not
may tell
established for all kings except those by coins or imperfect inscriptions.
M.
:
known only
B. xxvi. 84—88 BMC. Pontiis, XI. 5, 6. Bertier-de- La-Garde, op. cit. p. 159, reads HP... or HPA.... There are numberless views: I give Bertier-
;
^
'
de- La-Garde's, op.
cit.
pp.
166—179.
76
:
:
.
Bosporus.
6o2
:
History
[
CH.
have not been explained as on the first Gains ought to appear, but both have the same head and it persists as that of Claudius on the regular obverses until A.B. 359 = A.I). 62/3, except that Agrippina appears for the one year a.b. 352, On the reverses we have Britannicus till 346 and the first of Nero's reign.
P^
have Vespasian on the obverse and on the reverse a purely conventional Titus, but Domitian appears on the first gold from that year the Bosporan king occupies coin with a king's name, a.b. 377 the obverse and the Emperor the reverse. If we are at a loss with regard to the gold coins which do bear dates,
The
then Nero.
coins
all
;
even worse
^^
occurs on not less always on Bosporan coins)
The same
letter.
varieties identical
monograms "g^, BAA^ than twenty varieties the monogram (as almost is on the reverse and so in many cases is a numeral
the case of the coppers with the
is
•
:
applies to coins with
BAA^,
save that there are only three
and all have numerals': one has A, another, PI. vii. 13, like the "^b coin (ib. 5), Ia, the third, PI. vii. 12, unlike "g^'s similar
Roughly speaking the size of the coin increases with the numbers do not give dates but values presumably in Bertier-de-La-Garde's inference is that "g^ came first, chalci or lepta. produced several issues and then introduced the novelty of value-marks kept up by his successor BAT^ '^"'^ '^Y 5^ under whom the reckoning by chalci soon gave way to that by asses practised in later times (v. p. 633). According to coin
(ib.
numeral
18),
it
I.
bears, so the
jg^ and BAOf^ must have been contemporaneous
this
with
^,
1^ and ^
and consequently, as two kings cannot fill the same state at the same time, these latter monograms must be those of officials regulating the coinage, and having in view the close relations between Bosporan and Roman gold we must pronounce these officials to have been Roman but it is not clear that once value-marks were introduced they were never dropped, but were used :
12—18, BMC. Pontics, pp. 44, 45; Trans. Od. Soc. XV. pp. 28 36; Burachkov (B.) XXIV. 11 26 and p. 226, No. 32; 1
—
—
Giel(G.), A'/.j9. 11.20; TRAS.v. vi. 59; Oreshnikov 20; Ber(Or.) Mat. for Num. Bl. Sea Coast, pp. 1 5 tier-de-La-Garde (BG.) Trans. Od. Soc. XXIX.
—
B. 24. B. p. 226. B. 26.
Hermes.
Caduceus, Z.
21
Athena.
Twined snakes.
21;
Hermes.
Caduceus,
27
PI. VII. 18.
Helios. Heracles.
Crescent, star. Lionskin, club, bow-case, I, in
Or.
Diani.
PI.
cf. PI. VII. II.
Sarapis.
Cornucopia, A.
14
18.
Dog.
15
25.
Athena. Dionysus.
Cista mystica, B.
17
22.
Ammon.
Uraeus.
18
20.
Dolphin. Athena.
Monogram
Lion, star.
Wreath, palm,
vn.
30 32
myrtle- wreath,
mm.
BAE
II.
14.
B. 13. B. 14.
G.Kl.B. G.
in
Z.
o
Coins with B. B. B. B. B.
Rev.
Obv.
Publ.
Diam,
Rev.
Obv.
Publ.
Cf. PI. VII.
Podshivalov,
TRAS.
,,
Perseus.
Youth's hd.
PI. VII. 15.
Apollo.
B. 16.
Demeter.
PI. VII. 16.
Poseidon.
B. 21.
Zeus. Perseus.
PI. VII. 17.
only.
Horse-head.
Monogram
f.
only.
„ „
Tripod, myrtle, A. Ox-head. Dolphin, E. Eagle, R Herm, palm, Z.
19
BG.
I.
12.
BG. BG. BG.
style,
II.
20.
Sarapis.
II.
22.
Hermes.
II.
21.
20 20 20 20 20
BG.
21 21
PI. VII. 13.
18 Or. Cat.
Uvarov, PI. VII.
32
I.
no monogram; cf. B.
11
Cornucopia, A. Caduceus, B.
;
,
24 14 15
20
Z.
Coins with I.
„ without
„
Coins similar in
BAM Heracles.
Snake, apple-tree of Hesperides,A.
20
Ares. Helios.
Trophy,
20 24
p. 76.
12.
|a
.
Crescent, star,
I.
25
For "indications" of
28 21
V.
pp. 388,
f.
285, 390.
PI. VII. 17
worn on crowns
Co PIS with Monogranis
xix]
603
continuously, and on this depends the comparative clironolojry sujr^ested
^.
monoorams ^,
the
:
also
g^
are similar to in api)lication |Jf J^, gg^. there any chan^-e in the coinaj^e as ihouj^h with the appearance of the latter group a new authority had assumed control, so that it is unlikely that the persons represented by the former group stood in an entirely
and execution, nor
is
different relation to the coinage
The
from that
in
which the kings ^j^
extraordinary variety of types on the coins of
^TP makes
it
etc. sto(xl.
hard to say
any particular direction unless periiaps to Asia Minor, but this the influence of Pythodoris under whose tutelage Hertier-de- La-Garde would put both these mysterious kings. It aj)p(;ars to me that in these miscellaneous types a king who was limited in real authority even as regards the coinage of gold, tried to symbolize his pretensions and ancestry: Bertier-de-La-Garde' cites a parallel in Juba II of Mauretania, husband of Cleopatra Selene, whose position was very like that of a Bosporan He seems to have taken a pleasure in varying his coins, .some with king. Latin, some with Greek, some with Punic in.scriptions, and types recalling that they point in
we cannot
see
in
different divinities
hints at a descent
and the glories and from Poseidon (PI.
and Egypt". So "CaP and Heracles (the coin with ancestors of the later Bosporan kings, and also at cults of Africa
\ii.
16)
a reverse like PI. vii. 11), a connexion with Mithridates VI, by putting Helios = Mithras with a Mithridatic profile and the star and crescent, the old badge of his house (PI. vii. 18), Perseus, the eponymous ancestor of the Persians (PI. vii. 17), Sarapis, the god of Sinope, Dionysus, whose name was adopted by Mithridates, though he has not dared repeat the most characteristic types used by the great king.
These Mithridatic reminiscences made Oreshnikov (I.e.) read ^AK as Uawhile those criXeoj? EuTTctro/Do? and assign the coins to Mithridates the Great' with BAOf^ he put down to Mithridates VIII imitating his great ancestor, pointing out that numbers 4 and 6 taken as regnal years would suit the part of The his reign before he was dethroned and 10 his last bid for royalty ^ attribution to Mithridates VI is impossible on the ground of style (e.g. PI. vii. 16 is nearer akin to vii. than to the splendid issues of the great king) and ;
1
1
—
numerals i 10 on PjAP coins led me to attribute both series to 7, This Mithridates VIII, hence the position in which they appear on PI. vii. poseur ground fails me, and though I do not consider it inconceivable that a like Mithridates VIII may have used two monograms besides his whole name, adopting the surname Eupator but just lacking courage to put it at full length because that would be open defiance to Rome before he was ready, and may have chosen the many types setting forth the ancestry of which we know that he was proud, I fear that until inscriptions are discovered throwing light on the period between B.C. 16 and .v.d. 14 we must give up hope of reading the
the riddle of these
monograms.
'
Trans. Od. Soc. XXIX.
-
L.
p. 150. Miiller, Xiiinisinatiqite dc
cienne, ^
III. p. 103 sqq. Imhoof-Bluiner, Portrdtk.
BMC.
Fontus
etc., p. x.xx. n.
i
p.
36 and Wroth,
agree.
He cites
from Chaudoir, CVr/iV/'/Vw-f...(J .SVjV////, vn. 12 but with KAAYAIOY round the head which would settle the matter: Bertier-de-La-Garde explains the inscription as a '
V Afriqtie An-
p.
70 a
fake.
lost coin like
6o4
Bosporus.
History
[ch.
During this dark period some close connexion was formed between the The Thracian names of Bosporan house and the royal house of Thrace. Spartocus and Paerisades indicate too remote a link to account for the appearance on the Bosporus of the names Cotys, Rhescuporis and a century later Rhoemetalces \ which go back generations in the Thracian dynasty. We do know of a link in that Pythodoris, second wife of Polemo 1, married her daughter Antonia Tryphaena to Cotys V Sapaeus of Thrace and became regent of the country, but the Zenonids were only interlopers on the Bosporus and Antonia's son, Polemo II, never established his claim to it, so it would scarcely be through them that the Bosporan dynasty i^pace Bertier-de- La-Garde If Gepaepyris was Thracian^ she would be I.e.) adopted Thracian names. The descent claimed from Eumolpus (App. 54) shews a more likely person. pride in the Thracian connexion. I have referred to the probability that Aspurgus took the names Tiberius Julius on being granted the kingly title at the accession of the
Emperor
Tiberius.
Sauromates I and Cotys
II.
Sauromates I, son of Rhescuporis, reigned according to his coins A.B. 390 t0 420 = A.i). 93/4 to 123/4. His coppers are similar to his father's (v. p. 600 and PI. vii. 19, 20, 25) only that upon some appears the head of the Emperor* or that of an Empress or goddess (cf. vii. 7 reverse). The superscriptions are sometimes extraordinarily ill written testifying to Bosporan ignorance of Greek*. A new variety of the gateway coin shews two towers, a kneeling captive and a tree or flames behind the arch (PI. VIII. 2). The portraits of the king upon his large bronzes are very characteristic with his mild expression, long hair and prominent nosel His Ti. Julius
(PI. viii.
i)
from
inscriptions" give us his
full title
— he revives the —
style ySao-iXei;? ^aaikioiv
used
by Pharnaces and perhaps by Asander tell us of buildings undertaken for or by him, and shew that in his time Tanais was already re-established, but on the new site. The Latin inscription is a compliment from the colony of Sinope. He is the first to express upon inscriptions the claims to descent from Poseidon and Heracles that his father indicated upon his coins and Rhescuporis 1 1 stated most elaborately. To this king's reign we must refer a revolt quelled by Trajan of which Jordanes speaks^ if we are to believe in it at all. Pliny the Younger" tells us of envoys sent by Sauromates to Trajan. Ti. Julius Cotys H, son of Sauromates, reigned from a.b. 420 to 429 = '
A.D.
123/4 to 132/3.
In his
first
year his admiral defeated the Scythians".
1 Bertier-de-La-Garde, op. cit. p. 186-8, well explains him as the representative of a younger branch whose founder received this name before the Tliracians were mediatized in 43 A.D. ^ So Tomaschek, Die alien Thraker, P- 5i' Burachkov, XXViil. 151-4.
Oreshnikov, Mai. for Num. p. 21. Sauromates, son of Rhescuporis, must be the original of Sauromatus, son of Crisconorus, the enemy of Cherson in Const. Porph. de Adiii. Imp. c. 53: the legend has no value as Bosporan history though some as Chersonian literature, v. p. 526. "*
''
losPE.
40 (Latin), 352, 358, xxiil. p. 46, No. 32 ( = App. 47), XXVii. p. 37, No. 33 (.') from Partenit, probably brought there as building material. losPE. II. 4i( = App. 54) and 358. "
401, IV. 202
\\.
(?),
[26, 38],
446,
39,
BCA.
"'
Kojnana, 267, Traianus...Bosforanos Colchos edomuit postquam ad feritatem prorupissent perhaps a mere exaggeration of Eutropius vill. 3, regem...Bosporanorum...in fidem accepit. ' Epp. LXIII, LXIV, LXVii. losPE. II. 27, his only other inscription is IV. **
;
'•*
42i=App.
48.
Saiiromatcs I
XIX ]
Riipator
to
605
Phleoon of Tralles says that the Emperor orave him the crown and put Cherson under him'. Arrian in his Peripliis (26 (17 H.)) is made to tell the Emperor that he extended his information to include the north coast of the Euxine in case he should wish to interfere in Bosporan affairs on the occasion of the tleath of Cotys which had recently occurred. Brandis'-' has suj^^j^ested that the former who added the second half of the Periplus introduced this local
name in order to make a transition to his own work. lUit there is nothinj^ unlikely in disturbances on the Bosporus at the time of Cotys's death as Rhoemetalces his successor does not seem to have been his son, but the representative of a younger branch, yet the dated awxvX overlap by a full year^ The brt)nze coins of Cotys are much like his father's new types presc-nt :
the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus with
KA
Illii
and the king's monogram
Rgl^
within a wreath (PI. viii. 5). His gold coins and those of Rhoemetalces and Eupator are a good deal alloyed and the British Museum Catalogue even reckons them electrum.
Rhoemetalces and Eupator.
Rhoemetalces, as his coins shew, reigned from \.\\. 428 to 131/2 to 153/4; they are fairly continuous, but there is a curious gap In his second year he set up an between a.b. 434 and 439 (PI. viii. 6). inscription to Hadrian as toV tStof KTl(TTy]v\ Later on he may have had some idea of making himself more independent, for twice the Chersonesans sent Ariston to him to discuss an alliance and some cause of trouble arose between him and the Roman provincial authorities. However the Emperor Antoninus His coppers present much the same l^ius sent him back to his kingdom". types as those of his predecessors, without the new ones added by Cotys H". O. Rossbach'* supposes that a bust in the National Museum at Athens is a portrait of Rhoemetalces, but there are other possibilities. The name of Pi. Julius Eupator shews that in spite of their Thracian His names the Bosporan kings had not forgotten the Mithridatic tradition. coins extend from a.b. 451 to 467=a.d. 154/5 to 170/1 (cf. PI. viii. 7). Then these may be assigned either to Eupator follow three years without any issue Lucian or to his successor Sauromates or to an interregnum or struggle. makes one of his characters in "Alexander or the Palse Prophet" meet at Aegiali the envoys of Eupator journeying into Bithynia to fetch the yearly subsidy" and fare in their ship to Amastris. His inscriptions are all from Tanais'" where there was much building activity in his time. Ti. Julius
450 = A.i).
'
;
' KaQvittTa^iv, ap. Const. Poiph. de Them. \\. 12; Steph. liyz. s.v. Boo-Tro^oy v. sup. p. 524 n. I. ^ P.-iV. ni. p. 783, more at length, Nh. Mus. LI. C. Fatsch defends its genuineness in Ktio, p. I. ;
pp. 68
— 75
V. supra p. 24. Pontus, p. 61, Cotys, eKY = 429 A.B. * losPE. II. other inscriptions II. 353 33, is a PCA. XLV. p. 9, No. ( = App. 49), 437. private dedication to Hadrian (?). App. \()=IosPE. II. 199, V. sup. p. 524. " lulius Capitolinus in .Script. Hist. Aug. "Vita Antonini," c. 9, Rhoemetalcen in regnum Bosporanum audito inter ipsum et curatorem negotio
IV.
^
:
BMC.
I
'
Hiandis,
remisit.
J'.-IV.
Hi.
p.
784,
translates
suggesting that Rhoemetalces was a minor under a guardian, ^ B. XXIX. 179 -190.
curator hy
*
Kisrw////^/
-Svoronos,
Numisnuittque, '•*
c.
Journal Internal. d'Archeoloffie pp. 77-82, PI. v.
IV. (1901),
57, (ijri'oiTny
(ir'i
I
KOfuhfi t^s ('ntTfluv ax'vTii-
^(ot, so Hrandis translates, P.-H\ ill. p. 787, not P'lying tribute as P. C. Sands, op. cit. p. 135, says.
608 n. 2. losPE. II. 422
Cf. infr. p.
IV. 447; ( = App. 50), 438, 439 the latter has a fine example of the Bosporan state mark, v. p. 317, f 227, p. 318, n. I. '"
;
6o6
History
Bospoi~iis.
[ch.
uneven in workmanship, so much so that assigned to an unnecessary '"Eupator IP. been have some rude specimens in Cotys II (substituting his own brought by Eupator uses the coin types coins of Eupator are very
The
as the ordinary ones'.
monogram J^Y) as well Whether this points
to his being more directly linked to him or no we cannot say: the mutual relations of Cotys II, Rhoemetalces and Eupator are unknown'. The next king Ti. Julius Sauromates II was son of Rhoemetalces.
Sauromates
Rhescuporis //, Cotys III, Sauromates III.
II,
After the three years' gap mentioned above the coins of Sauromates II run without any decided break from a.b. 471 to 507=a,d. 174/5 to 210/11 He is not mentioned by any author but appears in a good (cf PI. VIII. 9). many inscriptions\ In the first he thanks Caracalla as a benefactor of himself and his kingdom another (App. 52) speaks of him as having gained victories over Scythians and Siraci, received the submission of the Tauric land and made the sea safe for ships to go to Bithynia. Indeed the reign of Sauromates marks the end of a peaceful stretch in Bosporan history and the beginning of to this corresponds the way the quiet scenes long wars with the natives depicted in the earlier catacombs (e.g. p. 313, f. 223) give place to combats His coinage is interesting: in the later (pp. 314 319, ff. 224 230^^). besides continuing the types of Rhoemetalces" he issued a series of large coppers^ of unusually good workmanship with the labours of his ancestor Other new types are those of the captive and Heracles (e.g. PI. viii. 11). trophy^ the eagle displayed holding a wreath" and a figure of a goddess (Aphrodite Urania ?) sitting on a throne crowned with a mural crown, holding Before the apple in one hand and a long sceptre in the other (PI. viii. 12, 14). This type survived in utter degradation upon her sometimes stands Eros'". more important innovation was the substitution in the coins of later kings. some of his staters of very decided electrum for gold, an important step in a degradation which ended in the miserable coins of the later kings". Ti. Julius Rhescuporis II son of Sauromates, king from a.b. 507 to 525 = A.D. 2 10/ to 228/9, is usually considered to be the husband of the queen with the gold mask (v. p. 433). From his time we have many inscriptions mostly :
;
—
—
A
1
MK.
Koehne,
'
Num.,
11.
313,
p.
cf.
v.
Sallet, Zt. f.
—
202. 8; B. XXIX. 191 p. 29, No. 22 mentions a son of Rhoemetalces, Tib. Julius. ..Eupator or Sauromates
BCA.
^
X.
we cannot
say.
losPE.
*
=
App. 34, 57, 357, 427, 428, 445 ( XXXVII. p. 38, No. 2 ( App. 51), on the of the last his name is probably to be II.
=
BCA.
53),
analogy
= App.
69) and certainly doubtful, much more so BCA. X. p. 29, No. 22. In losPE. Ii. 41, 43, 430 431 bis, IV. 194 he appears only as father to Rhescuporis 11. His tamga (cf p. 318, n. i) adorns App. 52 and BCA. XL. p. 113, No. 1 12, v. p. 614, n. 2.
supplied in
II.
423
in (
losPE.
= App.
II.
52):
402
(
II.
47
is
—
BCA.
XLV.
mention '
of the 1891 Catacomb," "
IV. p. 309.
PI. VIII.
'^
p. 51, No. 5 at Chersonese this king's warlike operations.
seems
to
Rostovtsev, Bobrinskoj Miscellany "Painting
'
B. B.
—
127, n. 2.
p.
XXX. 218 227, XXXI. 250, 251. XXX. 230—238, marking a real reform of
the copper currency,
XXXI. 252
*
B.
'^
PI. viii.
v. p.
— 254.
633.
13: B. xxxi.
246—249.
Rostovtsev, op. c. p. 150, n. i, arguing that the figures, formerly described as Sarapis and Isis (v. supra p. 310), are really chthonian deities into whom the deceased is to be merged, suggests that on these coins we have the queen merged in a similar goddess and on those (B. XXX. 228, 229) which shew Heracles with club and trident crowned by Nike, the king merged in his divine ancestors: he compares the stele described on p. 304, n. 4. " Taraktash hoard, A. Ch. Steven, Bulletin of Tauric Record Comm. XLIII. 1909, p. 99, as quoted by Latyshev, XVovtiku, p. 123, n. i. '"
XIX
Saurofuates II
]
P/uirsanzes
to
607
Two stones' witness to the another' set up by the city of Amastris calls the kinjr Philhellene, proof positive that he was a barbarian. His " aurei "are some of j^old antl some of electrum (PI. viii. 15, 16) the coj)pers mostly shew the king on horseback with a spear (ty[)e of V\. viii. 10) and the seated Aphrodite: a new and elaborate type* shews a trophy with The abundant coinage of Rhessupi^orters and a crouching- captive below. cuporis gives place in a.h. 524 to an issue of his son Ti. Julius Cotys I II in aurei reduced coined by grn. probably both thus raising funds for a civil 525 5 war^ Cotys Ill's coins go on till a.m. 530 = a.d. 233/4 (e.g. PI. vnr. 17). After his father's death Cotys did not reign alone for we have coins (e.g. PI. VIII. 18) bearing the name Sauromates (III) and dates from a.ij. 526 to 529 = Their names appeared together in an inscription of A.D. 229/30 to 232/3. a society at Gorgippia", so presumably their relations were friendly. To Sauromates III is referred a hopelessly corrupt manumission', otherwise he is Cotys is mentioned in several inscri[)ti()ns from ^anais^ The unknown Cotys III has "aurei" of degradation of the coinage now proceeded rapidly. and silver, Sauromates 1 1 1 of electrum and silver antl [perhaps gold, electrum even potin. Their coppers shew few types and poor design. from Taiiais where much was doinj;
in his
oTcititude of the citizens of Frusias
ad
reii^n'.
Hypium
:
;
:
;
Later Kings.
However, worse was speedily to come. The coinage shews that the kingdom was fast declining and that divided rule produced its natural effect. Whether the division was effected peacefully we cannot tell but it is [jrobable that, as in the Empire itself, mutually hostile claimants to the crown held Further the execution of the different parts and tried to dethrone each other. ;
is so poor that it is impossible to be sure to how many persons belong The regnal years are as follows. the various heads marked Rhescuporis. Coins with the name Rhescuporis appeared during the year a.m. 530 = a.I). 233/4 (PI. VIII. 19), the last year of Cotys, and a.b. 531 =a.I). 234/5 the first of Then Ininthimeus whose coins (PI. viii. 20) go on till a.h. 536 = a.d. 239/40". begin other coins raarkecl Rhescuporis which go on without any considerable There is a good deal of variety among the break until a.b. 572= a.d. 275/6.
portraits
on these coins but different writers put the change at different times Mionnet and Sabatier take a.b. 550 = a.d. 253/4, for which year there seem no Rhescuporis coins, and just at that moment Pharsanzes strikes coins with the dates a.b. 550 (PI. viii. 21), 55i=a.I). 253/4, 254/5'V Oreshnikov" finds at A.B. 560 = A.D. 263/4 a new head and a better style (v. PI. viii. 22 and 23), leading off with a real gold aureus: whereas Koehne (I.e.) refuses to make any portraits
:
\\. 41 ( = App. 54), 42, 43, 48, 429, 430 431,431 bis, 44&— 451, IV. 194, BCA. xxxvn. p. I, No. not all of them, e.g. il. 447 (=App. 56), mention him, the year number being sufficient dating: in u. 432, 453, iv. 433 he is given •
(
losPE.
= App.
55),
I
:
as the father of Cotys. i
losPE.
new place ^
ib.
\\.
for
n. 42.
43 and
iv.
Bosporan
194 (from Esky-Krym, a
inscriptions).
XXXM.
284.
^
I^-
°
liertier-de- La-Garde,
:iioloi,Mcal
Investigations,"
"Materials for...Stathp.
87, n. 46.
App. l'] = IosPE. iv. 433. " losPE. \\. 54. « losPE. \\. 432, 452 ( = App. » B. xxxii. 316 Giel, TRAS. '" Koehne, .I/A'. Ii. p. 332. " Cat. Uvarov, p. 113. *
:
58), 453, [455]. v. p.
360, says 535.
Bosporus.
6o8 distinction
History
[ch.
certainly the variation in style of Eupator or Sauromates This evidence may be interpreted according to taste.
;
just as great.
and the same king may have been enthroned
in a.b. 233,
1 1
is
One
deposed the following
year in favour of Ininthimeus, restored in 239, again driven out by Pharsanzes during the year 254, and re-established under more favourable conditions so that in a few years he could make improvements in the coinage and rule undisturbed till his death in a.b. 572 = a.d. 275/6', or again there may have been a whole series of shortlived princes bearing or adopting the same royal name and struggling with various rivals or rebellious subjects. This is what we Certainly the appearance usually find towards the end of an oriental dynasty. remarked, coincides with the time when already been has as of Pharsanzes, old loyal dynasty, the Borani effacement) of the rather (or extinction on the use against Roman Asia the upstart kings to by allowed and Goths were It is clearly useless to number Bosporus". these later harbour and ships of Rhescuporids. Ininthimeus (a.d. 234 239) apparently belonged to the old house, at (v. p. 318, least he used the names Tiberius Julius, but a different tamga Shortly after n. i), on inscriptions at Tanais'', the latest found on the site. the town must have succumbed probably to the very movement of the barbarians that brought the Borani to the Bosporus. A Ti. Julius Rhescuporis has left us inscriptions from Panticapaeum itselP, dated a.b. 546, 547 = a.d. 249, 250, and these tell us that he claimed the kingdom by hereditary right. Evidently a.b. 572 = a.d. 275/6 must have been a critical year on the Bosporus. The date is borne by the last coin of the Rhescuporis series, by the whole issue of Sauromates IV (PI. viii. 24) of whom we know no more, and by the first coin struck by Tiberius Julius Teiranes whose series (PI. viii. 25) breaks off at a.b. 576 = a.d. 279/80, the latest from Taraktash (v. p. 606, In his honour and that of his queen Aelia all the great men of the n. 11). kingdom from Theociosia to ra AaTrovpyiavd joined to set up a dedication to Zeus and Hera the Saviours", so he must have ruled on both sides of the strait. Thothorses succeeded to Teiranes and we find his coins for most years from A.B. 575 to 6o5=A.D. 278/9 to 308/9 (e.g. PI. viii. 26)". In time he corresponds to the legendary Sauromatus son of Crisconorus in Constantine Porphyrogenitus. No inscription names Thothorses, but one dated a.b. 603 = A.D. 306 throws an interesting light on the career of a Bosporan in his reign'. One SogLis son of Olympus after spending sixteen years in Roman territory where he bore the name of Aurelius Valerius Olympianus and rose to be
—
^
'
Oreshnikov, p. Il6. ZosimUS, I. 31 Bopavoi 8e koi ttjs eli rqv Aaiav diafidcTfws (nfif}5>vTn, nai paov y€ naTiTT pd^avTo ravrrjv '
"
hill
•
To>v
yvci>fi>j
oIkovvto>v
ti)V
Boo'TTopof,
nXoid re ^ebaxoTcov koi
fif'fi
/xaXXof
f]
r)yq(Tap.4va>v ttjs 8ia-
rjaav nals napd dpx^v,hidriTT)v TTphi'Vuipainvi (fyiXiav Koi to tuiv efinopicav fvavp^oXoi' /cat rd napd ro)v fiacTLkiwv avrols eroKs fxaorou nfpndpfi'a 3mpa, difTfXovv eipyovTes (nlTijv'A(Ttav bui^rimu^ovXopivovi Tovs 'SKvOas, (TTel Se Toil jSaaiXflov ytvovs 8ia(l}dap€VTos dvd^wi Tives K
^da((os.
(COS fiev
yap (SaaiXels avTols
TTiirpoi iKh(\(^ptvMrr]v
iaT-qaav
hovTvopov
Kvpioi,
Tols
fieStdrfj
2,Kv6ais
f(^'
fTrl
(avTo'n Trjv
tt]v
'Adiav
Sio
tov
fieScoxacri
ttXowls avrovs oiKflois 8ial3il3d(TavTfS, dvaXaliovTis dvf^^ojpr^crav eV oikov.
irdpobov, ttciXiv
a
losPE. W. 433, 434 ( = App. 59), [435]. losPE. II. 44, 45, 46 ( = App. 60). ^ App. 61 =/osP£. 11. 29, v. p. 6l2: App. 62 — losPE. IV. 211 probably belongs to this reign. ^ Giel, TRAS. V. p. 360, makes him begin at A.B. 583 = A.D. 286/7 but there seenis no reason to doubt the earlier years quoted by Koehne MK. II. p. 357: Oreshnikov, Cat. Uvarov, p. 118 raises no objection: Giel is sole authority for the Note the special ^a;«^rt on his Coin. year 605. ' App. 62, = BCA. X. p. 26, No. 21 cf. the (Tf^aiTToyvajaros Roman knight in App. 60. ^ ^
:
—
hii/ithimeus
XI x]
to
Rhescuporis the hast
609
personally honoured by Diocletian and Maximian, and after passinj^r throuj^h tribulation returns to lie j^overnor of Theodosia and builds a vpoa-evxi] in fulfilment of a vow.
much
Rhadamsadius (Rhadamsades, Rhadampsadius) coined from 619 = A.I).
a.h.
605
to
thus overlapping with Rhescuporis Rhadamsadius is mentioned in two inscriptions'-, but both are the Last. imperfect beyond satisfactory restoration. One mentions Rhescuporis as well and Latyshev restores it as if it belonged to the time when the two kinj^s reigned together, but the stone is lost and the reading unintelligible. Koehnc gives coins of Rhescuporis the Last for most years between a.h. 60S = a.d. 3 1/2 and A.H. 631 =A.i). 334/5: Podshivalov'' instances some with the date a.h. 600 = A.I). 303/4 at the beginning and a.h. 638 = a.d. 341/2 at the end and ImhoofBlumer follows him in this\ but the coins (e.g. PI. viii. 28) are so miserably executed that Oreshnikov'' is quite right in doubting these figures. Giel (I.e.) after a new examination declares that his earliest coin is a.h. 61 5 = a.d. 318/9. The name is written in either nominative or genitive in endless ways; Giel" gives thirteen varieties. One of these misunderstood gave birth to a mythical king CvrrHC who has been finally disposed of by GieP. Koehne has been followed by many other investigators in his endeavour to make out two dynasties during the latter part of the Bosporan kingdom. He makes Rhescuporis, Sauromates IV and Rhescuporis the Last the representatives of the old line and Pharsanzes, Teiranes, Thothorsesand Rhadamsadius members of a foreign dynasty. But we cannot establish two lines of kings each set is fairly complementary to the other and the overlappings, about A.D. 253/4, 272 and 318 321, are quite intelligible without such a su|)the words of Zosimus do not necessarily imply it. position The series of coins which gives us each king's name and date fails us in 342 a.d. and the general idea used to be that the Bosporan kingdom soon came to an end and Panticapaeum was destroyed by the Huns". In A.D. 362 envoys from the Bosporans approached Julian asking leave to pay tribute (annua complentes sollemnia) and live peaceably in their own Perhaps what they really wanted was help against the barbarians. territories". Certain it is that there were movements of Goths and Huns passing from the Crimea to the Caucasian mainland in close neighbourhood to the Greek cities, but what destruction they wreaked was not fatal, for it is certain that the old population went on digging catacombs and using the Bosporan era and bearing Iranian names until the end of the \th century (v. p. 320), and probable that kings bearing the names of Tiberius Julius and more or less representative of the ancient line may have survived in the town until the centralizing policy of Justinian undertook their duties of government and
308/9 to 322/3
(e.j^-.
PI. VIII. 27)'
1
;
:
defence. '
that
As
to the first
date
Ciiel,
TKAS.
v. p. 359,
what Koehne read as 6X should be
[^
says
X making;
As to the later limit there exist several pieces with 0IX but on one of them Giel has seen clear traces of an attempt to alter the die to BIX and in all cases a mistake, but Koehne, so thinks the MK. II. p. 365, quotes at any rate 616 and 617. App. 64, 6s = losPE. II. 49, 312' (p. 309).
606.
'-'
^
Besclir. p. 24,
M.
Nos. 75,79.
Pi. v. 16 and p. 38. Cat. Uvarov, p. 1 19, but in "Coins of Cher. T., Kings of Hosp. Cimm. &c.," Num. Misc. \\. Fl. i. *
Portrdtkopfe,
'
13, p. 47,
he publishes with reservations one dated
0AX = A.D. ''
''
*•
^
342/3.
TRAS. vil. p. 228. TRAS. v. p. 359. Mommsen, Provinces,
Amm.
Marc. XXII.
vii.
I.
p. 315.
10.
77
6io in
Bosporus.
History
[ch.
The main evidence for this is the inscription of Ti. Julius Doeptunes' which the old Bosporan formulae are preserved untouched, except that the
Tvxy is flanked with a cross, the epithet eva€^7J<; comes before the rest, and the titles cTrap^o? and KOfi-q^ applied to two officials Of the date only concerned shew the influence of Christian Constantinople. remains, but the ten looks like O and as in its general disposition the unit the inscription is so like those of the earlier kings that in a time of change it cannot be separated from them by a very great interval, I should be inclined to supply X for the hundred and make the whole 0OX, a.b. 679 = a.d. 383. The earliest dated Christian inscription has the year a.b. 601 =a.d. 304/5'. In 325 Cadmus Bishop of Bosporus signed the decisions of the council of Nicaea; later in the century no doubt Christianity became dominant. have a cross^ set up to a Deacon in the year a.b. 733 =a.d. 436/7 and there is the whole catacomb with its walls covered with psalms, prayers and responses Christian burials dated a.b. 788 = a. d. 491 and others similar but undated'*. are concentrated in two regions, one spot in the Glinishche and one on the north slope of Mount Mithridates near the catacombs. At the same time we must admit the presence of Goths even in the old invocation 'Ayadrj
We
towns for as Skorpil points out'*, we find them buried with their characteristic jewelry in these same Christian cemeteries and in catacombs hard by^ In the time of Justin (a.d. 518 527) says Procopius' the Bosporites who had been independent found it necessary to add themselves to the Empire. The Huns had lately utterly destroyed Cepi and Phanagoria* and they feared the same fate for Bosporus. Justinian tried to assure the peace of the Bosporus by supporting Grod or Gordas, a converted Hun, as prince of the neighbouring barbarians, but he infuriated his compatriots by melting down their idols and selling the metal in the city. Under his brother Mugel or Moagerius they rose up against him, slew him and attacked Bosporus where they slew the imperial officers. So Justinian had to send considerable forces and re-establish the imperial authority". Presumably it was at this time that he rebuilt the fortifications that had fallen into decay'". From henceforward Bosporus has no independent existence. Sometimes it is subject to the Empire, sometimes to the Huns, later to the Khazars, but it does not keep the same individuality that Chersonese kept and there is not the same temptation to follow its history through the dark ages". '" Procopius dt' App. 66 = /osPE. n. 49', p. 292. Aedif. ni. 7, cf. Latyshev, Inscr. ;
—
^
-
Trans. Od. Soc. XX\i., A/iHi//es,
KaTaKiJTf EiVpoTTts ^ •
VIII. •''
''
i'tir.
p. ^g:
+(vSd8e
Latyshev, Inscr. Christ. 86. Kulakovskij in Mat. vi.; Rom. (luartalschrift., 327, PI. II, III; cf. supra, p. 320. pp. 49— 87, 309
—
^C^.
XXIII.
p. 31.
MacPherson, PL v XX.p. Pharmacovskij e.g.
I
von Stern Trans. Od.
:
y4;r/;. y4;?^. I905,p.
;
60=
CR.
1904, pp. 71,78, V. supra p. 385, where dishes with figures of Constantius afford some idea of the date. 1 de Bella Persico, i. 12.
Procopius, de B.
Goth.
Phanagoria mentioned
in the
*•
Theophanes (Bonn), '
p.
(de Boor), p.
5
:
yet
we
find
time of Justinian II 373; Niceph. C-politanus
;
46.
Malalas(Bonn),
p. 175, V.
iv.
p.
supra, p. 532.
431
:
Theophanes
Christ. No. 98. This obligation fell on later emperors, e.g. Maurice App. ']o Inscr. C/trist. No. 99, and was carried out through imperial officials no doubt the Bosporan dynasty was extinct. " The history of Bosporus between the last Rhescuporis and Justinian is gradually brought
=
x° V
(de Boor),
—
out by a controversy between Latyshev and Kulakovskij Latysliev, losPE. il. 49', p. 292; cf. CR. 1882-8, p. 22 Kulakovskij, " Review of losPE. Instr. May 1891, p. 181; ll.," Journ. Min. Pub. Mat. VI. p. 24: Rom. Quartalschrift., viii. pp. 49, 309 sqq. Latyshev, TRAS. v. p. yji; Mat. xvii. Inscr. Christ. No. 98; Kulakovskij, Vizanp- 59 :
;
;
Vremennik, 11. (1895), The Past of Taurida (Kiev,
tijskij
also p. 82.
Bertier-de-La-Garde, Brandis, P.- IV. II.
p. 198, III.
(1896)
1906), p. 55 sqq. Tra/is. Od. Soc.
p. 786.
p.
i
;
See XVI.
—
4
1 1
XIX
Ti. ytcliiis
LATER
KINC.S
Docptunes.
Latc?^
6ii
Ti. imcs
OF BOSPORUS AND THEIR DATED COINS. A.R.
Mithridates VI
of liosporus) Kupalor Dionysus, coiiu-d
(I
BZ
AAZ,
-
A.H.
202-231,
H.C.
B.C.
96— 67. ilo?-63
(Machares) Pharnaces, coined
TMX ZMZ,
243—7, li.c. 55—51. (Mithridates VII Pergamenus)
Asander, unrecognised.
Archon, years of King, years of
Dynamis
rule,
rule, 4,
A.ii.
707/8—709/10 709/10—712/3
—
i
6-10,
12, 14,
79-65 63—47 47—44 44—41
A.u.c.
16—18, 20—25, 27—29
712/3—737/8
(alone)
—
41
AT7I
737/8
281
(Scribonius)
•5(?)
Polemo Dynamis orl ^"'"S""'^ Aspurgus (.?)
740
1
.
„
(?)
^0niA^I,r^Z,A^I,R^I,(-)Ml,T,BT,AT 289-304
m
Aspurgus
„
and the
Aspurgus
„
AIT,riT,EIT
Gepaepyris (?)
„
(Polemo
14-9/8
H.C.9/8-A.I). 7/8
ET, IaT
305, 306
ZT, IT
307,310
AAT
311-334
'4/15—37/8
AAT, EAT
334, 335
37/8-38/9
like,
HIT,KT.AKT,rKT
8/9—9/10 to/ii
Full
Name
[;;AT,
HAT
39/40—41/2
ii6,Z2,'>!'
RAK
Coins with
j
39(?)-49(?)
BMT,eAAT,I?iMT,0MT,NT, BNT
I
ZNT
342-357
45/6
— /Coppt-rX /CoppcrN
)/i 60/1
m
(Nero) Rhescuporis
I
Sauromates
I
II
Rhoemetalces Hupator Sauromates 1 Rhescuporis
0NT
Name
ZOT,
0OT— AHT,
AK4>
Sauromates 1 1 Rhescuporis III AA, BA4>,
Rhescuporis
IaA^Jj,
Pharsanzes
BO0
AN— BN*!', ZN<}>- AE4>, IV'
62/3
68/9-77/8
HUT
A0
€0*,
IaO0, HO,
HX-0KX,
210/1— 228/9
— 530
227/8—233/4 229/30—232/3
524
526—529 530, 531
233/4, 234/5
531-536 0AA0 536—549 HA«l> N*, AN4> 550,55'
234/5—239/40 239/40—252,3
AA4>--RA
253/4,254/5
551,552,557-564,572 254/5—267/8,275/6 572
BO*-iAO 572—576 AH*— X, AX, EX 575—605
ex
Rhadamsadius
507—525
AA0
Bt)
Teiranes
Thothorses
62 )
tvK— 0K A,
Ininthimeus
Rhescuporis
C;
Z, €K
II
Rhescuporis
till
377— 38S 80/1—91/2(93) qT(i'), rST-HST, Y-HT, lY KY 390—420 93/4—123/4 KY-TKY, EKY— 0KY 420—429 123/4— 132/3 HKY AAY, 0AY-BMY, AMY-NY 428—450 131/2— 153/4 ANY-AEY, REY, ZEY 451-467 154/5—170/1(173) AOY— HOY, nY, AnY, rUY— HSY, * r4>, E— Z* 471—507 174/5— 210/1
Cotys III
Sauromates
HT,
V
359
EET,OET,OT,A()T 3^5-374
__^ Full
Cotys
— 13/14
(38-40
II)
Mithridates \'III.
Cotys
(?)
».*
.
)
Aspurgus
i7/i^>
17/16
ZIX, 0IX(?)
605— 6i9(.')
AAX, HAX, 0AX(i>) 608-639 (?)
275/6
275/6—27980 278/9—308,9 308/9—322/3 31 1/2— 342/3
Every known gold or silver coin of these Hosporan rulers from Pharnaces to Ininthimeus is noted with its weight in Bertier-de-La-Garde's "Materials for Staihmological Investigations," Num. Misc. II., and this table is in close agreement with his: he adds one to the numbers of the Rhescuporids (v. p. 600).
77—2
6i2
Orga7tization
Bosporus.
Officials
[ch.
of the Bosporan Kingdom.
We
have already seen how the Spartocids at first ruled as archons in the then assumed the title of kings over various barbarian tribes and imitated the other rulers of their time and called themselves, at any rate finally Considering their prepondein ordinary usage, kings of the whole Bosporus. absence of all mention of senate or people they can rance as evidenced by the Mithridates introduced hardly be said to have had a constitutional position. the purest orientalism and this probably characterized all his successors. The growth of the king's title has been followed as it developed into the sonorous formula used by Rhescuporis II'. Even this did not express enough for subjects who address Sauromates II as 6 tStos [^eo?] koX SecrTrdrr^? or acjTijp', and Teiranes and his queen as ol tStoi deol Kal evepyerai^ The king was surrounded by his court and some of the administrators of the government bore titles derived from his household, having as usual de-
Greek
cities,
After the time of Mithridates VIII
veloped out of his personal attendants.
have dropped out of the social class of client kings, we hear no more of the ruling queens who are characteristic of the period of transition and probably a harem system was established ^ Others of the official hierarchy bore territorial titles. Latyshev' has given the general outlines of this organization pieced together from indications centuries apart in date. But there is every reason to believe that the Bosporan kingdom was thoroughly conservative and the picture is probably right, it remains but to fill in the details which have come to light since Latyshev wrote. The chief interest in the matter is that the Bosporan kingdom as a survival of Hellenistic states throws light on the manner in which such personal officers of the ruler, always the main officials of an Eastern state, passed into the organization of the later Roman Empire. We have a list of the chief grandees in an inscription at Panticapaeum set up by them in honour of Teiranes and his queen Aelial They call themselves d/atoTOTTuXetrat "officers of the Sublime Porte ", and include Menestratus prefect of the Kingdom (6 eVt ttJs ySao-tXeta?)'* and of Theodosia^ Phannes commander of the Thousand* and prefect of the Aspurgiana^ Phanes the chief secretary of state [a.p^iypaiipaTev<;), Chariton the captain (Xo^ayds)'", Phidanus formerly governor of the city {rrplv TTo\eiTdp^'q<;), Leimanus actual governor of the city, Euius and Eros former finance ministers (eVt Toiv \6yoiv), Psycharion actual finance minister, Alexander formerly private secretary (eVi t'tJ? 7rti/afci8o?), Menestratus under secretary of state (ypapp^arevs), and perhaps Bardanes inl t{(ov?) UaipLadSov". These state officials with many private persons seem the Bosporans
seem
to
'^
App. S4 = ^osPE. u. 41. losPE. \\. 357, 358. ^ App. 61 =^IosPE. U. 29. * A eunuch is commemorated \n losPE. 11. 121. losPE. II. Introd. p. liv. « Cf. losPE. II. 46 ( = App. 60), 187, 363, 423 ( = App. 52, 193 A.D. ), 433, and iS'C^. XXXVII. p. 38, = TTpMToi eVt T^s /3. No. 2 ( App. 51), ^ Cf. App. b^=BCA. X. p. 26, No. 21. '
(
= App. »
'^
'
•'
**
X(iXi-dpxr)i,
cf.
losPEl.
II.
41
(a.d.
193),
46
Cf.
i»
54, 60),
losPE.
Cf. at
gippia, 402 p.
No.
44, '•
(c.
A.D. 220), 431
(
= App.
69),
IV.
bis.
363 and at Gor436tf, BCA. xxxvii. \\.
3. 1.
35,
'itiSay \j-i'\ 'Qaphav{r)i)
Ov-
eVI t{S))v naipiffadov 2[r]o(7-
d{p)[aKos] K.T.X.: ^^
431
Phanagoria, losPE.
Reading
...ir...o
357. II.
The
for Latyshev's text, v. p. 657. may have served as officers
eVt/iJji'/o-avres
of the society, so too the
ypa/n/xHTfiis'.
XI x]
613
Officials
have formed a religious society with JuHus Chopharnes as priest. CJiher mention 6 eVt 7r\% mjaov', 6 ctti t^? VopyLTrma^-, 6 iwl Toiv Upatu'. Clearly the country was di\ided into districts and their rulers were The west side of the strait was called the kingd(jm apparently little satraps. />ar excellence, the peninsula of Taman or perhaps its northern part about Fontan formed the island\ the country between Phanagoria and Gorgippia was called to. 'Ao-Trouyoytat-a, perhaps 6 eVi Tuiv 'A. was a later name for o cVt Gorgippia as a frontier port at one extremity and Theodosia in a T17? vTJaov. similar position at the other each had its own governor. Pluralism was allowed, for instance Menestratus has two adjoining prefectures. The officials went into retirement after holding office, none of them were appointed for life. Prominent families might ha\e more than their share of office, e.g. Ulpius Parthenocles and Ulpius Antimachus were prefects of the kingdom and the As to the time when these offices came into island and very likely brothers'. being, 6 inl Trj<; v-qa-ov is mentioned in the time of Aspurgus and the others probably go back to the same period. The court officers (ot ySacrtXt/cot ?)" were as follows: 6 iirl ttj? av\rj<;\ the to
inscriptions
dp^LKOLTojpeLTr)';'', 7rt^'a/ctSo?'" if
the Kpa/SdrpLoq'',
maybe
the
same or
his underling, 6 eVt
apparently the king's private secretary, and 6 vepl
avkrji'
Trj<;
ya[^o^u\af J,
rightly restored, the court treasurer".
The irokiLTap-^aL of Panticapaeum were presumably presidents of the municipality nominated by the crown like the gradonachabiik of certain Russian towns. Phanagoria or rather Agrippias Caesarea may have preserved special privileges even after its reduction by Pharnaces, it seems to have Its magistrates are called treated directly with Rome in a surprising manner'-. Archons in 307 a.d. ": its Demos is mentioned in the time of Dynamis" and in we also meet with the iind century a.d. a Demos and perhaps a Boule too"' the titles ot 'koyp.y6
1 he 6p(f)avo(f)v\a^''' w^as king, were ii/KVKXiojv oIkovoixoi and lepojv oIkovojxoC^. also probably in the service of the state rather than an officer in a society
624, 625) and the same applies to the Gymnasiarch-'", who may have a liturgy rather than practising a profession. However 6 iirl tov TratSayajyiov at Panticapaeum was surely head of a state school"'. Minor officials were Soracus who collected fines (Blkwv irpdKTcjp)", (v. pp.
been
fulfilling
losPE. \\. 36 ( = App. 42), 254 (130 A.D.), 359. losPE. IV. 434 BCA. xxni. p. 46, No. 32 X.XXVn. p. 38, No. 2 ( = App. 47, 51). ^ At Phanagoria, /t^j/' A', n. 352, 353 ( = App. 49), '
-
;
at Gorgippia, IV. 434. Denys Perieg. I. 549. Cf. I's.-Scymnus, 1. 891. " losPE. IV. 359. V. p. 318, losFE. II. 26.
A.D. 151 *
'
;
:
V. p.
X. p. 32,
302,
No.
f.
215
;
losFE.
II.
48, 65, 342
;
XXVHI. Minutes, p. 24. CJL. vi. 5207 found '-'
'Ao-TroO^yos Bio/x/tio-ou
fi\\(Ti\iKov
II.
'HfiuKoy EuoSot;/
(fyfirjvf.is
2,ii,fjL
losPE. \\. 363. App. \\=losl'E. II. 356. '« losl'E. II. losFE. \\. 359, 360. 363. '^ BCA. xxxvu. p. 70, No. v. p. 598, n. 7. 7 '" Both in App. si^BCA. xxxvii. p. 38, No. 2 losPE. IV. 434, lor the latter and oin\ riov l. '" losPE. IV. 434 cl. BCA. xxxvii. p. 46, No. 7. -"' JosPE. II. 403. ^' BCA. xiv. p. 117, No. 39. " v. p. 319 /(i.r/'A. IV. 342. '*
liCA.
>•'
;
;
BCA.
x.
p.
65,
29, 49' ( = App. 61, 66), 131. As uncertain is IV. 202, c. 100 A.U. Trans. Od. Soc. r
lusPE. " losPE. "•
uior
:
Ka,Ta^oi>nno^ov.
'•'
"
"•*
Rome
Hco/o-n-opdvoj.
24, A.u. 214.
Josl'E. II. 428, A.u. 192. losJ'E. II. 297, KpafiardiHos, No. 68, 140 A.U.
at
Tt^tfv^iVTi]^ ^uvulyu^tiiTiiv tu>v
cf.
;
;
4
6
1;
Organizatmi
Bosporus.
1
[ch.
and the interpreters kp^y]vti^^ under a chief mentioned on a building at Taman". The eVifieXi^rai'' often mentioned as carrying out particular tasks were chosen ad hoc and were not as such regular inagistrates tira.p^o'^ and K6fi7)<; (App. 66) were probably Roman titles not Bosporan offices. :
Army and The Many are
Fleet.
of the kingdom had always to be kept efficient. Bo.sporans who fell in the continuous struggle against the epitaphs of ordinary Their equipment is shewn on frescoes and the surrounding tribes. grave reliefs (v. pp. 301 216, 218, 223- 225, 227, 230) 319, ff. 214 304, 313 cannot but there was a body of Bosporans armed in Roman fashion \ discern their organization: there werechiliarchs\ \oya.yoV\ occurring in all three towns, they may be commanders of local forces. At Gorgippia there was also At Panticapaeum a special a Tajy\i(x\Ta.p-xY]
—
—
—
—
We
We
We
—
Magistrates of Tanais.
We do not know what may have been the exact relations between Tanais and the Bosporan kingdom or its internal constitution before its destruction by '
5207,
losPE. V. p.
\\. 86'-',
613, n. 12,
BCA.
p. 296; Aspurgus in CIL. VI. was probably in Roman service.
112, No. 28, TaiHi^a of Sauromates II (v. p. 655), Ai' ('nifieXdas 'tifictJKcillovTl.KOV A.D. 2o8). (''I>X^pIm^^'^^ 'A-\avS>v/f[v rw] e(j)' ( 2
XL.
p.
=
losPE. II. [33], 48, 3'2, 353 ( = App. 49), cf. 3
*
Tacitus,
'AXaveoi', 3
Ann.
49, 49>
(
= App.
65, 66), 50,
n. 2.
XII. 16,
where they come
cf.
Arrian, "Exra^ty kut
after the Italians
and
Cyrenaeans. (iattion aTreipap^rji, losPE. IV. 293, was probably officer in such a corps not as Poland, Gesch. d.gr. / mvVz.ywcjcw (v. p. 620,n. 5), pp. 153,359 says, the head of a band of mystics so too the men with native names and the UK\e. princeps., losPE. II. :
28, 278, '>
1
82''^,
losPE.
goria, 357.
p. 303. II.
29, 41,
46(
= App. 61, 54, 60),
Phana-
"
Panticapaeum,
/ip^/'£. n. 29,
= App.
Phanagoria, 363
436a; BCA. XXXVii. p. 44, No. 3. ^ losPE. IV. 43I, perhaps 7roXet]r(i/);^iys. ^ losPE. II. 404 BCA. XXXVII. p. 38, No. 2 = App. 51. i" " BCA. in. p. losPE. iv. 297. 33, No. i. " v. Kosiovisev, Jo urn. Min. Pub. Insir., St. P., March, 1900, p. 144; cf. BCA. X. p. 14. '- losPE. II. 293 BCA. III. p. 39, No. 5 cf. Gorgippia, H. 402
(
69),
IV.
;
;
;
Cichorius in P.- IV. iv. s.v. cohors, p. 277. '^ losPE. il. 290; cf. Cichorius, I.e. p. 341. Olynipia, v. p. 538 Ditt. Inscr. Orientis, 489 No. 447 cf. Cichorius, I.e. p. 255. A second cohort is mentioned CIL. X. 270* but seems doubtful. •''
;
;
^^ '"
losPE. losPE.
11.
25
11.
27.
(
= App.
39).
XIX
Tana is.
Defence.
]
Cults
6
1
5
PoUmuo', but the town was risiiiii^ aLjain under Sauroinates'-, and from the time of luipator and his successors we have several inscriptions recording how various officials made restorations of towers, walls, a gate, a fountain and an The settlement consisted of two communities distinguished as "l-^WT^fc? agora. head, the Hellenarch' and the Archon of Tanais This last office appears in commission in A pp. 55 which mentions four or five men. This double character is also indicated by the custom of speaking of benefits conferred 717 ttoXci /cat rot? ifnr6poL<; (e.g. App. 55), but it is not clear which corresponds to which, nor whether as places 7) 7ro\t9 and to ifx-rroptov were distinct or no. Supreme over both communities and their magistrates was the royal Legate" he was often one of the great officers of the kingdom, the grand chamberlain (App. 52), the prefect of the Aspurgiana", the prefect of the kingdom", but sometimes he was chosen from the Tanaites, e.g. Chophrasmus son of Phorgabacus, Legate in a.d. 236 (App. 59), appears in several lists of Taj'aetTat',
/cat
(Apj). 52) or
each with
its
'\o,vo.(.i7(jiv^.
:
private citizens. In App. 52
we have
apparently four aTpaT-qyol Ta)u noXeLTcjp as well as the Minor officers were the StaSo^o? archon of Tanais and the Hellenarch. (App. 59) and the revenue officer, but he may have been employed in the kint^dom rather than in the town as he is called Hellenarch late revenue officer".
hardly count as public officials. They were probably chosen for each separate job, though the architect Aurelius Antoninus" evidently got most of the town's work.
The
architects
and
eVt/xeX>7Tat
'"
Cu/ts.
The
Bosporan kingdom is especially interesting in Graeco- Iranian population in the presence of a Jewish ferment developed a syncretistic popular religion organized in private societies which seem more completely than in the Empire to have superseded the religious history of the
later stages.
its
A
The names
of these survive in official seem faded and the combinations of deities which occur and the epithets applied to them shew a Somehow it seems quite natural that the Hellenic pantheistic tendency. religion should not have flourished in a country in which the bay and myrtle, so interwoven with their cult, could not be made to grow in spite of efforts made by Mithridates and others definitely for the sake of ritual needs'-. Of the old Hellenic gods Zeus did not apparendy attract the worship of There is a dedication to Zeus yevdpxr)<5 made by one of the the Bosporans. hierarchies of the old Hellenic gods.
documents of the
'
^'-
P-
latest period but their personalities
594; iJtrabo, Xl.
ii.
3,
I
1.
/osPE. IV. 446. 3 /osP£. u. 428. * losPE. \\. 423 ( = App. 52), 427, 428, 430 ( = App, 55)— 432, 434 ( = App. 59)* /osPE. u. 427. * 6 npf(7^fVT^s. losPE. \\. 422, 430 ( = App. 55), 431,431 /^/j, 433, 434 ( = App. 59), 435, IV. 447, called 6 irii((TJifii(Tas II. 428 and o (KTrffi(f)Bf\s vno tov -
to e'finapwi'., App. 52. /osPE. u. 431, 431 ii's. » /osPE. u. 433. * losPE. U. 432 ni)\v iri>i,{TudiKt'>t. /osPE. 11. 427, 428, 430 ( = App. 43' ^'^^ 434 ( = App. 59). " losPE. \\. 429, 430. 433.434-
/yao-tXe'cos (is '
'**
'-
Theophrastus,
XVI. 137 (59)-
^/<-
55),
43'.
Plantis,\\.\. y, Pliny, A7/.
— ;
6i6
Cults
Bosporus.
[ch.
The great kings about the Christian era' and a few coins bear his head'. inscription in honour of Teiranes^ is addressed by a reHgious society under a priest to Zeus Xcjttjp* and Hera ScoTet/aa but this is hardly the personal Zeus. In this rather general sense he is joined with Aphrodite and Ares at Tanais\ and in the pagan formula for the manumission of slaves" he is called as a The head of this latter appears on witness together with Ge and Helios. a coin of Gorgippia
^^ and
and on two of
gy^/Y^ (PI. vii. 12, 18) seems merely personal to these rulers. Poseidon was the patron of the gild of shipowners at Gorgippia where he had a temple', otherwise he was regarded less as a god than as an ancestor of the royal house as such his name appears in the genealogical boasts of the later kings*, and Sauromates II put on his coins a figure combining his As SojcrtVeo? he obtains with Aphrodite attributes with those of Heracles". Nauarchis a dedication from Asander's admiral'", and appears on coins which (PI. ix. 22)
:
this
:
may be referred to that king (PI. v. 28, vi. 12, 13; also vii. The chief deity of ancient Panticapaeum was Apollo
16).
especially with the
epithet Hietros", his priest is the only one regularly mentioned in inscriptions. The supposition has already been mentioned that the Greek name of Pantica(v. p. 628, and paeum was Apollonia because of the coins marked
APOA
these early coins also sometimes bear the head of Apollo''. 10) Apollo was worshipped at Phanagoria where also called Phoebus'l
PI. IX.
was
:
He he
may have been
patron of the games, at least Mestor makes his dedication Here too he bears the epithet Hiatros". In later to him" ayo)vodeTT](Ta<;. times there was an Apollo 0,76X179, the infinite, at Dioclea perhaps a suburb His head is of Phanagoria'^ and at Tanais Apollo received a dedication'^ common upon coins of the ist century B.C. Apparently he and his tripod were Mithridatic types"*. Hermes is not directly mentioned in inscriptions but the great games at
Gorgippia were Hermaea'". is
common on
the walls of "
His head only occurs on CAP coins"": his figure catacombs " in company with Calypso (v. pp. 309
319— 321).
311.
Dionysus has one dedication made losPE. IV. 200. Burachkov, XXII.
•
^
XXIV.
21,
22
App. 6\^IosPE.
*
Thereareafew
II.
.KtXtov, ^ « ^
App. ^ ••
ib.
i;-w/?f//: aul0a)Tis-
1908, p. 171,
and
p.
Til^r,,
Ai
209; hpjo.
Au
Aw,
Uar^c^co
ib.
1907, p. 139.
Add
^''
= IosPE
II
\'''\
tosPE.xx. 54, 400 = App! 43App. 5 = BCA. XXXVII. p. '38, No. 1
egLw^^.
;
perhaps
„. 402.
losPE. II. 41 ( = App. 54), 358, 361. B. XXX. 228, 229, V p. 606: his trident appears 1
I.
'Ao-<|)aXeios-
p.
and
'A. Ei/VXota,
P.- IV.
s.v.
Aphrodite,
II.
6
(
= App.
Ct I. I. Tolstoi, Journ. Min. p. 477 and p. 581 /wj/r. St P., Jan. 1904, Class. Sect. pp. i 15, Cult of Apollo on the Bosporus and at Olbia" ;
—
;
Roscher, l. p. 433 Farnell, Ctdts, iv. pp. 233, 409. '^ B. Xix. 25 and 48. ^erse, v. supra, p. 577; \no\X
^^ amphora-stamp with the same genitive. '* losPE. 11. 348. 345!' ^''"^f {osPE. 35 1. „'
27), 10, 15
(
= App.
35),
I f.
App. 50= Aac/^^ 11.422. '' Panticapaeum, PI. V. 24-27, vi. 2-6, 9, n ,. ^^- 9.8-'oo, XXI. 101-143, XXII. i44-i5i p; Phanagona, PI. IX. 16-18; B. XXIII j2-i8^; Gor;
gippia, PI. IX. 23, 24; B. XXIII. 5^: '" losPE. iv. 432. * B. xxiv. 23, 24, 26. 21
2755.
" losPE.
and another" under the
"
2
on many royal coins, e.g. PI. vii. 1, viil. 6. '" App. y) = IosPE. II. 25; the combination of god and goddess finds a close parallel at Mylasa, n.
The
simply'',
;
29.
from Kerch, Arch. Anc. 1910, "Irm,
/'^^/V.
"
jj^^ 3
him
supra,
— 167;
161
to
^^
App. y] = IosPE. II. losPE. iv. 199, ivc.
18.
B.C.
BAE,
PI. Vii. 15.
7
Gods
xixj
6
1
no doubt he was honoured in the theatre mentioned by Polyaenus (v. xliv. i). iMithridates called himself Dionysus, so no wonder the god's head appears on many coins which may be referred to his time'. Ares had a temple and statue at Panticapaeum restored by a Sauromates', strange epithet apeico
he
mentioned
also
is
^n<\y^tC^{?\.yn.
;
in
a Tanais inscription^
He
occurs upon coins of
13).
5,
Asclepius appears upon one inscription', li was in his temple at Panticapaeum that his priest Stratius dedicated the bronze vessel that had been burst by the frost to the standing- wonder of the Greeks" he figures on no coin". Heracles received a dedication on each side of the strait". His head appears on coins of Leucon after an Alexander model (PI. vi. 16) and in another type on later coins of Pantica[)a(;um" his club and lion-skin adorn those ;
:
VIH
many subsequent kings He is claimed as an ancestor by Sauro633 and PI. VII. ii, viii. 7). mates P and Rhescuporis H'". Sauromates H put all his labours on his coins". Quite unexplained so far are the deities to whom Comosarye makes her dedication'' IcrxvpojL Oetojl lavipyei koX 'AorTct/aat. Mr S. A. Cook, late P'ellow of Gonville and Caius College", to whom I applied for help under the impression that at any rate 'Ao-rapa was clearly Semitic and a form of 'Ishtar, Astarte, would not allow even so much the Phoenician form always has the second /, the Aramaic changes away the s, e.g. Atargatis, and there is no possibility of the Ethiopic form which would agree occurring here but he hardly allows enough for the Greek distortion of loan-words '^ and I still dare suppose Astara a form of Astarte: so she becomes almost indistinguishable from Aphrodite Apature herself; and if we remember that in Strabo's story'' Heracles had his part in the deceit which she used towards the giants, we might see in the strong god Sanerges such a deity as the East loved to join with Astarte and the West usually identified with Heracles. In Sanerges may lurk the names of the Babylonian deities San or Nergal or even both combined'". From Asia Minor came Men'" who appears in the ist century b.c. upon coins of Panticapaeum, Phanagoria and Gorgippia. Probably" his presence here is in connexion with the star and crescent badge of Mithridates. Reinach
of ^|?E and Mithridates (v.
and
his club alone issues of
p.
;
:
PI. vi. 8 and a full len.i^th figure and thyrsus on the large Men coins Phanagoria, B. XXili. 2:\b and the uncertain
Panticapaeum,
'
with lioness VI. lo:
coins, PI. IX. 21, '^
•*
Giel, A7. B. PI. iv.
cf.
losFJi. II. 47. App. ^2=^ losPE.
"
Strabo, II. i. 16. B. XXIV. 22 is Ammon,
"
" '••
'"
losPE.
30, dedicating
a table.
BMC.
Poniiis, p. 44.
scription at
PI.
VIII.
I!
'^
V. PI. VII. 74 App. ^o = /osPE. I
offer
" The its
41.
II.
XXX. 230 sqq.
B.
;
(Jiel,
— 77.
TRAS. '^
;
346.
II.
best thanks.
loss of the / in
loss in
M.
him my
Hamilcar,
Greek may be paralleled rilp^D: and there does
cf.
tt fiofrTTjadfifi'Ot,
Twv ViydvTwv,
ws, (TriOcfiivatv
iniKaX(
ThecombinationofthetwonamesSanergesand is curiously like the names of two otherwise unknown deities NTC'NI N!'33l^'1 in an Aramaic in-
losPE. II. 358. App. ^i, = IosPE.
II.
6«i>
"'
Astara
e.g.
10: 'Eru/xoXoyoi/o-t hi to firidtrov
ii.
rbv 'W^iaKKia Kpv\lf(i(v tv KfvBixdvi tivi, iira ratv ViydvTutv (Kaarov df)(oix(i'r] KaO tva T
24, 350. B. XXII. 181, 182 ; also 'Iheodosia, v. p. 559.
"
by
Strabo, XI.
fvTaida
423.
II.
losPE.
^
'••
T^r Qtax) fiidov Tiva
*
II.
occur a later Babylonian form XinDN Estra with an Aramaic termination, as used by Syrians and Mandaites, Noldcke, Encycl. Bibl. II. p. 1404 s.v. Esther.
Teima
in
X. Arabia, C.
I.
Semit., Pt.
II.
No. 113, 1. 16 kindly pointed out to me by Professor Bevan. We have learnt nothing certain since Koehler published his Dissirtation in 1805. '" HN? p. 281 he is called Mithras.
Tom.
'"
I.
PI. vi.
B. xxiii. 6
10, B.
XXil. 179, Giel, A7.
/.'.
PI. iv. 6,
c.
78
;
6i8 calls
Cults
Bosporus. by
his
name
[ch.
the dancing terra-cotta figures in Phrygian costume
(v.
pp.
346, 368).
AnotherAsiatic deity who occurs in terra-cottas is Mithras (ib.). Mithridates does not seem to have sought to spread his ancestral cult outside Cappadocia. We cannot put a name to the " Great God " at Gorgippia (v. p. 566). As to other gods who only occur on coins there is no reason to take this as evidence of special cult. Pan whose head appears on most of the autonomous coins of Panticapaeum (and through imitation on some of Phanagoria, PI. ix, 15) does not seem to have been held in any particular honour there, he served but The caps of the Dioscuri are similarly as the armes parlantes of the city\ represented on the coins of the Euxine cities either as patrons of sailors or because of some monetary agreement, but they were not worshipped specially
we can tell (PI. vi. i, ix. among many exotic types (p. 602,
so far as
Sarapis comes on the coins of "BaP
22, 28).
n. i), figures with Isis and Harpocrates upon aring^ which argues at any rate private devotion and with Hermes on a stele'
g^
also 310 and 606, n.- 10) put the head of his ancestor Perseus with his harpe upon a coin (PI. vii. 16). The chief deity of the whole kingdom was no doubt Aphrodite Urania*: the centre of her worship was on the east side of the strait where she had a temple in Phanagoria and one called to 'AvaTovpov on the south side of Lake
occur
allied divinities
Corocondamitis'' 'ATrarouptas" or
in burial vaults (v.
after
:
more
this
often
pp.
:
sanctuary she is described in 'AwaTovpov ix€hiovcra\ Strabo
inscriptions (I.e.)
goddess
as
the does not
calls
'ATTctTovpos but the Berezan graffito (p. 479) 'AiraToprj'i 17 support this form, nor does the inscription found by De La Motraye* on an unidentified site near the Upper Kuban ®E APATOPOIILMA+IIIAPHII^H, as it is to be restored ^e[at] 'ATraropo />i[e8eovo-');t 6 Seit-a] with Ct L L Tolstoi" rather than ^e[a)t] 'A7raTo/3w[t k.t.X. with Boeckh and Latyshev". The word Apaturos must be an importation of the Teians. It is connected with the Apaturia the celebration of which Herodotus (i. 147) regards as the true mark of the lonians: this was a festival of the clan". The aetiological myth repeated by Strabo about Aphrodite deceiving the giants and handing them over to Heracles, like other myths explaining the name from aTraTr), are founded on a false etymology". Without any epithet we find Aphrodite even at Phanagoria where she .
called a bearded Satyr.
'
In //M''^
^
ABC.
^
ArcA. Anz. 1912, p. 347: for Sarapis and Isis ib. p. 366 and supra Addenda to p. 478.
p.
281
xvin.
it
is
*
losPE.
Strabo, XI.
II.
347. ii. 10; Pliny,
NH.
VI. 18 (6): oppi-
dumpaenedesertum Apaturos: Hecataeusap. Staph. seems to call the lake 'ATrdroupor. losPE. II. 352. ' losPE. II. 343 ( = App. 26), IV. 418 Phanagoria: 11. 19 ( = App. 38), 28 Kerch. This last Byz.
s.v.
*
(243 A.D.) has 'A^p. Ovpavia 'AnaTovpTj fifbeovar^, probably a mistake for 'AiraTovpov or perhaps 'Anarovptjs, cf Apatura, the late form of the place-
name, Menander Prot. FHG. IV. p. 245, fr. 43; Geo£: Rav. 11. 12; cf Jessen in P.-IV. i. p. 2671, s.v. Apature Tomaschek, ib. p. 2681, s.v. Apaturos. ;
Travels,
*
London,
n.
1723,
pp.
xxvn.
7.
at Olbia, v. *
.
Journ.
^
pp. 216
Mm.
— 221.
Ptibl. Instr.
St P.,
48
— 51,
May
1909,
'" losPE. II. 469: the spacing cannot be relied on and though the alphabet must go back to the vith or early vth century it cannot be before the differentiation of fl the bas-relief figured above it shewing Poseidon, Aphrodite, Eros, Ares and Hephaestus can hardly belong an archaic original could not possibly have assumed such a form even under the hand of an xviiith century engraver, " diraTopia: nfiondrpia Schol. in Ar. Acharn. ;
:
1.
146. '^
s.v.
p. 517^ „. 15, cf. Toepffer, P.- IV. 1. p. 2679, Apaturia, and Farnell, Culis, il. p. 657.
XIX
Goddesses
619
must be Apature' and at Panticapaeum' where she is also called Nauarchis* and at Tanais\ As Nauarchis she had a temple built to her at Gorgippia 10°. A.B. 407 = A.I). Aphrodite does not occur on the coins of the cities upon It is only from the days of Sauromates 11" that she suddenly the Bosporus. becomes the most important type. She is seated on a throne with a staff in one hand and an apple or patera in the other', wearing a high headdress, and before her stands Eros. This aspect is clearly far removed from the ordinary Aphrodite such as we see in many terra-cottas (v. p. 367, nn. i, 2) which have no cult significance, whereas this throned type probably represents the cult 1
image. As such she has affinity with chthonian goddesses, as Rostovtsev suggests (v. supra, p. 606, n. 10) or with the Asiatic goddesses whose names are so variously represented by the Greeks; he sees her head upon such coins as PI. VII. 7 or IX. 19. Astara" is probably another name for her. Other nature goddesses appear on the Bosporus. have dedications to the Mother'-", the Phrygian Mother'" from her priestess, and even to the mysterious *Ayyto-ri9". To this Mother may be referred many terra-cottas Here seems to belong a \2Xq. graffito d€a<; /i,€ya[XT7?J". (v. supr. p. 368). Artemis of Ephesus" was the same kind of deity. More Hellenic was the hunting goddess Artemis Agrotera", whose temple on the Taman peninsula has all vanished, perhaps owing to the same volcanic agency that threw up the inscription which records its existence'''. Artemis seems to have protected the docks at Tanais"'. A few coins bear her head (PI. ix. 13), but the browsing deer that mostly goes with it is a Mithridatic emblem (PI. vi. 7, ix. 18). dedication to Demeter dating from Leucon I another set up by a priestess of the goddess"*, yet another with the epithet Thesmophoros'" and the tomb called the Great Bliznitsa wherein was buried a family specially devoted to Demeter (v. supr. p. 423), all point to her worship having flourished in the ivth and iiird centuries B.C., while a fragmentary inscription with ritual directions as to certain mysteries which may be those of Eleusis'* marks a revival in Roman times-'. The rape of Core or her head alone often adorns the walls of catacombs. Quite isolated is a little altar inscribed Ba^uXXos AepKio<; 'EKa.[Trj]i, ^TrdpT-q^ lxi.heova[y}Lf'-^ Since Hecate does not seem to have had any special connexion with Sparta, perhaps Bathyllus came from there.
We
A
'",
\
1
-
V.
losPE. losPE.
supra,
II.
349.
II.
21,
'*
22;
BCA.
xviii. p. 125,
No.
40,
p.
App.
581
;
2()
= /osPE.
P.-W.
ii.
p.
H. 344, cf. Roscher, i. 1378; Farnell, 11. pp. 450,
562.
p. 585, n. 4.
App. 2>9 = IosPE. 11. 25; cf. ECrrXom at Olbia, losPE. 1. 94 and supra p. 479. App. ^2 = IosPE. II. 423. App. 47 = BCA. XXiil. p. 46, No. 32. * B. XXXI. 239 sqq. inf. Fl. VIII. 12, 14. For a similar composition in terra-cotta v.
^'' In ancient times there were earthquakes on the Hosporus, and one split a hill and revealed Theopoinpus Sinop. ap. Phleg. gigantic bones. Trail, de Mirub. XIX. (48). '" losPE. II. 421, Ofo *Aprf'/i[t Si ^]
ABC.
seems
^
•*
•'•
**
LXix. 9, cf. supra, p. 368. App. io = losPE. II. 346.
losPE. II. 16. '" App. 2,6 = IosPE. II. 17. " JosPE. II. 31, cf. Roscher
'-
BCA.
III. p.
" losPE. xxxvii.
p.
1.
II.
37,
•'•'
s.v.
Agdistis in his
100.
p.
No.
(
= App.
I,
:
mysteries of
163.
II
losPE. 11. 7. losPE. II. 20. App. T,^ = IosPE. II. 13. ^ losPE. Ii. 342, Taman L. Ziehen, Le^^es Gr. sacr. e tit. coll. p. 250, No. 86, thinks it dealt with '«
"
Mythol. Encycl.
i
to lurk.
'"
29*),
Gorgippia.
Kerch.
BCA.
'•^'
--
Isis or
'^os\.ov\.%t.\..
losPE.
11.
Bendis.
Bobrinskoj Misc.'p.
121.
23, ivth or iiird cent. B.C. •
78—2
620 It is
of
Cults
Bosporus. rather surprising that
Athena upon the Bosporus.
PI. VI.
14
;
Leucon,
vi.
17
;
[ch.
we have no documentary evidence of any cult Her head occurs on a few coins (Panticapaeum,
"KM-,
vii.
14),
but these are merely reproductions
of Alexander's types.
Phanagoras appears upon the coins of the city that he founded (PI. ix, 12), and he was no doubt the object of a heroic cult\ Finally there was the cult of the Augusti^ of whom the kings proclaimed In accordance with this the ladies of the themselves perpetual high priests. imperial house appear on coins with the attributes of goddesses (Agrippias In spite of their addressing Caesarea, PI. ix. 19, 20; Gepaepyris, vii. 7). their kings as gods (v. p. 6I2)^ it is not likely that the Bosporans actually worshipped them as such. A document which illustrates religious beliefs at Panticapaeum, but can scarcely be regarded as evidence for a definite cult, is a defixio, as usual a it bears two curses, in one tablet of lead rolled up and pierced with two nails^ Hermas, Hecata, Pluto, Leucothea and Phersephona, each and all called Chthonian, Artemis Strophaea and Demeter Chthonia and the Chthonian heroes are invoked in the other the Chthonian Hermas, Hermas (1. Hecata), The chthonian Plutodotas, Praxidica, Phersephona, the heroes and Demeter. side of gods appears in the catacombs but again this does not imply that the living paid it so much regard as Rostovtsev (1. cit.) argues. ;
;
Religious Societies.
More interesting than the official religion in the Bosporan kingdom were These seem to have had three the semi-private societies^ (Biaaoi, avpoSoL)\ distinguishable objects, the worship of certain deities, the due burial of the members, and the education of the young this last would appear to have been a subsequent development, but we cannot say whether the other two were original or whether one grew out of the other. The societies, introduced from Asia Minor', spread equally in all the cities of the Bosporan kingdom, but it is only lately that we have ascertained that everywhere existed certain features which the inscriptions of Tanais (Nedvigovka), preserved by the conditions of the site, have made most It is only at Tanais that we have complete catalogues* of intelligible to us. ;
1
^ (
(
NN.^ p. 494, he is called a Cabiros. From the time of Dynamis, losPE. IV.
= App. = App.
No.
losPE.
In
40);
then
ii.
54), 352, 355, 7, V. p. 598, n. 7.
32 360;
= App. 44), 39, BCA. XXXVll. p. (
201 41 70,
App. 61— losPE. n. 29. Arch. Anz. 1907, p. 127: another, CR. i868, p. 122, V. E. M. Pridik, Journ. Min. Pub/. Instr. St P. Dec. 1899, CI. Sect. pp. 115 124. Treated in the accounts of Tanais given by Stempkovskij its discoverer, Leontiev its first excavator, Propylaca (Russian), iv. p. 387 sqq. and Extract from the Report of Arch. Explor. for xZ'^'i)-, 121, in the remarks of Stephani on pubpp. 65 lishing newly discovered inscriptions, CR. 1869, 1870/71, p. xxiii, p. 228 sqq., more broadly p. xxii by Pomjalovskij, Trans. Vlth Rtiss. Arch. Cojigress (Odessa), 11. (1888) pp. 24—28, and by Latyshev, ^ *
—
•'•
— ;
Ii. p. 246 their organization has been well studied by E. Ziebarth, "Das griechische Vereinswesen," esp. pp. 58 60,207 211, No. xxxiv o( Preisschriften derJabio7iowski'schenGesellscha/t, Leipzig, 1896, and again by F. Poland, " Gesch. des gr. Vereinswesens," No. XXXVIII. ib. 1909, and the character of their religion by E. Schiirer, Sitzber. d. k. Pr. Akad. d. Wiss. zii Berlin, 1897, i xxxn. ;
—
—
—
200—225, "Die Juden im bosporanischen Reiche und die Genossenschaften der cre/Sofiei/ot ^tov
pp.
ebendaselbst," cf. his Gesch. d. jiidischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesit Chrisii^, ill. pp. 53 63 (references are to his article in SB.)., but some important material has appeared since they wrote. For the words v. Poland, pp. i6sqq., 158 sqq. Poland, p. 23. * App. losPE. Ii. 437 467, IV. 449; 53, 56, 58 Ziebarth, p. 59, Poland, p. 284. i<\//-to-roi'
—
"^
''
;
—
yews
Religious Societies,
xix]
621
with their officers and members; from Gorgippia come many fragments of such documents, enough to shew a general correspondence; together with considerable divergence in detail and names of officers unknown elsewhere'; from Theodosia we have a list of names of members, but the heading and the titles of the officers are lost" still smaller are fragments from Zjuk (Heracleum or Zenonis Chersonesus)' and Opuk (Cimmericum)*. At Panticapaeum have been found no fragments that can be held exactly correspond to the general catalogues, but we have many gravestones erected to to the memory of one or more officers or members of a society and bearing the list of officers whereby we see that the terminology was practically the same as at Tanais, and so presumably the objects of the societies". The two or three inscriptions from near Phanagoria shew rather a different terminology and offer one more indication that Phanagoria was not quite as the other towns". The earliest of the diacroL in the Bosporan kingdom is that which in the middle of the iind century B.C. set up a stele to Aphrodite Urania, Lady of Apaturon, on behalf of Paerisades Philometor, Camasarye and Argotes". The head was called a a-vvayoi-yos, the members diaalTai, and their names are appended. This organization seems to have been devoted to one deity in the Another catalogue ancient Pantheon it was not in any sense monotheistic. from Panticapaeum, of which we have part of the heading, seems to have been dedicated dea. c^[cu7€t/^a]^ in which the personality of the goddess may or may The courtiers of Teiranes not be fading, as we should expect at so late a date. (App. 61) appear to have formed a society with a priest, a ypaixfxaTevf; (?) and vecoTepoL under a novice-master Coties. The catalogues from Tanais are headed by a dedication deco vxpLcrTO)", or At Gorgippia have the phrase elawoLrjTol dSeX(/)ot a-e^ofxevoL 0e6v vxptaTou"^.
societies
;
—
lit.
was often added the we have deco St/catw as well as deoj vxbicrTco^\ To vybia-TOj T have also further epithet iiryjKoa)^" at Tanais", and at Panticapaeum'\ manumissions of slaves made ^ea> vx^Io-to) iravTOKpaTopL evkoy7)T
t
I
We
Jewish influence, although they end with the pagan formula vno Aia, rrjv, The purely Jewish manumission also occurs'', so we are justified in supposing that it was in the presence of Jews that the pagan gave place to
'HXtoi''".
= App. 69)— 418, IV. 433 losPE. n. 402 = App. 57)— 443; BCA. 111. p. 52, XXXVII. p. 38, No. 2 (fairly complete = App. 51)— p. 60, No. 41. 1
(
(
Trans. Od. Hoc. XXIV. Minutes.,
-
Stern
= /
'
losPE.
•
BCA.
"
losPE.
p.
29, E.
von
468. IV. 206.
XL.
iv.
*^
No. I. 19 ( = App.
57—65 (cf. supra 207—211 = App. 62),
38),
pp. 301, 302, flf. 214, 215), IV. 212, 469 BCA. X. p. 31, Nos. 23
— 27
(
XXVii. p. 42, xxxvii. p. i, Nos. i, 2; XXXIII. p. 22, No. No. XL. p. 104, No. 8 Trans. Od. Soc. XXVI. Minutes, BCA. XL. No. 18, p. 61; XXVII. Minutes, p. 18. and losPE. iv. 207, belong to the same society. App. 62, BCA. X. Nos. 23—25 and xxxvii. No. i are painted, not incised. ;
I
I
;
1
«
421
( ^
*
;
;
;
losPE. 11. 365 (four members together), iv. = App. 48); J?C^. XIV. p. 116, No. 38. App. 38 = /osPE. II. 19. losPE. II. 57 (late iind century A.D.) Lalyshev :
p.
286), but the analogies
6to\ fV/JKoot, v.
1—68
O. Weinreich, Ath. Mitt. 1912,
Add. to p. 468. losPE. 11. 438, 446, 447 ( = App. 56), 448,454, 455, 457, and probably BCA. xiv. p. 134, No. 55, pp.
p. 92,
II.
supplies ^fno-[frrai] (IV.
he quotes, IV. 433 (=App. 57), 434, are not exact. " losPE. II. 437, 439, 445 ( = App. 53), cf. 451. '" losPE. 11. 449, 45°. 452 ( = App. 58,1, 456. " losPE. iv. 430; 436^^, v->j^lfTT
:
'^
a private dedication found at Rostov.
App. 6i = BCA. X. p. 26, No. 21. losPE. il. 400 ( = App. 43), 401 54. "lade OiiL Kalnap^e>ov, is hopelessly corrupt and BCA. XLV. p. 10, No. 2, Phanagoria, imperfect. '•
'''
;
THCMAC '"
Cf
:
the oaths,
.-Vpp. 16, 17'.
losPE. 11. 52 (=App. 46), 53, Kerch; 364, Phanagoria; BCA. xxvii. p. 38, No. 34, Uuzu Kale near Novo-Mikhailovka, probably brought from Bosporus perhaps BCA. xxxvii. p. 74, No. 8, Gorgippia losPE. iv. 204, Kerch. '"
:
;
62 2
Religious Societies
Bosporus.
[ch.
monotheistic societies whose cult was, as it were, unsectarian, as Schiirer says, neither Judaism, nor Paganism, but a Neutralisirung of both'. All these epithets are practically confined to Greek as spoken by Jews and have their equivalents in Hebrew or Aramaic, as pointed out by Schiirer. In the manumission ^ew v^fjicrTco TravTOKpaTopi evXoyrjTM recalls LXX. Kvpio<;
= riiX^V^ri/N HliT, e.g. Amos iii. 13, and euXoyr^ros = '^1"l2. fairly common in Roman times, but points to similar eastern
6 Oeoq 6 7rai/roK^aT(u/)
Zevs
ui|;tcrro9
is
Deissmann
influences.
is inclined to minimize these, but the Jewish In Palmyra we get several examples of Ati vxjjia-TO)
(op. cit.)
element cannot be ignored.
once translated [XIlDlniT XntO ^dS^S r\^^ y'\'2, " He whose name be ever blessed, the good, the merciful," where ui/ztcrro? seems to equal €vXoyr)T6<;. Heo9 ui/;to-To?, though occurring in heathen inscriptions, is comparatively rare, whereas it is a common combination in Jewish Greek", LXX., and iwriKoo),
Apocrypha, answering to the Hebrew jV^y 7X, Gen. xiv. 18, etc. The word ae^ojjbevoL had the technical sense of Gentiles who had adopted
some of the Jewish
without submitting to all the requirements of the the Acts, as of Lydia a-e^ofievr) t6v deov (xvi. 14)1 It is true that this phrase only comes in a small class of the Tanais inscriptions: but we cannot thence argue that this worship was confined to that class. Among the semi-pagan sects of the ivth and vth centuries was that of the That vifjiCTTdpLOL to which once belonged the father of Gregory Nazianzen\ the god of the Tanaites was originally Zeus is rendered probable by the frequent survival of an eagle upon the pediments above the inscriptions, though it is reduced to a mere decoration and as such is even doubled. Until Schiirer had shewn the true connexions of this vi/zto-ro? deo<; analogies pointed in the direction of Sabazius, as a close parallel had been found at Pirot (Serdica)'^ in
Mosaic law,
faith
e.g. often in
' The Jews in the Bosporan kingdom are fully discussed by Schiirer, op. cit. who shews that they had suffered Gentile influence, as is proved by App. a,b = IosPE. \\. 52, which is modelled on a legal form of manumission by which a slave was Actively sold to a heathen deity without becoming a temple-slave or owing other duty to the god than reverence. (See also Deissmann, Licht vom Osten., p. 233.) This in the Jewish f'orm is expanded to "worship and regular attendance at the synagogue," whose members took the responsibility
of the transaction. The slave seems to have been a Gentile; in all cases he bears a name unknown among any Jews. For TrpoiTKapTiprjan cf. the use of irpotTicapTepeiv in the Acts i. 14, li- 4^) vi. 4, and especially ii. 46 and elsewhere in the New Testament (Deissmann, op. cit. p. 66). In later times we have many Jewish epitaphs often adorned with the seven-branched candlestick, Levites'
—
trumpet, Aaron's rod, etc.: losPE. 11. 304 306, IV. 404, 405, 426, cf. E. Lutsenko, "Ancient Jewish F"uneral Monuments discovered in the mounds of Phanagoria," Travaux de la ni'^ Session dii Congres Inte7-nat. des Orientalistes, St P. 1876, Vol. I. pp. 575 In the Byzan580, PI. I— VIII. tine period we know of the presence of Jews at Phanagoria from Theophanes (p. 357 de Boor), Kulakovskij's review of Schiirer, Joiirn. Min. V.
—
Instr.
Piil>.
St
No
1898, April.
P.
doubt these
Crimean Jews converted the Khazars. For the whole question of the Jews in the Crimea and the Karaim besides the authorities referred to by v.' "Alt-Jiidische Denkmiiler aus der mitgetheilt von Abr. Firkowitsch, gepriift von A. Harkavy," Mem. de I'Acad. Imp. des Sc. de S( P., vn« s^rie, T. XXIV. No. i, 1876. ^ e.g. inscription from Athribis BCH. xni.
Schiirer,
Krim
(1889)
178.
p.
So Josephus Antt. Jud. XX. viii. 1 1 calls Poppaea Oiodi^i]^. * Orat. xviii. Migne P.G. XXXV. p. 989 sqq. 5 ^
:
Ekcii/oj roivvv ...pi^r^i eyivero ^\d(rTrjpaovK (naivfrrjs ...eK
bvmv toIv evavrLwrdToiv avyK(Kpap€vr]s, EXXi;nXdvris Kal vopLKrjs Tepareias' ^v dpfporipatv
viKrji re
ra
€k pcpibv avverfdrj. Trjs pev tu ras Ovaiai dnonepTropfvoL npwai to -n-vp Ka\ to. \vxva' rrjs Se t6 o-djijiaTov alSovpevoi koI rrjv n-fpi rd (ipwpaTa 'itniv a piKpoKoylav rf/v nepiTopfjv dripd^uvcnv. 'Yy^La-rdpioi rois TOTrfivols ovopa Koi 6 navTOKpdraip 8i) povoi avrois ae^da-pios. pipt]
(f>vyu>v
t'lScoXa koI
*
Latyshev, losPE.
ii.
p.
246,
quoting
Doma-
Areh.-epigr. Mitth. aus Oest. X. (i Schiirer, p. 2 1 2 p. 238, No. 2, also Ziebarth,p. 57 von Stern, Trans. Od. Soc. XXIV. Minutes., p. 35 szewski,
;
Poland,
p.
216.
;
;
xix]
yewis/i
Taiiais^
I7ijlue7ice.
Gorgippia
623
a dedication made ^ew iirrfKoa) lti/zio-toj by a ^ia[ 0-09] :icy8a{taj/o?. Perhaps the personality of Sabazius, in whose honour the thiasus had been named, had faded with time. Certainly there is no reason to call the Hosporan deity Sabazius, though they both had come to be much the same Serbia,
kind of divinity. The lists of ^tao-etrat or (TwoSelTai at Tanais are arranjj^etl according to three formulae. The most usual' after the invocations to the deity and to good luck and after naming the reigning king begins 17 crwoSo? rj nepl lepea tou Seii'a and gives the list of officers and then that of the members. The next" begins the enumeration thus 17 (Tvuoho<; nepl deov v\\il(ttov koI lepea K.T.X. Finally we have lists which appear to contain names of new members or mere associates they run elaTroirjTol dheX
;
—
—
;
;
:
;
losPE. n. 437—445 ( = App. 53). 454: 453 and 455 cannot be restored to tit into any regular formula: 453 seems to call full members ahiK<^o'i. losPE. u. 446, 447 ( = App. 56), 448, 451 the first two name the same priest and are taken to belong to the same society, although there is but five years between them, and yet only two names are common to the two lists. ^ losPE. n. 449, 450, 452 ( = App. 58), 456, [459]. -
;
* '"
"
losPE. n.
454, 455-
Poland, p. 339. So Poland, p. 371, against Ziebarth,
p. 154.
Ziebarth, p. 149. * In Chalcedon societies the (/>. had ritual functions, Ziebarth, p. 155; in Egypt the word seems a mere honorific title, Poland, p. 413. '
'
App.
51
=BCA. xxxvn.
(=/i3j/'A^ n. 402) had,
I
p. 38,
think, the
No.
2
:
App. 69
same dedication.
624
Bosporus.
Religious Societies
[ch.
(Merchant Venturers) in the time of Sauromates II. It looks as if the gild was open to others besides ship-owners, seeing that all the chief men of the state were members (v. p. 625), even the king, who had paid Probably too the deity had, an entrance-fee towards restoring the templet like his worshippers, lost touch with the sea and become very like the ^eo9 The gild is called a deacro
:
;
We
A
Latyshev quotes this meaning of daayuiywv from Ditt.''^ 734, 1. 52, but prefers "remission of customs duty." ^ Cf. BCA. XXXVII. p. 44, No. 3, V. inf. p. 625, '
Cf.
losPE.
pp. 45, 46, Nos. *
Nos. ° ^ ''
»
'"
losPE. iv. p. 125, n. 2; BCA. XXVII. p. 43. App. 62=IosPE. iv. 211, cf. ib. 209, 210,
212.
" losPE. losPE.
212 perhaps App. 61 =11. 29. 62 (v. supra p. 301, f. 214), 63 Poland, p. 378, thinks him a finance officer, "^ App. i\^=^IosPE. IV. 421. ^'^
n. 15. ^
^
losPE. 3,
IV.
434;
IV.
BCA.
111. p.
52; XXXVII.
5, 6.
434;
BCA.
XXXVII. pp.
44, 46,
;
61,
;
BCA.
xiv. p. 116, No. 38. Poland, p. 390. Ziebarth, p. 151 '" Poland, p. 191, remarks that the worship of A. Urania flourished just in the same regions as that of vyf/iaros. 1* '"
6.
losPE. II. 403. losPE. IV. 434. App. 6c) = IosPE. II. 402. losPE. IV. 207; BCA. XL.
IV. 209,
II.
;
Ow
p.
104,
No.
18.
1^
losPE.
11.
389.
Phaiiagoria.
Paiiticapaeuj}i.
xix]
Social Inipoj-tancc
625
has only the words crvi^deiacre^TaL and tcou ayitov, both peculiar, distinj^uishable the names. Besides their direct religious and educational objects the societies had much social importance. Evidently they included among their members the most distinguished citizens. At Tanais, for instance, Chophrasmus. son of Fhorgabacus, appears as priest of a society' in the years 220 and 225 ad., and in the former year he was apparently Hellenarch"; in 236 a.d. he becomes legated So 7j-qv(ov di'V€(o<;, who comes first among the private members of his society\ is prefect of the Aspurgiana and legate. The names of vacious iwLiJ.e'KyjTal who carried out public works for the town, sometimes at their own expense, reappear among the ^laa-irat and so too those of the architects'. At Bosporus the Teiranes stele seems to shew all the court enrolled in a society no wonder Julius Sambion was iraTrjp crwoSou when 6 eVt t% auX^?", Daphnus who held the same post was a crvvohLTy]<; (v. p. 302, f. 215), and Sogus, whose distinctions are set forth in Ajip. 63", j^robably set up the npoa-At Gorgipjiia we have as members of the €V)(ri for the benefit of a awo8o<;. Oeacro<; vavK\-ijp(ov^, apj^arently the king himself", the Trpwro? eVi ttj? )8acrtXeia6po<;, who is probably the same as 6 eVi rcju 6 eVt ttJ? Fopy tTTTTta? l€p(ov^\ several ivKVKkicou oIkovojxol and (tt parr^yoV' and other lists shew Xo^^ayoi". The 6p(f)avo(f)v\a^^* was also a state-official, and te/jei? when they stand low on the list are probably not the society's priests"'. Membership was confined to men and apparently to soldiers, at least at Panticapaeum, where the reliefs set up by either he is leaning on a the (TvvoSoL always represent the deceased as such pillar with his bow-case hung up behind him (p. 301, f. 214) or he is riding out I in full equipment with or without an attendant (p. 302, f. 215). cannot agree with Poland (p. 72) that they were no true societies but rather lists of the chance participants in an annual celebration, who had their names cut on a stone just as nowadays they might be photographed in a group. It is quite possible that this organization may have helped the Greeks in their resistance to barbarization, though the names in the lists shew that by the iiird century a.d. the members were mostly of native blood, and the grammar makes one feel that Greek was hardly a living tongue, or rather was The use of the cases not being treated with due respect as a dead language. bad that it is sometimes hard to and the construction of the sentences are so mistakes seem due to phonetic decay''. establish the exact sense '^ while other In any case the religious societies in the Bosporan kingdom offer an interesting example of that trend towards monotheism which prepared the triumph of Christianity.
among
;
'",
,
:
*
2
3 *
losPE. II. 446, 447 ( = App. 56). losPE. II. 430 (=App. 55), 431, 431 App. ic)-IosFE. II. 434. losPE. II. 446. 615, nn. 10, 11: Ziebarth,
=
V. p.
*
BCA. BCA.
" **
" '*
No. 24. No. 21. App. s^=^CA. XXXVII.
Cf. losPE. II. 404; in 402 ( = App. 69) 1. 32 cannot allow myself to see the word. App. 69, losPE. iv. 436^ RCA. xxxvii. p. 44, No. 3. " ib. p. 46, No. 7 (?) losPE. iv. 434 Poland, '•'
bis.
I
'-^
;
p. 209.
;
X. p. 32, X. p. 26,
'*
p. 38,
No.
" ibid., Poland, p. 391, takes assistant to the society's priest.
losPE.
II.
402
(
= App.
69), 404,
410; Poland,
p. 340.
2.
Cf. .A.pp. y] = IosPE. IV. 433. Cf. losPE. IV. 434.
M.
;
p. 405.
e.g. in App. s% = IosPE. 11. 452, the doubt whether there were one npfafivTffyoi or four, and the confusion of cases in App. 51. '" e.g. o for ov, App. 52, 1. 17, cf. App. 47, 1. '"
him
to
be an
1.
79
1
626
Bosporus.
Games
^
Music
^
loiterature
The Bosporans kept up the gymnastic exercises of much evidence of it as in Chersonese and Olbia.
[ch.
we have Gorgippia have we a considerable inscription', which tells us that early in the iiird century B.C. that city held a festival of the Hermaea at which was a long race {hoKiyp
Hellas, but
Only
at
We
:
1
^ >
* ^
I.
losPE. losPE. losPE.
II.
55, 56.
II.
345. 299.
II.
Polyaenus
3
losPE. '
BCA.
XXIII.
*
Arch.
Am.
9, V. p. 577,
and 37=App.
45.
slope of Mt Mithridates) = j5C^. x. p. 63, No. 66, cf. XXIII. p. 63 Melanges Nicole, Crdnert, Wochensckr. /. Kl. Phil. p. 301, No. i Oct. 24, 1906; A. Tvx\(ov\os. B. Stj/xoIti Toiib' v7rdKft|rat a.vr\p [7r]oAXofi]o-i 7ro^et|voy. C. Tavf)ois tivii?) Tix'^v \\\\ rci'i^of^Jja 8' ea-Ti Ti;;^[a)ji' eoi. In (s.
p. 44,
No.
;
29.
1912, pp. 339, 374, fif. 23, 24, 66, 67 Radlov in BCA. XLV. pp. 76—91, PI. V, VI. ^ FHG. III. p. 20; Diog. Laert. vii. vi. 177, 178 enumerates his very miscellaneous works: but :
Plutarch, Cleomenes
II.
;
v. xliv. i,
''
" losPE. '2 App. 25
IV. 205.
II.,
calls
him a Borysthenite.
I
\
C
are evidently attempts at a pentameter. Cronert's 8' eWl Tix'^" •^"'n-arpor S" ea-rl Tvxo>vos makes too free with the lettering. rcSvofMa
;
Games.
XIX ]
Other early verses are
Literature.
627
Co'uis
and the epitaphs of Lysimachus'' and simple. Those of Roman date are either monotonous' or artificial, full of phrases which recur in the Antholoj^^y* or This is particularly true of a .series from a spot in the Kaibel's collection. Glycaria
(v.
p.
are
561)
better',
still
Glinishche, which must have been an aristocratic cemetery". very literary composition is the epitaph of Sabbion, whose special By the irony of fate Verj^ilius Aephnidius has the delight was in the Muses". worst of probably unintentional hexameters', but .some Ho.sporan knew enough Homer to scratch half a line on a stone and make init two mistakes'. An epitaph in verse was often earned by death in battle with the natives. Ordinary gravestones tell us of strangers sojourning in Bosporus, besides
A
Romans and Jews IdviKo.
(v. pp. 614, 622, n. point to city patriotism within
Theodosia,
Hermonassa and
Cepi',
We
1).
have near neighbours whose
the kingdom,
and
men
of
Nymphaeum, and
Cher.sonesites'"
.several
an
Most foreigners came from
Odessite", but no Olbians.
the op[)osite coast Ama^tris and Amisus", Heraclea Pontica", and especially Sinope", also Tium and Paphlagonia"'". Of more distant cities that sent men to die in Bosporus may be mentioned Mantinea, Mytilene, Chios, Colophon, and even The foreign coins found come from the same far off Cyprus and Syracu.se'". Asiatic cities (among them in the early period from Cyzicus"), and offer further evidence of the close communication between the opposite coasts of
the Euxine, which found
its
expression
full
Bosporus Coinage, City Issues.
in
the
Plates V, VI.
Empire of Mithridates.
i
—
14,
IX.
10
—
29.
To the exceptional constitution of the Bosporan kingdom correspond its monetary issues, so much can be discerned, but the want of data forbids us from tracing this correspondence into any great detail. Just as the rulers of the country long refrained from assuming any higher title than king with respect to the cities, so they refrained from the royal prerogative of coining. It is
least,
clear that they kept to this rule until the latter half of the iiird century at and the comparative rarity of Spartocid coins in the precious metals as
compared with the abundant city issues argues that their interference in the The common coins with Leucon's name may have matter was exceptional. been called out by some emergency and do not represent a great addition to Hedeie, losPE. il. 370 cf. Hecataeus a foreigner, BCA. Sanon, XIV. p. 123, No. 46. losPE. n. 171. '
BCA. iii.
p.
XXilI. 36,
p.
56
No.
3
;
•^
^
e.g.
Chreste,
= IosPE.
p.
301,
f.
213, Timotheus,
App.
383. * losPE. IV. 221, cf. Anth. Pal. vii. 516. ^ Cf. Melanges Nicole, I.e. losPE. II. 86, in which the youth is called Xoycor (^I'Xos IV. 256, 317,
6t
II.
;
;
up by a thiasus BCA. X. p. 71, No. 77; Xiv. others of the group, losPE. iv. p. 120, No. 42: 218, BCA. X. p. 49, No. 46, p. 66, No. 69, and part of XIV. p. 124, No. 47, the most elaborate of all, are in Iambics: this and two similar ones, losPE. II. 298, 299 commemorate people of Sinope, as 286 a woman of Amisus. 8 losPE. II. 197. set
;
' losPE. iv. 330. Not so bad as Zeilas of Tarsus, HCA. XLV. p. 16, No. 7, set up in his lifetime to his wife "one of the Pierian Muses": above is a funeral feast.
409 = //. X. 242. 201, cf. supra p. 560, n. 334; BCA. XXIII. p. 43, No. 26. '» losPE. II. 302, 302', 303, iv. 402. " losPE. Ii. 295. '^ losPE. II. 285, 286, 286', 287. '^ JosPE. II. 289, cf. supra p. 560. '^
"
losFE. losPE.
iv. 11.
n. 5 and BCA. X. p. 67, No. No. 49; xxvii. p. 50, .\o. 8. '* losPE. II. 301, 296. '« BCA. iii. p. 51, No. 17; losPE. 468 and iv. 403, 401, 11. 292, 300.
"
p.
v.
i
iv. 400,
;
71
XVIII.
;
132,
'"
e.g.
ABC.
Reinach,
p.
il.
294,
130.
79—2
11.
628
Coins
Bosporus.
[ch.
There are points of resemblance between certain royal coins the currency. and others issued by the cities, but in the uncertainty of historical and stylistic criteria we do not gain from these much help in dating either. With the entrance of Mithridates the coinage becomes quite different and but he types which ultimately go back to his inspiration become dominant did not deprive the cities of the right of coining, not even of the right of coining silver. He allowed them to issue the small silver change and copper required to supplement the splendid tetradrachms which he made the chief To his time belong Dionysiac types. During the currency of his dominions. unsettled half-century that succeeded, naval power was all-important on the Euxine, and naval types are very general upon the coins, especially during From this time the mints become royal mints, only, as the time of Asander. it seems, Phanagoria, which had been granted exceptional privileges and had taken the name of Agrippias Caesarea, continued to issue copper after the other The coinages of Nymphaeum and Theodosia, even cities had given up coining. the latter's last (ix. 7) so-called Leuconian type, have no affinity but their Aegmetic weight with that of the Bosporan towns and have been treated separately. The first group of coins is common to Panticapaeum, ApoUonia and The metal is silver and the reverse has almost always an incuse Phanagoria. The type is a lion-scalp (v. 3 6. ix. 10, 11) treated in some cases in square. quite an archaic manner. The smaller coins of the class are very small indeed, some of these have an ant instead (v. i 2). The incuse square is sometimes plain, quadripartite or with pellets, sometimes of the swastika or mill-sail pattern a few members of the group have a ram's head with a fish below it it is remarkable that an example at Berlin' has this more developed type overstruck with a The legends are AP or PA (reading quadripartite square inscribed PANT. The ant has been supposed to either way), APoA, PANT, PANTI and *A. refer to Myrmecium, the little town to the ne. of Kerch: and Apollonia has These coins been thought to be the true Greek name of Panticapaeum. have been referred to Apollonia in Thrace^ but they are found on the Their issue must have continued for most of the vth centuryl Bosporus. This name of Apollonia may account for a severe head of Apollo on the obverse of a late coin of this early series^ and upon the reverse of one' of the next group, which belongs to the time of greatest prosperity under the This group is marked at Panticapaeum by heads of established Spartocids. Pan, whose presence merely expresses the first three letters of the city's name. :
—
,
:
;
wonderful variety, bearded and beardless, at first with 13), then it becomes more bold and curly (v. 8, 15), conventionalized in a way which recalls Mucha's posters of fifteen is finally and decorative their "macaroni" (v. 16 23). with The later straight years ago which shade into one another correspond to the time treatments and rough when full, or nearly full faces were in vogue on coins; the last style returns to In this style the use of the drill has been allowed to produce round profile. blobs (there is no other word) in the features and a monotonous quality of
His head appears
in
straight fine hair (v. 7, 9
—
—
1
Beschr.
3
Gl^^A-frA m"
i.
p. 9, PI.
11.
PANTI
13.
'she'ws 4, of
them
'
^-
in square,
i57grn.
x.x.^8 = ^^.^.
= io2grm., p.
iiobols(.?).
345I obve'rse,
Pai
XIX
City Issues
]
629
treatment (see the folds in the neck of the ox on v. 17). Often the presence of the ivy wreath goes with the later style. This Pan class of coin seems to have gone right through the ivth century and survived into the iiird. In th(,' iind and perhaps even in the ist it appears to have been occasionally revived in
specimens (vi. i, ix. 15). finest examples are furnished by the magnificent gold staters which are? the glory of the Panticai)aean mint these are in three varieti(;s. according as the head of Pan, or, as some call him, a bearded Satyr, is in full face (v. 8), or turned to the left (v. 7) or in profile, but wreathed with ivy (v. 16). The reverse always bears a horned griffin. The types of the silver are more varied. Mostly we find lions (e.g. v. 11 13, the latter has been taken to be a complete allegory of Bosporus conquering Chersonese!), demi-lions (v. 10) or lionfaces (v. 9, 14); further, we have ox-heads (v. 15, 7), supposed by Oreshnikov to be in allusion to Bosporus. On copper the types of this period include demi-griffins (v. 18), lion-heads (v. 20), each with the sturgeon below, ox-heads similar to v. 15, and, most important of all, the bow and arrow (v. 19, ix. 15) which connects on with Leucon's reverse (vi. 16). To the ivth century belong .some good coins of Phanagoria with quite distinctive types, Phanagoras, ox or demi-ox and wheatear (ix. 12 and B. xxiii. 2, \b). The issues of the late iiird and iind centuries are marked by a predominance of Apolline types. The earliest of these (v. 25) still has macaroni treatment of the hair. The change seems to be about the time of Spartocus, on whose coin we have the bow in case, which we also find on some of the later Pan coins (v. 23), on a great countermark over a Pan coin (v. 21) and on the Theodosian coins which recall those of Leucon by their obverse (ix. 7 cf. VI. 17). But one copper issue (v. 24) almost exactly reproduces the coin of Spartocus (vi. 15) and the monogram might read SIT. Similar coins occur in silver (B. xxi. 107, 12), and v. 26 is a degenerate variety. With Apollo go such types as the dolphin (vi. 2), the eagle (B. xxi. 102), and the horse (v. 25, 27), also Poseidon (v. 28). now find fuller legends such as riANTI and TlANTIKArTAITQN. It is hard to know whether degraded Pans such as VI. I or IX. 15 should be classed with these or referred to a later assertion of coining rights VI..1 has Mithridatic affinities. To the iind century would seem to belong the first issue of Gorgippia, which may be even earlier to judge by the lettering (ix. 22). During the Mithridatic period Dionysus (who was incarnate in the great king) appears on most of the coins, the three cities of Panticapaeum, Phanagoria and Gorgippia striking identical types' on blanks of a new fabric. To shew their identity in type and monogram I have given vi. 9, ix. 17 and IX. 24, so VI. 8, 10 recur at the other two towns, and ix. 16, 18, 23 have analogues at Panticapaeum. The balaustion is peculiar to Phanagoria, but the head of Artemis on ix. 13 is like that on m. 7, which is clearly shewn to be Mithridatic by the characteristic pasturing deer, the mark of Mithridates' later tetradrachms (cf. PI. \\. 22 at Chersonese)", and the star and crescent of ix. 14 is the well-known sign of the Achaemenid house. The last coin has no legend; IX. 2 is also distinguished by no legend to shew its minting place, but its inferior
The
;
—
i
;
1
We
;
1
'
Giel,
Kl.B.
PI. IV.,
shews them
well.
^
Rather than the goddess's
attribute.
;
630
Coins
Bosporus.
monogram
is
Mithridatic,
and
it
is
[ch.
commonly found on
the Bosporus and
undoubtedly belongs there'. No one has unravelled the confusion of issues which reigned on the Bosporus in the time following Mithridates. There was such a restriking and countermarking of coins as has hardly ever been known. The various shortlived governments seem to have wished to make political capital by making their emblems appear on the coinage as soon as possible; but to determine the order of these restrikings is difficult. Such a coining contest seems to have gone on between Asander and his The copper coins that are certainly his are marked by prows, opponents. emblems apparently of a naval victory, and we have an inscription dedicated by his admiral to naval deities". On the other side we have the Mithridatic To this belong the deer, tradition of which Pharnaces was the embodiment. eagle, tripod, stars, cornucopia and pilei, Apolline and Dionysiac emblems' Further, there is an this side, too, made a bid for naval victory with a prow. occasional reversion to autonomous types, such as we see in the Pan of vi. i, very clear case of the the griffin wing of vi. 4 or the balaustion of ix. I4\ Mithridatic tradition is seen in vi. 5 and 6, where Apollo's head recalls the king's features, and the types on the other side come from him, and yet vi. 6 is So vi. 11, a city coin, is struck struck upon a coin of Asander as archon. The eagle does not seem to be the Roman over the unassigned coin ix. 21. type, as it occurs on Mithridatic coins, e.g. of Sinope^ and Asander has struck All Asander's large bronzes are VI. 25 on VI. II, itself already restruck. The smaller ones, as struck upon coins of Panticapaeum or Phanagoria. PI. VI. 24, are struck upon those of Amisus and Sinope". So the big countermark put upon the Poseidon-prow coins (vi. 12) as on VI. 13 is exceedingly like the Pallas on vi. 14, which has a prow on its reverse. To which side these stamps belonged we cannot distinguish. With this interchange of monetary courtesies the city issues of the Bosporus come to an end. Save only Phanagoria, granted an exceptional position by Agrippa and accordingly renamed Agrippias Caesarea, issued ix. 19 and 20 the head on the obverse seems decidedly like that of Livia, whether she were represented as a mortal or a goddess. similar head appears on coins of Gepaepyris (vii. 7), Cotys I, Rhescuporis I and Sauromates I, but local coining can hardly have survived into these latter reigns; the reverse types are quite common-place. As to the standards upon which the minting of the precious metals in Panticapaeum and Phanagoria proceeded, it is, as usual, an article of Bertierde-La-Garde's which gives most help'. With the archaic vth century silver coins he does not deal directly, but though remarking on their likeness to the Samian*, many specimens of which have been found on the Bosporus, thinks
A
;
A
1 For the coins with BATE, vii. 14—18, B. XXIV. 11 26, V. p. 602. 2 App. y) = IosPE. II. 25. BMC. Pontus, Introduction, p. xv sq. • For this coin v. Zt. f. Niimismatik, XX. p. 254, PI. IX. I, 2, where Imhoof-Bluiner assigns this and a similar coin bearing a leather helmet on the obverse to Phanagoria. Sinope had a very similar issue, cf. also Kl. B. PI. V. i, 2.
—
•'
BMC. Pontics, Introduction, p. xv, No. i, XXIII. 2; Oreshnikov, Cat. Uvarov,"^. 62. « Asander's VI. 24 and BMC. Pontus, X. 8 on ib. III. 6 (Amisus) and XXiii. 2 (Sinope). Nionismatic Miscellany, l.iAoscow, i9og,"The Comparative Value of Monetary Metals on the Bosporus and Borysthenes in the middle of the ivth s
PI.
"^
century B.C." *
BMC.
Ionia, p. 350, PI. xxxiv. 4
—
7.
City Issues.
xix]
Standards
631
the Aeginetic system suits them l)est'. Head' ref(;rs thcMii to the No electrum was coined at Panticapaeum at any time. Phoenician or Asiatic. In the ivth century Panticapaeum coined in gold and copper, but no doubt the silver, still Aeginetic, was the real basis'. have the stat(T that
We
the tetrobol (\. 15), the triobol (v. 9, 11, 12, 13, 14, and otlu-r varit-tics with Pan and lion), the diobol with a ram on the reverse, perhaps to Ikreferred to the older series\ the obol (v. 10, other varieties with young P.m and denii-lion or griffin)', similar types served for the half- and (juart(;r-obol". Stirred by the success of Philip's gold staters Panticapaeum attempted its of the two earlier varieties (v. 7, 8) 14 and 16 specimens an; issue of gold known, all extremely close to 1404 grn. = 9-1 grm., and 46 of the later rather broader sort (v. 6) are nearly as exact. This unique weight has been generally supposed to be an Attic stater raised because gold was cheap at Panticapaeum But Hertier-de-La-(iarde owing to the produce of the Ural or Altai mines. shews that this abundance of gold was mythical (v. supra [). 441), and that electrum was there a little dearer than elsewhere, 741 times silver, citing Demosthenes', who says that there a Cyzicene= 28 Attic drachmae. Assuming therefore that the unusual weight is due to a desire to make the gold coin commensurate in value with the silver unit he finds that to take the gold coin as equal to nine silver staters (v. 17) brings out the monetary ratio of gold to silver as 1 1 '6 i, and the commercial as 12:1, again a little more than in Greece, but much the same as he had reached at Olbia, allowance being made for more alloy in the Olbian silver, and he thinks that we have in the gold piece, which weighs exactly an Egyptian Kat, \\ drachmae or 9 obols Aeginetic, the very rare beets'* (young Pan: demi-griffin 1., 22"8 grn.= r5 grm.) being half(\'.
17),
;
1
:
drachmae so a silver stater would be exactly worth a gold obol. Unfortunat(;ly for Panticapaeum this ingenious adjustment was spoilt by the drop in gold down to ten times silver after Philip's coining and Alexander's coiKjuests: also the 6/^ extra was just enough to make its gold sought after but not enough to give it an independent position in the market, and it suffered the fate of good coin, going straight out of the country, to the great loss of the town This last consideration brought which had bought its gold rather dear. :
success to a final attempt to coin gold, this time Attic staters; five are known just like V. 16 but, though perfectly preserved, weighing only I32grn. = The 8'55 grm. (one is 8-34), and a solitary half-stater, 66-4 grn. =4-3 grm." ill
' His last article, kindly sent to me in slip-proof, "Materials for Stathmological Investigation into the coinages... of Tauris and Sarmatia,"A'«w. J/«f. II. 1912, gives (pp. 26—36) weights of 585 coins of this early silver, dividing them into seven groups
(one transitional)
and
sixty sorts
denominated
ac-
cording to the average of each sort: sometimes two sorts make a continuous series and any division between them must be arbitrary (e.g. coins like v. 2 range from '07 to "25 grm., is '14 grm. to be denommated an ^ or a | obol ?) I give his denominations for those I figure and for one or two larger ones, but these again are too rare for us to be sure v. 2, IX. 11, of their proper weight v. i is i obol \ obols; V. 4, 5, 6, IX. 10, diobols; v. 3, triobol; IX. 12 (cf. Panticapaeum, Cat. Uvaror', 366, 67-2 grn. = 4-35grm.),pentobol;Giel, AV.i)'. Iii.i8(9igrn. ;
:
;
=S'89 grm.), a drachma; Brussels (131-8 grn.= grm.), 9 obols. I had put down V. 5, 6 as obols
854
but they
are
clearly
very
light
averaging 1-39 and 144 grm. issues of
\
obols
HN.'-
p.
allows several Xix. 9, like my v. 5, 4-6grn. doubtfully of i, li and 4 obols.
(e.g. B.
=-3 grm.) and more -
terms of series
He
280;
cf.
BMC.
T/irace., p. 87.
Bertier-de- La-Garde, op. cit. pp. 36—40, enumerates 24 sorts and 213 coins, cf. Cotnp. Values, ''
p. 34, n. 2.
26 (27 grn. = 1 74 grm.). B. XX. 65, 66, 87. * Giel, TRAS. v. Fl. v. 29 (5 '5 5 grn. 30 (3-24 grn. = '21 grm.). *
B. XIX.
^
" "*
"
= '36 grm.),
In P/ioniiionem, § 23. B. XX. 61, B.\fC. Thrace, p. 4, No. 4. Bertier-de- La-Garde, Ct^w/. Values, ]f.
51.
Co'ms
Bosporus.
632
[ch.
example of Philip and Alexander had been irresistible, but subservience to it was also useless and the city issued no more gold for the iiird century A fresh start Panticapaeum, like most cities, left coining to foreign kings. with silver was made early in the imd century by Panticapaeum, Phanagoria, it was on the reduced Attic standard, not the and now also Gorgippia There is nothing to guide us in classifying the denominations of cistophoric'. the copper token currency. The coinage of the Sindi belongs to the vth century before they came under Hecataeus, the name of their king at this period, the power of the Spartocids. Greeks had already established a footing among that the if genuine, shews them, and the coins are quite Greek imitated from familiar types: ix. 25 points to Heraclea Pontica, 26 to Teos, from which Phanagoria was colonized, and the owl suggests Athens or Sinope; the standard is Aeginetic'-. The The one coin of Dioscurias (ix. 28) appears to be Mithridatic. Colchian coins (ix. 29)' are quite archaic, but no definite meaning can be attached to their types, which rather recall Samos. One thing is clear throughout the Bosporus, that the coin types had not The types of the main series were either the slightest religious significance. canting heraldry or commercial, the imported types were purely political. :
:
Bosporus Royal Issues.
Plates VI.
15
—
28,
VII, VIII.
The
royal issues have been discussed in the course of the history so far as they bore upon it, and the chief types of each king have been passed in review. As to their weights and denominations, the solitary silver coin of
Spartocus appears to be a didrachm, that of Hygiaenon a drachma, and that of Paerisades a tetradrachm, all of the lightish Attic standard current in their day, and the gold staters correspond (v. p. 584). Later on those of Mithridates weigh about i28'86grn. ( = 8"35grm.), those of Pharnaces and of Asander down to about B.C. 33, 125 '6 grn. ( = 8"i4grm.), the later issues of Asander and Dynamis (v. p. 592, f. 347), 123*9 grn. ( = 8"03grm.), just a trifle more than the Roman aureus with which they competed. The earlier gold coins with monograms average 122 grn. ( = 7'9i grm.) Mithridates VIII ;
i2ngrn.
(
= 7"85grm.), Cotys much
thus declining
was allowed
to
I
less quickly
put
his
full
and Rhescuporis I2r6grn. (=7'88grm.),
Roman
than the
name on
coins he
When
gold.
came down
Rhescuporis to
1
20*8 grn.
i20"2grn. ( = 779 grm.) and Cotys II to ( 1 At this weight the coins remained fairly constant, ( but under this king the gold begins to be much alloyed, so that it passes into electrum, which is almost white under Sauromates II, after whose time the weight also becomes very uncertain. Under Cotys III the electrum was debased to mere silver, Sauromates III was satisfied with potin Ininthimeus returned to electrum, but the following Rhescuporis and Pharsanzes mostly
= 7"83grm.), Sauromates 1975 g'"'^- — 776 grm.)\
I
to
;
'
V.
25
is
a tetradrachm
;
vi. 8,
VI. 15; V. 26, VI. 7, IX. 16, 22, 23,
IX. 13, tetrobols
and
v.
a didrachm,
drachmae;
cf.
v. 27,
28 a diobol, or perhaps
all
three half-drachmae.
The other coins, 25, 26, 27, all diobols. B. XXIII. id 7, fit into the series, p. 631, n. i, as ^
IX.
—
3,
\ and \ obols. ^ P. A. Pakhomov, "Coins of Georgia," Ft
TEAS. Num. *
Sect.
I.
iv.
I.
(1909), p. 6.
Bertier-de-La-Garde, Trans. Od. Soc. XXIX. 213, cf. BMC. Pontus, p. xxxiii.
pp. 207
—
Royal
XIX ] coined potin. though there 39-4 grn.
(
=
633
a momentary reversion to gold of light weight after this the series passes into bronze with no hardly any shape, but the king's name and the date is
Soon
2-55 grm.)'.
weight and
definite
Issues
distinguish the degenerate aureus. The subsidiary signs of these royal coins have been specially studied by Bertier-de- La-Garde'. The coins of the gold series in certain years between A.B. 299 and 359 bear unexplained dots (vir. 4). Then between A.n. 4i
7,
27)
and the trident
others, the star (viii.
9)
(viii.
— which
doubdess
6), is
refer to
a star and not a
-)f
the king's ancestry crescent,
= sesterce'
;
—
bird, wreath, rosette (viii. 15), dots (viii. 17, 18, 21), and letters (viii. 23), seem to mark the different issues in any given year when more than one issue was called for they are commonest under Eupator and Sauromates II. ;
The numbers upon
—
the coins of
18, 12, Jj^, gyO^/t^ '^w^'^ J^ (vii. 15 13, 5) have already been shewn to be marks of value, the unit perhaps being some fraction of the chalcus, but they are rather surprising, as 7, 10 do not fit into any familiar system; probably because they did not go with the Roman coinage to which the Bosporan was subordinated they gave way to a new series of numbers; J^'s ordinary coins have 6 and 12, Mithridates VIII's 12, Cotys I's 4, 6, 8, 12, 24, those of later kings till Sauromates II some 24 and At its heaviest the 48 weighs about the same as a Roman dupondius all 48. and the smaller denominations correspond roughly to Roman coins on the assumption that the unit is the half-ounce: probably this was an adaptation of i
—
the old local fraction of the chalcus to the Roman system. By the earlier part of the reign of Sauromates 1 1 the copper coinage was a good deal debased and a new issue restoring the size of the principal coppers
command
of Septimius Severus, whose head appears To countermark upon the new coins. prevent confusion with the former reduced copper there was introduced the new set of types mentioned above (p. 606) and new marks of value indicating
was made, perhaps as a subsidiary
at the
mark
(viii.
14) or
—
—
as the a very small unit ^Bertier-de-La-Garde suggests a scruple smaller coins bear such large numbers as 96 and 144 (viii. 13) but the main bulk have either a star (viii. 12) or a star and B (viii. 10, 11, 14) as being more convenient than the larger numbers, and indicating one and two asses But the reform was short-lived, and soon after Rhescuporis II respectively. the coppers lose all regularity of weight and become debased even before the gold, which had kept a good standard for nearly two centuries, followed its at first
;
example. '
MK.
II.
p. 332.
Bertier-de-La-Garde, "Z?/^t7-
M.
Poitttts, p. xxxiv. ^ pace Mommsen-Blacas, Hist, Rom., lU. pp. 19, n. 3, 294.
de
la
80
Mofi.
Bosporus
634
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Sources. All but the latest collected in Latyshev's Scythica et Caucasica
Hecataeus,
fr.
Herodotus,
iv.
Lysias,
164,
161,
pro Mantitheo^
3—5,
20, 35, 51, 52, 57, 58.
11,
Lcptinem, §§ 29
— 40,
Phormionem, §§
in
Byz.
§ 4.
Trapeziticus, §§ Poliorceticus, v. 2. i7i
ap. Steph.
:
{TRAS. 1890—1906).
Aai/Sapioi, ^ai/nyoptia, 'ATraroi/pof, ndrpno-ir.
28.
12,
Isocrates,
Aeneas Demosthenes,
198
165,
S.VV.
et Schol.
23, 36.
8,
in Lacridnn, §§ 31, 32, 34, 35. Vita Demosthenis Zosimi.
Aeschines, in Ctesip/iontem, § 171.
Dinarchus, in Demos/henem,
§ 43.
Ps.-Scylax, 68, 72. Aristotle, Oeconoviica,
11.
Polybius,
11.
FI.
v.
3
xiv.
;
13.
835-7, 886—899.
Diodorus Siculus, 11.
IV.
xxxviii. 4.
IV.
Ps.-Scymnus, Strabo,
8 (1347^).
ii.
Theophrastus, de Plantis,
16;
i.
XII. xxxi. vil.
i;
8;
iii.
xxxvi.
i;
XIV.
xciii.
18;
iv.
3—7;
Xi.
17;
Josephus, de Bell. Jud. 11. Vita Periclis, XX. Vita Luculli, xxiv.
xvi.
XVI. xxxi. 6;
i; ii.
3—19;
xii.
Hi.
10;
29;
iii.
XX. xxii
xiii. iv.
3;
— xxvi xiv.
;
i.
c.
7.
42.
4.
Plutarch,
Vita Pompeii, xxxii, irepi
Twv ^rcaiKwv
xxxvni— XLii.
xxxv,
ivavTia)fj.a.Tav,
20.
Dio Chrysostom, de Regno, §§ 75—77.
Memnon,
c.
XLix.
4,
FHG.
LIV:
Llil,
Phlegon Trallianus, Olymp. Lib. xv.
iii.
de Mirabilibiis, xix.
Dionysius Periegetes, Arrian, "EKTa|iy Kar
548
11.
— 553,
^KKavwv,
551, 555.
FHG.
iii.
p.
607.
(48).
Eustathium ad
of.
loc.
18.
3,
5^5^
pp.
20 (xxii),
fr.
Ps.-Arrian, Periplus, 26 (17), 29, 30 (19).
Ptolemy, Geographia, ill. Appian, Hist. Rom. Lib.
vi.
2
—4
v.
;
viii.
5
—8
XII. {Mit/iridatica),
viii. x.
;
15,
4
;
xviii.
3.
41, 64, 67, 69, 78, 83, 91,
101
— 121.
Lucian, Ale.xatider vet Pseudopropheta, 57. Macrobii, 17. Toxaris, passim.
Polyaenus, Strategemata,
Harpocration,
s.vv.
Dio Cassius, XXXVI. LX.
vi.
71
;
Diogenes Laertius, Philostrati,
xxiii
xliv.
;
i:
vi.
ix.
i
— 4;
vii.
xxxvii
;
viii.
Iv.
1.
2; XXXVII.
x.
4— xiv.
3; XLli.
ix.
2;
xiv— xlviii
;
LIV. xxiv.
4—6;
LIX.
xii.
2;
2.
viii.
Athenaeus,
v.
©fuSoaia, Nvncfiawv.
21
vii.
vii.
;
xii.
26.
6.
Vitae Sop/iistaritm,
1.
iv.
25, p.
Steph. Byz. s.vv. Boa-n-opos, 'Epfioivaa-aa,
229.
)
Eusebius, Chronici Canones, Ol. 191. 3 (Sync. 594,
Zosimus, Historia Nova,
i.
Procopius, de Bcllo Pcrsico,
xxxi
—
l.
12.
de Bello Gothico, iv. de Aedificiis,
ill.
7.
5.
xxxii.
MaiwTai, Mvp/jLrjKiov, navTiKanmov, TaVnts, TavpiKT],
4),
220. 2 (ap. Hieron.).
Bi/j/iograp/jy Anonym!
(21)— 77
Peripltis I'.E. 62
Fetius Patricius,
fr.
FHG.
3,
Theophanes Confessor,
iv.
T/uiii.
v.
9
(32
—
34).
A. Hirtius, de Bella Alexandrino^
c.
Livy, Epitome,
Epitome, XXXVII.
Juslini
Ovid, Ibis,
NH.
IV.
109
1.
iii.
i,
Tacitus, Annals, xii.
15
ix.
;
22.
78.
XXXVIII.
ad
— 115;
87 (26);
86,
I
ci, cii, cxiii.
310, et Scholia
1.
I'omponius Mela, Pliny,
—xvi
Lxxxxvin,
^j, 42, 53.
Bonn.
Cicero, de Iniperio On. Pompei,
pro Murena, XV
12.
11.
Imp.
Aditi.
(id
iMalalas, p. 431,
184.
IJoor.
Constantinus Porphyrojjenitus, de
Johannes
(51).
p.
de
175,
p.
635
3—10.
vii.
loc. 11.
2,
3.
17—20 (5—7);
VI.
88 (24)
Vli.
— 21.
;
xvi.
xxv. 6
137 (59);
(3).
Pliny the younger, Epist. LXIII, LXIV, LXVii. Julius Capitolinus {Hist. Aug.),
Eutropius,
Vlll. 3. 9 Marcellinus, XXll.
VII.
Ammianus Orosius, VI.
iv,
v.
i
Romnna,
Jordanes,
Vita Antonini Pii,
9.
;
—7
;
.\\i.
10;
vii.
viii.
26, 30.
28.
267.
General Histories. For works before the time of Boeckn see Latyshev, losPE. Boeckh, CIG.
pp. 90
11.
Ashik, Anton, Bosporan all.
Ill
11.
p.
x\i n.
i.
— 107.
Kingdom, with many plans and drawings mostly superseded by
A PC,
but not
Parts, Odessa, 1848-9.
The Cimmerian Bosporus loith its Antiquities and Notabilities. .Moscow, 1846. Archaeologico-Numismatic Miscellany (a reprint of older treatises). Moscow, 1850. Sabatier, P., Souvenirs de Kertsch et Chronologie du Royaume de Bosphore. .St P. 1849. (Irigoriev, V. V., "The Kings of the Cimmerian Mos^oras," Journal o/t/te Ministry 0/ the Interior. St i%l\= Russia and Asia (collected papers). St P. 1876, pp. 322 417. SpasskiJ, (jreg..
P.
—
Antiquites du Bosphore Cimmerien
Neumann,
{ABC).
St P. 1854 (Reinach's Reprint, Paris, 1892).
—
Die Hellenen im Skythenlande, pp. 469 570. Berlin, 1855. Koehne, B. de, Musee Kotschoubey {MK.), Vol. i. p. 268 sqq. and all Vol. u. K.,
St P. 1857.
London, 1857. the Autonomy and History of Panticapaeum," Trans. Od. Soc.
MacPherson, D., Antiquities 0/ Kertch. SibirskiJ,
pp.
Prince A.,
"A
glance at
vi.
119—174-
Latyshev, V. V., Introduction to losPE.
11.
pp. ix
—
Ivi.
St P.
1890.
—
Russian translation with some additions to the notes, YIovtikii, pp. 60 128. St P. 1909. Stuttgart, 1899. Brandis, C. G., P.-IV. Encycl. s.v. Bosporos (2 and 3), II. pp. 757—788. Kiev, 1906. Kulakovskij, J. A., The Past of Taurida. von Stern, E. R., Theodosia, gives a resume of Bosporan History, pp. 6 22. Odessa, 1906.
—
Sites Motraye, A.
De
La,
Travels.
English Ed.
and Remains. London,
1723.
Tour through Taurida.
London, 1802. Pallas, P. S., Travels in the Southern Provinces of the Russian Empire, II. pp. 264—341. Ed. London, 1802. London, 1817. 8vo. Ed. Clarke, E. D., Travels in Various Countries, II. pp. 64—152. liuthrie,
M.,
Dubois de Montpdreux, PI.
3— 30.
Paris
F., Voyage autour du Caucase, and Neuchatel, 1838— 1843.
\o\.
v.
Atlas,
i.
PI.
2,
9—12,
II.
English
PI. 42, 43, IV.
80—2
—
—
Bosporus
636
The older excavations are mostly summarized in Ashik, op. P.M. Leontiev, /"r^Z/Aitv? (Russian), I. ii. pp. 67 loi. Moscow,
ABC. and
the course of research by Discoveries made in 1853 are given later results appear year by year in CR. from 1859, and cit.,
—
1856.
in the special report for that year (St P. 1855) xvii. pp. 1—76 xxv. II. pp. 40—60 ix. pp. i. pp. 80—93 from 1899 in greater detail in 66; XXX. pp. I 98; XXXV. pp. 12 47 XL. pp. 62 91, in the form of reports from the Directors pp. I ;
BCA.
—
;
—
—
ll—\n
;
—
;
;
;
Kerch Museum, Kareisha, Lutsenko, Verebrjusov, Gross, Duhmberg and Skorpil. summaries in Arch. Aitz. by Kieseritzky, 1903, p. 83, and Pharmacovskij, 1904, p. 106;
There are
of the
1906, pp. 191 1, pp.
no— 113; 198—205;
(Stempkovskij,
I.
—
140; 1907, pp. 126 1912, pp. 338—348.
1908, pp. 164
174; 1909, pp. 149—156;
1905, p. 60; 1910, pp. 207— 216
;
on the shores of the Euxine.
A., Investigations as to the position of ancient settlements
St P. 1826.) P., " Description of Ruins and traces of ancient Towns and Fortifications along the European shore of the Cimmerian Bosporus " (written in 1828—1833), Trans. Od. .Soc. iv. (1858) pp. 3 84, plans iii cf also Latyshev's " Correspondence of Olenin and MS. of Dubrux," Trans. Od. Soc. XV.
Dubrux, i
—
—
;
(1889), pp.
61-149-
"Observations on some points touching the ancient Geography of Taurida," by Koehler and Graefe, ib. V. (1863), pp. 957 963. Odessa, 185 1.) (Ashik, A., Hours of Leisure and Letters on the Antiquities of Kerch. Becker, P., "Kerch and Taman," Propylaea, III. pp. 349 382. Moscow, 1857. (Blaramberg, Od. Soc.
J. de, II.): review
Trarts.
—
—
some other remains," Trans. Roy.
R. and J. Hogg, "Sketches of Kertch, its larger tumuli and London, 1859. Soc. of Literature, Ser. 11. Vol. VI. pp. 100 129.
Thompson,
—
Taman
Archaeological Topography of
Goertz, K.,
Moscow, 1870; reprinted
Peninsula.
St P.
1898.
Taman Peninsula from
Historical View of Archaeological hivestigations and Discoveries in the Moscow, 1872 reprinted St P. 1898. 1800 to 1859. ;
Bruun, Ph., "Various names of Kerch and Odessa, 1880. II. p. 299.
its
Environs
Kondakov, Tolstoi and Reinach, Antiquite's de
in
Ancient and Mediaeval Times," Chernomorfe,
la Russie Mdridionale.
Paris,
1891.
See also the bibliographical notes to each section of Chapter Xi. For Tanais v. pp. 567, 620. Plans. Panticapaeum : Blaramberg, op. cit. PI. i; Dubrux, op. cit. PI. 11 Ashik, Bosp. Kingdom, I. PI. IV; ABC. Map I Dubois de Montpdreux, op. cit. i. PI. 2 inset Thompson and Hogg, op. cit. p. 100, PI. I Mat. XIX. PI. I CR. 1889, p. 17, f. 26. Phanagoria: Goertz, Arch. Top. PI. 3 Hist. Vieiv, PI. i. Tanais and Mouths of the Don: Report for 1853 Propylaea, IV. p. 387 BCA. XXXV. p. 86, f i. ;
;
;
;
;
;
;
Inscriptions Boeckh,
CIG.
A.,
II.
pp. 90
and
;
Historical Details.
— 170. —
—
Latyshev, V. V., losPE. II. St P. 1890; iv. 199 451, 468 478, St P. 1901 Mat. IX. pp. 46—64; xvii. XXlli. pp. 52—75 since 1900 BCA. II. pp.' 69 71 72, Nos. 1 pp. 26 4; in. pp. ^Z 52, Nos. I 17; X. pp. 25 97, Nos. 20 109 XIV. pp. 116 137, Nos. 38—55; XVIII. pp. 125 133, Nos. 40 50; XXIII. pp. 39—65, Nos. 22—34 XXVII. pp. 37—39, Nos. 33, 34; xxxvii. pp. 36—64, Nos. 1—46,
—
—
;
;
—
—
;
—
—
;
—
—
—
;
PP- 71—77Collection of Greek Inscriptions of Christian
Melanges Nicole,
Times, 77
— 107.
Geneva, 1905. Trans. Od. Soc. XXIV. Minutes, p. 29 XXVI. Minutes, pp. 59—62 XXViii. Minutes, pp. 23—31, 133, 134 xxix. Minutes, pp. p.
;
1 1
;
Kulakovskij,
J.
Skorpil, V. v., 32,
9
—
A.,
Review oi losPE.
BCA.
—
in. pp. 122
—
Nos. I 14; XXXVII. pp. 22, Nos. I 14.
—
St P.
1896.
301 sqq.
1
—
;
xxvii. Minutes, pp. 17, 18, 61, 62 63—65 XXX. Minutes, pp. 4 1.
15,
;
—
I
—
—
all
For Inscriptions found outside supra pp. 576, 581 sqq., 613, n. 12.
Russia and bearing on Bosporan history
S.
Koehler, H. K. E., Dissertation sur Th.,
"De
1
le
;
;
Latyshev's publications supersede separate brochures.
Mommsen,
—
;
fourn. Min. Public Instr. St P. May, 1891, p. 171. 165 XI. pp. 19—166; xxvii. pp. 42—54, Nos. 1 13 xxxiii. pp. 22— 11 10, Nos. pp. 14—35; ^L. pp. 92 — 117, Nos. 1—28; XLV. pp. 11.
former ones such as appeared
Monument
de Comosarye.
in
St P.
Titulo Reginae Pythodoridis," Epheni. Epigraphica,
Trans. Od. Soc, CR. and
v.
App.
2,
28, 34,
and
1805.
—
Rome, 276. pp. 270 "Reges Thraciae inde a Caesare Dictatore," Ephetn. Epigraphica, n. pp. 250—263. Rome, The Provinces of the Ro^nan Empire { — R.G. v.), I. 312—319. London, 1886. Schaefer, .A.., "Athenischer Volksbeschluss vom Bonn, J. 346," Rheinisches Museum, xxxni. p. 418. 1.
1872. 1873.
1878.
Bi/j/iogTcip/iy
637
Schaefer, A., "Die Rcgicriingszeil des Konit;s Paerisades von Hosporus," Rht'iii. Perrot, G., " Le Commerce des Ctiix^iles en Attique an iv" Siecle avanl notre pp.
t— 73.
c^re,'
IJoiin, 1883.
AV7'Uf HisloriquCy
IV.
Paris, 1877.
Mishchenko, Th. ('.., '"Trade Relations of the Athenian Republic of the Universily of Kiev, VI i. (1878) p. 477. Francotte, H., "Le pain .\ bon marchtf et le pain gratuii dans Ics Geneva, 1905. Gernet, L., "L'Approvisionnemcnt d'/Vtlii^nes en Paris, XXV. (1909) p. 269. Grundy, G. B., Tliucydides and tlie History of
Haiidlmch der
Gilbert, G.,
Mux. xxxviii.
V
151c
an
liis
Ai:;c,
Mithridate Kupator.
p.
the liosporan
citds jjrecques,"
IV
et
201.
II.
Melanges Nicole, Fa,,
Leipzig,
p. 135.
l.cltrcs tie
tie
London,
I59sqq.
188.
p.
Paris,
Kingdom," liulUtin
sitrcles," A'//'/, i/e in
pp. 74 sqq.,
i^ricchisclien Staatsallerthiiiner,
Reinach, Th., Trois Royaiiines d^Asie Mineure,
witli
1911.
1885.
1888.
Paris, 1890.
von Domaszewski, A., "Die Dislocation
Heeres
d. riim.
ini
Jahre 66
Chr.," K/ieiti. A/us. Xl.vii. p. 207.
n.
lk)nn, 1892.
Syinbolac ad Ret^um Socioruin P.l^. Condicionem Coi^iiosiendum, Fasc. Bospori Rege." Kiev, 1894.)
(V'oigtius, VV.,
"Quo Anno Agrippa Expeditionem Ponticam
—
fecerit," Griechische
Studienfiir
De Asandro
"
I.
//. f.ipsius, pp.
127
Leipzig, 1894.
134.
(Ortmann, K., De Retina Bosporano Spartocidarum. Diss. Halensis .Sax. 1894.) (Melnikov-Razxedenko, S., "The Cimmerian Bosporus in the Spartocid Epoch," Collection of Materials for a description of the Caucasus. Tillis, 1896.) Latyshev, V. V., "On the History of the Bosporan Kingdom, i." (MS. P of Diodorus), yi^'w;//. .)////. Publ. St P. June, 1894.
Instr.
"On
the History of the Bosporan
Kingdom,
(Camasarye), fourn. Min. Publ. Instr.
il."
St P.
Nov. 1899.
"The Inscription of Eupaterius," Viaantijskij Vremennik, Trans. Od. Soc. xxi. pp. 245—250. Odessa, 1898. "Agonistic Catalogue from Gorgippia" iJosPE.
IV. 432),
(1894) pp. 662—672.
I.
fourn. Min. Publ. Instr.
St
and
P.
St P. March,
1896.
"Site of Gorgippia," y^"'- Min. Publ. Instr.
St P. Nov. 1898.
some reviews reprinted in IIovTKcd. St P. 1909. St P. 1897. Bonnell, E., Beitri\^e zur Altcrthuntskunde Russlands, II. pp. 619—785. Rostovtsev, M. I., "Roman (Harrisons on the Tauric Peninsula," /^wr//. Min. Publ. Instr. All with
i()o6= Klio,
II.
pp. 80
— 95.
Leipzig,
"Inscription from Eltegen
"Wall Paintings 118—154.
pp.
Zhebelcv, S. A., Tolstoi, Ct
I.
I.,
"'
(with V. V. Skorpil)
of the grave
St P.
191
St P. March,
1902.
chamber opened
:
BCA. at
XXXVil. pp. 14—22. St 1'. 1910. Kerch in 1891," Bobrinskoj Miscellany,
1.
St P. March, 1902.
"The Bosporan Archaeanactids," /07
P^'^^- If'^tr.
•''''«•
St P.
Jan. 1904.
"APATOPO
on the Monument found by De La Motraye,''
y"""
M'"-
^''"'"'-
^'
l"^'>'-
!'•
.May, 1909.
For the Religious Societies
v.
p.
620, n.
5.
Coins. Besides the works of Koehne, Spasskij, Sabatier, Grigoriev, etc., given above. Chabouillct, A., " Dissertation sur un Statcre d'or du roi inconnu Aces ou Acas," Mem. de la Soc. des Antiquaircs de France, XXIX. 3" Sdr. 9, pp. i —63. Paris, 1866. Sallet, A. \on {Beitrdge zur Ceschichte und Numismatik des Cimmerischen Bosporus und des Pontus. Berlin,
1866).
"Zur Numismatik der Konige von Pontus und Bosporus, do.
II.
ib.
p.
304.
Berlin, 1877.
I."
Zt.
f
Numismatik,
Gardner,
P.,
Paris,
British
v.
Mr
Catalogue
229;
l.emm,' a
1872.
Museum
]>.
—
15. Beschr. d. Ant. Miinzcn d. k. Museen zu Berlin, I. (1888) pp. 8 Froehner, W., Catalogue de Medailles du Bosphore Cimm,'rien formant la Collection de
Odessa.
I
{BMC),
Thrace, &^c., pp. 4-10, 87.
London,
1S77.
638
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and
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xxviii
pp.
— xxxviii, — i
5,
42
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1889.
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—
—
Odessa, 1884.
1907).
Podshivalov, A. M., Beschr.
d.
unedirten...MiinseJi von Sarin. Eur., Chers. Taiir.
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rois
du Bosph.
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und
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I.
Moscow,
1884.)
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—
have used the Russian Version in "Certain data for historical investigation into the rulers of the Cim. Bosp. according to epigraphic and numismatic monuments," Trans. I'lth Russian Arch. Congress, II. p. 72. Odessa, 1888. Imhoof-Blumer, F., Portriitlcopfe auf antiken Mihizcn Hellenischer und Hellcnisirter V'dlker, p. 34 sqq. (I
Leipzig, 1885.
PI. IV, V.
Chr.
Giel,
Kleine
(G.),
Moscow,
"On Bosporan
zur antiken
Nuniismatik
Siidrusslands
coins with the
monograms
"New
Acquisitions of
my
Collection."
"Description of Coins added to St P. 1895. PI. XIX. 29— XX. 23.
TmP,
my
TRAS.
V.
Collection
347 sqq.,
p.
in
Trans. Vith Russian Aixh. Congress,
Coins."
pp. 80
11.
—
13— Vli.
PI. IV.
1892 and
Zur Miinzkunde des Cininierischen Bosporus. "The Cimmerian Bosporus in the Epoch of the Spartocids
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3
— 43. II.
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Moscow
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Num.
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"RiP
University, pp. 31
B/AM^'
VII.
—
^^^'
pp. 48
— 123,
PI.
la Soc. franqaise de
50.
-^''nuaire
II
—
IV.
Num.
Moscow, 1891. Moscow, 1892. de la Soc. franqaise de
56 sqq.)
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21.
Coins of Eupator
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222 sqq.,
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—
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''
(191
1)
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cities
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—
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— 505.
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•
^39
APPENDIX I
have followed Latyshev
Nos. i, 2, 17', 28, 34 other editors) in his supplenienis, punclimlion, have noted divergent readin(;s and in some inscriptions of which I have kept the have not given more than one or two references to the literature of each inscription, the rest can (or in the case of
accentuation, etc., except where precise spelling.
I
be found under these or
I
on the pages
in the notes
omitted by the engraver's carelessness.
I
cited. Conventions as in JHS. except that have not always expanded obvious abbreviations.
j
{
enclose letters
Names and
facts
occurring in these Inscriptions but not mentioned in the Text have not been indexed.
IG. {ClAtt.)
2.
I.
Near Tibur,
CIL. XIV. 3608.
cf.
pp. 447,
Jr. z""»2
469. 523-
PLAUTIO M.F. (AM) SILVANO AELIANtO) PONTIF. SODALI AUG. TI.
fr. z'""";
TT TT
:
T
:
T
A.A. A.I'M'"., Q(uaestori) Ti. Caesaris Legat. leg. V. in Germania Pr. Vrb., Legat. et ComitI Claud.
.X
Legat. pro
.
i)raet.
.
T[.Vas]
X
Kaf/Mt/xe]
X
Ki/tt[/if /)...]
Moesiae
NiK[o>'ia] IIaT[/9a(ri'sl
Kep[a5dKc]
numero Transdanuvianor.
ad praestanda tributa
cum
coniugib.
losPE.
3.
ac llberls et principibus aut regibus suls transduxit.
Motum
compressit
quamuls
15 ad
?]
[EpdifXeto?]
X X
In qua plura quani centum mill. 10 ex
Nt'tM^oioc
Ta[/iii'/)d»«]
.X .X
Caesaris in Brittannia, Consull, Procos. Asiae,
F. Hill, Sources
(^,.
'0[X/3io]
TT
Ill vir. 5
37 (after
I.
for Greek History, p. 156, No. 308). Athens (424 b.c.), cf. pp. 447, 458, 561.
expedltionem
I.
Tyras, Chobruchi.
2.
181 a.d.
pp. 446, 541.
cf.
orientem Sarmatar.
in
m[ inagnajnij Armeniam misisset.
exerciti'is
parte',
5 QiibT\a.TO%
p
rii!^r](T[(
'\!wix.aX
wdXiv
TTiv
a.vTOKpa.TU>\
ij/iCiv ?
]
Ignotos ante aut infensos P.R. reges signa
Romana ]>erduxit.
ripam quam tuebatur
adorati'iros in
Regibus Bastarnaium
Rhoxolanorum
fllios,
eorum opsides accepit
;
;
Sox^ai
ab
15 TO T( TTJi
annonam (in)
P.R. adlevavit.
20
avoi
ornamentis honoravit, auctore Imp. oratione eius q(uae) i(nfra) s(cripta) s(uiU)
non debuerit
\//ri<(>i(Tfxa
T^ d^uy
(cat
Te\€ioiidii>
KoKKr/lifi Oi'dXei^t
TO
Sriixbaia.
pip i'Trdrois, dis 5^
Tiov
de
i'lrd
Ko[(C(C)jtoi'
]-
toO ypapLp[aTiii)i] ?r[aTpiJ
T
Kai t6 avriypaipov d[TroT€]-
— 'E7
Tvpavoi
Ti'p^i irpo ('
\'. 'E(T<(>payl(rairro'
apx<^y'
&yov, i'roi'S cKp',
Twv wfpl QeoSwpov
lioriffov,
QedSupot
K[a]((Tap Zoi'pij
Toi Apxi^V
30 Caesare Augusto Vespasiano verbis ex
praefuit ut
6e]-
^ovXrj
koK.
Mo-
in
Hispaniam ad praefectur. Vrbis remissum
ita
Orifiif)]
Iwv avTOKparopt KoiJ-oSip to y' Kai 'AvTtaTiip liovp-
Senatus in praefectura triumphalibus
Moesiae
Trj
Ofivai f (S
modo
Hunc legatum
T((i
(ii^eXlpiov dv]-
7r6\ews Ova\eptov 'l'ov(pov SoOrjvai
avToO
quae est ultra Borustenen, opsidione sumnuito. tritici
tCiv
?
— ——— —
vov TfTdnrjcBai xpvai^ aT((l>avip x[ot Tvw]if
per (juem pacem
Scythanim quoque rege(m) a Cherr6ne(n)si, Primus ex ea provincia magno
iiyo[vixiyovi
Spot y€yoi>6T[ot
fratr(u)m
provinciae et confirmauit et protulit,
25
toi'J
avixif>(p6i>T0j[i>
ct
Dacorum
20 captos aut hostibus ereptos remlsit alicpils
10 irapa
/iiji'ds
apx^"-
'ApTf/tiKTi-
Boij(?oi'
-irpw-
ipxi^v \aia6ivrit Mo**ta
AfXtoi AovKtot Apx^i''
OvaXipiavbt llov-
:
in
25 TtKoO ftVirVT")' fiioi
me differri honor triuniphalium eius ornamentorum nisi quod latior el contigit mora titulus Praefecto Vrbis. Hunc in eadem praefectura Vrbis Imp. Caesar
Ti/3.
K\ai/5to! 'AvT[tffff^yi]]s' Xcittov-
IfpoawvTos' lliSavoi \UTra]\yp]ios
BaairtocoO
'
Ifpuvv/xos' ApT(ixi5ti>pc[i']' Bto5[as' ApTt])n-
;
3-;
Aug. Vespasianus iterum
cos.
fecit.
dibpoV \pi''
Kaptot 'ApTfUiStbpoV
30
Aoi'Kioj 'ZaTopfdXov
vvaios lliiTKa.
Ova\ipiot
"
i\6Ka\os •f'cXoicdXou
'HpoKX^wK
2lu)Md"
PoC^oj ypanp-aTeii (reXeldxxa to \pr)tpuTpa.
Aio-
Af\
Appendix Nos. 4
640 losPE.
4.
3,
I.
201,
PI.
Tyras, Korotnoe, a.d.
I.
pp. 446,
cf.
—
admittere non soleamus
licet
perpensa
[vilejgii auct[oritate
I
qua ratione videbatur, cum one servavimus,
neque
ut
nisi
I
pri]-
I
esse diu qua]-
iusta [moderati]-
ipsi
cons[uetudi]-
losPE.i.ii.
5.
adsumendorum
I
[El's
[Kal
Exemplum epistulae ad Heraclitum. Quamquam Tyranorum civitas or(i)ginem
Kara rdde
quod secundum
attinet
Sed cum
das esse meminerint.
Illyrici
lo
immunitatis et
demum
ita
amicus noster
v.
c.
sibi
si
eos legatus
iure civitatis
consultum,
si
satis a-
grati fuerint, exi-
30 stimaturos, quod origine beneficii non quaesita
dignos honore cives
fieri
praeceperimus.
8(Tov
TLiXTJ]s,
ladai]
15 [irbXeJws, Trpbs tou
dTroSJiirat
/j.(fi
35
apxovcn, fiovXy,
Tvpavwv xoVf'"-
'Avrlypa^ov tQv
ddoii' ypafj.fj.a.TUi',
6ivTbiv
tCov
KrjTcov
/jLOL
I'TTO
Kvpiwv
40
ri/j.wi'
Treju-
dvei-
•yvbvm
TT)v
7ra]/)d
TO
ar)Te.
^EppuxrOai vfias Kal eiWuxetv ttoX-
ly'
^Tiaiv
e{lxo/J,aL.
^
KaXavdHv Maprioiv,
AfecrdOr)
vwiTtiiv,
45 "PXV^
dwodwraL,
to[((/)s
tS>v irapavo-
TT}v
ihvy]v
TrpitiivTai
8iKr)i
KaTaXa/36cre[s"]
cLf
[rt
8e Tpid/u.[e-
b
npd^ovTai 5^
fi-qadpTUv
ot
aXXo
ti irapavo/j.o{v)i>Tai
\liyf(pL
t6 dL xp^'^io" TTuXeiv Kai wfeiaOlai to]V
fieu
25 To(v)
aTaTTjpa Tbv Kv^iK-qubv f[c5fKd]ij/j.iaTaTripo{v)
Te Ti/j.iwTepoi', TO
w1o}Xeti>
5'
Kai /x-qTe df(t6Tepo[i'
dXXo
xpii(7^of
Tb
fji.'q]-
[i-
dirav Kai dpyvpiof Tb eviarilnof Kai iive{t)adaL ws du dXX[-^Xoi;!]
TreidciiiTf
Tf'Xos 5^
30 xpl^"^^ov
itriff-qpLOV
fi]ov furiTe
iJ.r)Sev
/i'^r'
[irpaTTeiv
dpyi[plov
Tro}Xo{D)i'Ta /xijr'
iv
losPE.
IV.
460.
fx€yd\ri avrCiv tvxxi fi'XOp"'"'''?-
TTj
'
^ai to apyvpi.o[v
aTep-qaeTai 6 fxev [d-
vlos bcov &v irpirjTai'
20
il)v[e-
ttj!
6s 5' av irpbs
•
irpiyjTai,
TroSJo/uevos o[v) dv
to
fJ.r)Tf
eiritrri-
liiyovp.evou.
.
irpoira^a, 6-
Belav eis vfias payaXo-
diopiai'
XoU
vbp.i.(7iJ.a
Kai euTUxecTctTwy AvTOKpardpojv,
toiJtois fiov TOiS ypafj-fxaaiv TTOJS
Sr)-
rj
6 Se Trpidp.evos ttj[s
x^'^'fO''
to] 'OX/SioTToXiTtKov
irpir]-
ttwXcTv 8i Kal
•
rb
irpbs
f)
aTroSbfievos toIv
/xev
enpiaro
wdvTa
iriayi\p.ov
'OouiJ'ios Te'pTuXXos
&c aXXo^i diroSuTat
5'
(rre]/5)j(reiToi 6
irwXov^j.ei'Jov dpyvpiov,
fructum
dignos esse de-
Quos credimus
creto pronuntiaverit.
bundequ(a)e
habituros,
piu)i'] 6[j]
[rai,
per ambitionem deminui non oporteat, sciant ^5 eos, qui posthac fuerint adsumpti, fructum
[t)
dpyi-
eVi] Tou XiOov tov ^v tQi €KKXricnaa\T->]-
leges
eorum in numerum civium adsumpti sunt, ex pristino more nihil mutari volumus. Retineant igitur quaqua ratione quaesitam sive possessam 20 privilegii causam in promercalibus quoque rebus, quas tamen pristino more professionibus ad discernenda munifica mercimoniorum eden-
rj
[pio\v iirhytixov irwXeiToi Kai a)cei(r^[w
litte-
15 Antonii Hiberi gravissimi praesidis, iis
diXwv ttoiXuv
5e
6
iin
fla(Tay(ioyri\y
iirLtT-fjiiov
difjeiadat XP''"''"" ^TiVij/Uov
sed et fratrum imperatorum cogitamus, item
ad ipsos Tyranos quique ab
iracTos XP^'^^O'J
etvai.
i^ayioyqf
K](xi
per errorem aut licentiam usurpata sunt, prae-
§So^e fiovX^i
'
KdfwjSos OpacyddfiafTols
5 [Ko]i dpyvpio(v)
scriptione temporis confirmentur, tamen,
Antonini parentis nostri
87j]fj.oii,
elTre']
10 dati beneficii non ostendat nee facile, quae
divi
pp. 459, 472, 485.
^o]pvff(r6evq el
\Xbp.i\vov
ras,
cf.
consi[liis]
praesidis provinciae c(larissimi) v(iri) perpenderentu[r].
quoniam
Anadolu Kavak (Temple of
Zeus Urius),
5 ne diuturna pellerentur et in poste[rum]
decreta civium
i-rri
tQ
Kirebbdrj wpb
Atjccuji'os
tj'.
MoyxiavoC Kal ^ajSiavoO efip'
458,
immu]-
at origine
quod us[urpatum
nitatis inspecta,
cf. p.
O Al *[l Ao E M M /V H M A
[quani Tyrani sibi concessam esse contendunt].
[Quam
Olbia,
(iv. p. 275).
+ APM[lo:ST
de immunitate],
[intelleges, quid statuerimus
120
I.
n. 3.
cpistulani ad Heraclitum, unde]
tibi
losPE.
4\
525.
[Exciiiplum cpistulae ad Teilulluni].
[Misimus
Olbia
Tyras.
6.
I ret,
Tl{oTr\lov) AlXlov KaXTrovpviov.
'J>77,ui
/cat
5ia/fO
by8oy]KovTa opyvids
Kai Suo To^eCcai
KXeivby ^Ava^aybpav vibv AriiJ.ay6p€
^iXreo} Se ira...
Olbia,
cf.
pp. 67, 465.
Appendix No.
0//^ia
7.
6+ A
aavTai Xafiitv irapd 7.
TosPE.
16, PI.
I.
T2S-6,
Olbia,
II.
a rb Si rd xp^Mo^a -.0
474, 481-485, 488.
SoPi/ai
A.
wpbs
t](S Kai oi iiTTa. clirav 'Eir(tSi) 'llpoauv re
Toy^vovt
Kai
y^yiis T(
(is
ll/)[w)-
''A^fl
'"^'
KCtl
Tiara
X^7a;>'
iipni)
60
vwh TOV
drifiov
l8ii)Ke
XP'^'''"'^^
15 a tis TTiv TTJi TriXeois xp^^"-" fiov
XapaKTrjpa, aiVds inrepairoSovs tovs Toi'
x/"'"''""'
eXiVaro
twh re
'
TpiaK0(rl(i>v,
70
tt\v
llpoSupov
''^
f""'
fi's
TO /teSifivovi 5i(7X
Viiiv
TT)v Ti/j.riv,
ovdha
35
S-qv,
Xatil)!'
oil
fVi TTjr
Tdf
vai avTois,
40
tQv ivvia dpxvs ovk eXaTTbvoip. ^ x'^"^" *"' TrevTaKOffiuJv
90
KOTO TO
M.
\py}(t>i(Jna,
eV
iIil
TipLrfv
iKO/xlaaTo Tb-
Kai Sid
IIpuTO-
Trifi
Sifi/xiiii
Xi;
tS iripav
iiri
•
tov ti
depaweiav, tCiv Si dpxbv-
avvayaybvTuv iKXrjaiav Kal
iv TaXs TrpoabSois iarlv ovSiv, XP^'<">^'^
TravTTjadvTiiiy fiaetXci,
lx(pL\p}ap.(vov,
tV]
Tijy
re ira-
iraptXdiiv
ivaKoalovs
"
tQi[v'\
Upiixroyivovs Kal
.,.]
(is
bpyy)v Si
KaTaOTdvTos Ka[l
dvd^(viiv Troir]aaixiv[ov, p.(Ta.p Si Kai TOVS
apxomas
dvaf 4(015,
wv iv(K(v
{J)
95 (Tvv\(Xdiiv 6 Stjuos vfpitplo^os iyivcTo Kal
nev (TKiiirTovxoi
ei's
Trfv
['A]pi(rTOKpdTovs, ToO Si ^a
Trpf (r]/3f I'Tds eirl
i6(pair(vdr](rav evKaipois, ovk <}X/7a Si
45 irpadivTos re tov (TtSXov
dnb tQv
Si xpe^lid'Tuv Xa^bfToii' tcI xPVM-ara Kal d-
x/"'"'"'''
Supa TrapeaK(vdc6ri tCh ^aaiXet
(i[s]
Kaipm ivayyeiXap.ivo>v to-
WpuToyivris iSuiKe
wpbdeffiv eiTOiT)(TaTo iiri rais /ueXXoiVais Ufi ttoXXoJ
els
Tii)v
Ti
aipeOds tc
/liv
ii
(irriy-
povffiav ifjupaviffavTuiv tov ^aaiXiois Kal Si6-
Sov-
T7J5
TrpoabSois,
S
TiTTapas Kal iKTia, tovs Si Siax^Xlovs
vov
85
i-
wapf\9uii' eTrriyye[i]-
XoTO xp^"^ovi TerpaKOffiovs'
X"^*^"
Sktx^XIovs irtv-
K bXlyos Si criTos iwoplaBTj TtDt
d^iiiffavTOs Si llpwToyivT]!'
Tois Katpoh,
/SoTjfl^trot
ixiSip-vovi
"'O''
wpuTos
fiaaiXiws ^aiTafpdpvov wapayei>opii-{t>OfX(y
KO/U-
Suipojv
TfTpaKoaiiav
yivovs irpodvixlav iroXXd niy xp'?M<"'tt, ov-
(Ti'/U7r[f]-
Sij/xov
i-
TpiaKoalovs aTdKOvs
Toi'15
fcyxOeis iviavTbv
Kai
iirpd^aTo'
Svvap.ivov Si tov
tV
eis
irapavrlKa
TTopia6ivTU)v xp'')M'"'»"'> aiiTbs av/xirfpie-
wt Tt TOV avTov i^pfOJ ddpbtav irapayevo-
HevUV
iLv
el's
paxPVI^"' 'OS Tiftds KOfiiffaixiviiiu
KO/j-Kxaij.^-
avTbs iviavTov
pieveyxffeii rbKov
toOto xp*'os irapa-
80 Kov ovSiva wpa^dntvos,
toi>s
S(Ka,
els
30 tQv XoiirQv irapaxpfip-a
koI olofiivov
Stjplov
Si
Kai Sovi XP''"''""
(V Toi'Toii tCii
iepeoj aiTo-
irpCrros irapiKduiv eirrjyyeiXa-
^Xoi'Tos,
lSu)Ke,
eviavTbi',
£is
ets
wapaBiaBai oItov iKa-
TavTa irapaKoXovvTos
eis
75 Svo Kal fTTTa TjpLiiKTta, koX tCiv XoivCiv tCiv
2j Tt, Kai Sid tSv kIvSvvov tSv iwiepbp.evov oio-
vbv Kai
rpi-
Oi'-o
TaKoaiovs, iLv tovs ircvTaKoffiovs piv (SijiKfv
Sfiai oCtrTjs Kai woiXov/xevov tov airov eis tt^v-
ixivov ScTv TOV St^/xov
Kai
Kal iyiixTo wapavTiKa 6 fitSi-
yeiXaTo irvpwv
Tifirfv
5ia\vaai, eiriK\rj6(is inrb tov Stj/xou ISoiKe rovs
TpiaKoaiovs XP^'^°''^'
piiSi/xvov
tis
xpi't^oCs X'Xioiis,
iKop.ifTaTO (K
ejfo-
trepi Atj/uokwc-
ovk ixivTuv Si
\\\(iaTdpxo{v)
titi
ovToi lataOai TipLovari-
5t'
(TiTuvrjffai,
viyKos
20 TO apxivToiv dyopaadvTwv XvaiTeXCis olvov
Xpvudv
wpoSriXov
ffiTuvlai'
llo\vx
ToC 8i ^evov (pcpovToi ini rhv
Xi'ffaffdai,
t
TrdXii/
aiToSeias ytvo/xipris iaxvpds Kai irw-
iXdovar)S iKXrjala% fwriyyfiXaTO
iroTripi-
XP'"^""^ iKarbv Kai ovk ix^"''''^"
irpb%
oi>r6t irapfX-
axiaSai tops (vwopov/iivovs, npQiTos aiv-
TerpaKoaloi'ls]'
'"'pos
ir6X(t,
17
SiayoividaavTOi tov
65 Seiv
^iri/cXijSeis
Twv re dpxivTuv dlvTwv rd ifpd
(rvviSwv
Hvos xP^'^oG Kal Svo TpnCiv, Kai Sid roCro
KdyKV-
Tov Kai diraiTOVVTOS rd SCipa rrjs wapdSov, Tu>v S( Kotviiiv f^riTroprtixfviiiv,
li-
(K\Tjalav (SuKt Toi/% Tpia-
pov, iSairep Si
Kai wpwro/j. niv irapayevopii-
'
10 vov Sai'ra^dpcoi/ toG paaiX^ws f(s
TTi)V
Xovfiivov ToO airou T£(5,
/3A-
to.
rrjc
uv^t Kal to TpiTov
Trjt
Koaiovs xP*"'°Gs'
wapa rov wa-
Kai irpaTTWP
(U
Biiiv
fi's
Tpbf fiVotac irp6s riv Stjixov Sid jiiov Sia-
TfTAeKef
va-
ilvat
kuX Sid roCra Tpi[{\
't'opp.lui'oi,
naai w(pnri(TiiTai
XPVwpay/jLaToiv \&yov, Ilpwro-
8ia5f^d.ix(voi Tr)/x
Si-
55 llpoiToyivris Sibri fxtyaXois SiawTiii-
TToWaj Kal /xcydXas
TTOTT)/)
^pfia^ irapdaxv'''^^ 5 /idTbiv
dyopdaavToi o
dW
Sia[\]viTapi.ii'ti!i'
t6Xii/,
TTifi
XP''<^o\''f]
Kdvuivot,
SovaaOat
/ii]
dpxovTai,
dvairpaddarii eixaSt, oi apxol''-
SriiJi[wt]
7-oi'/5
pa ToU TtXaivais, vrju
"ESot'e fiovXfit (cai
wb\eu)s
ttjs
TpiaKoalovi, Kai dyopdaafTot
pp. 104, ri8,
443, 459-4^'3. 471-
388,
259,
cf.
(cont(l).
"
t
(Till
^aciXfia
ISec tovs
dyopd-
I.
58
|KTli;ips ll\(iaTdpxo[v].
81
'
Appendix No.
642
Olbta
7.
B 45
losPE.
16 (contd).
I.
dpta^tTby Kai Tbv 'ETr[t]Savplov
tov Selyparos
e-rrl
50 vavXov TeXovar)s
B.
TaLS Sid TO (Ti 5e Tov Tr\(l(rTOV /xipovs toO
Top. 7roT[a]-
-n-pos
t6v \Lp.ha iravTO^ koX tov
TOS Kai XKipovs
TOis eto-a/ictTas /cat
10 6vp.uv TOV
^Kvdas
Tavra TroWHv
55
TavT-qv tov
FaXaTQv
kclI
inl
60
iiri-
5ia
exbvTtiiv aOvp-ws Kai irapeaKe-
ev
ois
^eviiiv,
Kai
to,
70
Tot's
iroXXiSi'
Seiva wpo 6-
€tQv TeTTjprjp^vrip TrarpiSa
toU
SbvTOi eavTov ovt' Tj^iov b
30
Srjpos,
a.p(j>bT(pa TO, els oiiK
avTa
iroXepiots, ei's
75
Teixv Kai irpoB-qatip iraffav
Civ
X'^''^''
*""'
35
Ttt
TO.
els to{is
ttjv
tt]v
ffvvex^s irdvTa Toiis
To
veyKev, dvaXdicras Te
Xpvcovs SiaXiffas Kotrioiv]-
eis
85
apidpr]-
6p6Qs Kai SiKai-
OTTO
Twp
wpocrbSojp, wliTTovTa
ov yeyev-qpivov to6tov
uv drreXvae
p,iv
d-
eir'
Trip trbXiv beiX-q-
twv
S'
ev
Trji.
7r6Xe4
'gijTTiaavTos virip
eis
t6
tovtwv tov
[a]uTa)i Kai twi iraTpl xpi'cw*' e^aKiffxiXiwv irpwTos [4]TriTpe\j/e
twi S-qpwi &v dp ^oiX-qTai Tpbiroy XPV-
avTwi, d^iwcravTOS Si d(pecnp irofqaaaxp]'?'''''"'^
dtprJKe
irdai
ndvTa
Kai
oi)5e>'
&-
[XXo iroffeivloTepov avTwi voplaas elvai
90 [toO Trapa toO
ovdev dv-q-
[iov
dp.
[ [rj
eKopuraTo x^-XKbv 4k TCTpa-
KaTeaKevaae Si xal tovs wvpyovs KaxCis
i-
koivwv, rpia Se
'"'^7
\toZ]s Te SaveicFTois Kai Tois xP^<'"''<^'Si b(f)eiXopivwv
Trdv-
x'^'Oi'S irevTaKoaiovs Kai to irXelaTov x/'i'C'O''
S'
irapiXvve Si tokloV
[$ai Tois
&-qp,ij)i
Ta
ej
7a x/>'?Ma''a TrepieTroirjffe ttji irbXei- (tl de ttoXXwv epyuivwv eyKaTaXnrbvTwv to. ipya ITpw5e tGji
x^ V'"'"'
StdiiKi](Tev
KopiSrj\y f]ai;rd)i,
[cratrSai]
didirT(ijp,a
Tois Si avpirepievey-
piv Xbyovs ev toIs iipicrpivois x/x^^o's d-
aiv TTOiriaaadai i^ (Toipov Tods epyilivas ovk oXi-
toXs p.ev d
irdai,
\Si]]pov eirip.riviev
Toyivr]s Trp irbXei to. pev 'ipya aiiTbs cvveTeXe-
40
Se
us,
[pT)\dev ijKbvTUiv,
TrevTaKoai-
appa^Hvas dwlSoTO
Ipya uwo K-qpvKa, Kai irapa to
avTwp
xPVf'-dTiiiv,
(r-q
p.dTv,
uv, Kai evdvs iveyKas eis tt]v iKXr)(xiav xp^coOs TrevTaKoaiovs
ovSevbs S'dinjXXoTpl-
80 KaKws SiaKeipevwv irdvTwv Sid Te tovs iroXe[/x]oi/s Kai Tas d
Kalirep avTUL TrpoKeipevoiv
eXaaffOvuy xp^'^^" V
Tuy
TrXeto'Ta
Xr/delas,
eirrjyyeiXaTO avrbs KaTaffKcvav
Sairdv-qv,
TTOi-qffaTo
eis
(Tridi-
els pipri
7r6X[e]-
ttjs
ev TOis TT)S TToXiTeias XP'^''"" irapaSe^dpevos
virox^l-
odSevbi S'
airavTa oUt'
oUovoplds Kai rapiel-
ovSev TWV vnapxbvToiv, avpirepieveyx^els
TTpd^aTO
i-
(Vxi^ovras ^orjBrjffai Kai pi] Treptideiv tt]v eV
piov yevopevriv
rjp wpoiOrjKe XP^'^°^^ ^'
els
xSels XP'""'" b
liv
25
TlpuToy^vqs Se ov-
KOivijs
Trjs
Se TOIS KaLpots
crvpp,axv<^avTas
veKev crvveXdijiv 6 drjpos SirjyoiviaKois Kai Toy
piWovTa
Se XotTr^s oSaijS
wpocrbSovs ovSiva pev twv TeXuvdi' 4k tCiv
biffe
OVK oXlyovs de Tuip tvoKitwv,
kIv8vvov Thp.
TeixoSopiav, ewi Te
inrapxbvTCtiv e^epaXe,
iyXeXoiir^vai Si ttoXXow p(v
7r6Xei,
TTJi
Twy
In
"
rbp, llbffios trvpyov irxoi-
Kara
65 as yevbpevos Kai x^VCiJ Tas p.eylaT(a)s
Tas TOV apidpov x'^'wi' fat TTiVTaKOffiuv,
20
Tr)s
Srjpos Tj^iijcre Kai TavT-qv uvvTeXiaaadai. Te-
KaTov
KovvTas ML^^Wrjvas ovk eXdrTons 6v-
TToXf'jUWi
TOV Xoyov dwoSei^ei
TTiv TTjv
15 KaTCL TTjy x^P"-"! ^dapdai plv Tr]v oUfTeiav awaaav Kai tous ttjp wapuipeiav oi-
TWL TTpOTCpui
Trjt
Sep ^ovXbpevos dxapiaTeiv virepeive Kai rav-
yeyevf/ffdai iXaTTdipara TroXXd
Toi)s €v
raOra
iveKev 6 Stjpos iroXXdKis aiiTby Kai
'^^
TdpTTjV oiaav (rxoiviaiaf,
eyXeiwetv T^p, iriXiv, apa 5e rwi Kai
affpLiviov
ets
viaias ets Tbv eirdvu tSttov, eirtKaXecrdpevos b
XavHapaTas
Cip.6Ti)Ta,
XPVf"^"'!
dffvvTeX^aTov
x"-
5e tov-
irpbs
Kai
dppiviav, eirrjyyeiXaTo
'''^''
TrpbTepov eaTeipavujKws Kai rbr' iaTefpavoiaev
SeBibTa! (liaavToj? Kai
6xi'/«i;"
aiiToii TTjv rCoy
aXXa
'^oi
iirayy(W6vTujv,
T/feiv
'Zitiffias,
avpp.a-x}o.v Koi Sv-
Tr(iroi.7J(T6ai
ISiui-
KaKws SiaKeia-
trdvTa xP'^'^ovs SiaKoaiovs Xbyov rjveyKe irapa-
iirayyeWbvTuy FaXd-
vap.iv {Tvv^x^"-'- tJ-f^yAXv
Se ttis TrbXews
Kai Tavra KaraaKevdv, dvaXwaas t'
to irp6Tep[ov]
ko-to.
iiirapxov ixdvoirthXiov, fws ov b ifpui 6
5 Twv Be avTofJi6\ojv
pQvoi
6ai Kai prjdev ^x^'"
areixiarov oVtos, tov re Ka[Ta]
/ibv TTJs iriXews
in
'
ayovai tovs Xldovs
toIs
irXoia to. Sr]p6(na
TO,
Ti]v
Se
eTrecTKevacre
KaTe
Kai TO (TiTb^oXov
va TOV
irvXais dp-
Tby KadT]yT)Topos Kai T67 Kara
OTipovs Kai
7.
(contd).
Tah peydXais
aKeip-ivovs, tovs xpbs
[
Si-
95
t
S-qpov avTwi] virdpxeiv evvoiav tov iSr]f ^poi'tT/aevos tois ]
vna
avToXs OVK eXdffaovs
xp^<^\°''^ °^5 &Traai tois trpbs
oi'\Siva i]
"'X
Appc?i(iix Nos.
8
Oih')i(i
I
/iCA.
II.
losPE.
8.
Olbia,
46.
I.
cf.
ETTaSf waiTfs
I
AyaOqi
I
ExtxipV^
'
Xtjtos
5
5.
474, 477.
Sa-
Apxlir)tioi>
'Aairovp-
70s
7,ov-
VeTop.oiiaoi', '
M7]Tpo8iilpOl',
UpaKXdSrji
'
N<(A»;/)dToi',
pi>ii%
\(oyToixy]yijs 'HpocruvTo?, 10
,7,
Ti'x'/t.
7ot llapaTTavdhov,
ElVpoTOl'S,
ASeifiavTOi 'Aira[T]oi'p/oi/,
'l]v
No.
104,
p.
pp.
SdKov arparrjyol- '.\x'^-
Aioru'oi's,
rioO'CtSul'tO?
tripl
ol
•
'}{p6SoTos llavraKXiovt, 5
cf.
AirAXXufi II/MxrrdrT;!
iTrm.(KrjBT\aav tov ffr]aavpoO
XVIII.
Olbia,
pp. 463, 474.
6 43
'
Atoci'-
Ep/i07^i'oi»s,
BeCfa-
Apuopop^dpov ratda
10 Kariarqaav SCipov vvip
Et''/Siou.
7r6\fos Kal t^s for-
Toi)?
OvovTa^ dirdpx«yOai
7-^5
\,e]ii
TOf l)i](Tavp6v
Taii<
ii7(/o5.
Up€tov Si K[a]l 01765 TptaKOiriovi,
losPE.
12.
15 [t]^p0]oi'5 5# i^i^KovTa.
I.
Olbia,
75.
cf.
pp. 37,
475. 477'A7oS^
I
'T'xn.
dpxbvTwv
EjrJ
rCiv wepl
BCA.
9.
XVIII.
No.
96,
p.
Olbia,
2.
yeiKlov
cf.
vbpoi' I
['Eti
fipx"*''"*"
'"C
]s
/ufTii
MeTa7fiT]i'i
[yApoi/, /iTjcAs
[^/ffaro yvwfxr]!' KvpucTa]i Ido^e
[XOVTti 5
ol
irepl
S"k',
^i"
dirav
wv
[/iifoii iiiro
re
TTpbTepbv
TOV
[yioii KOfilaai
/SatriX^ois
ir\4wv
?
^o]/"?!'"
10 [X^us Trep.irop.ivqv [
KJara
i^iviiTTT/j
T^s rrdXews
CiTTip
a^ Kal
Trji
(ui-
vyda^.
iaiT'joi'
i
xPV<^^M-]<>''
5rifi.tj}[i]
[rjrji'
iVo toP
losPE.
13.
I.
/9a
Probably Herezan,
77.
PP- 37, 453. 473. 481.
cf-
avaXa^eif dira-
icnToy napi^xeTO TO15
[iroXiTais Trpodvp.iai ovde]pia,s Xnrop.ei'os,
Kal 01*0-
I
['A7]afl^i Ti'xh«.
[X^fis (h ddXaa(rav iravTodlaTruv irvevpdrwv Kal evav-
'AxJtXXeZ WovT\dpx'<\^
\tIov irvebvTwv e(t>iXoTeip,Ti6]ri ifireXayl^ui' Kparriaai
oi]
J [koJ laiixre rovi
vXiovras
rj/jLeripois
rbiroti
5
rd
'
irepl
v\i]v
eCi>o]vi virdpx<^v, tCiv 5e irpore-
]wv Torj
[pov
.\vai,\pi-
i^uidTidrloi'j]
5'
dpxov\je%'\
Ilot'pdaiot [IIoi'p]-
IxedeSpa^opivovi
Oalov,
TovSe ro[C
.lrjnr)Tp[toi]
'Ax'XXf'os,
Toy]ra)i
Er'/3[7;(ri-
/3]ios '.\56oi', 1.
8.
Wyopalui
MJi^paSdroi/ F^viraTopoi 'App.e-
/Soii^f lav?] rcjj
vTToffxbpevoi?
HXt'oii 'E[p)f*]T)|(
10 di'^^]ij)Kai' Ne^Tji' dpyvpiav
70?? ftedrjdpacr-
[/3]a(ri[\i(ca ?]
[xai vOf roi^s T€ T]p.eTipovi 7rpe
1
lIX^Tos
'Ap-
(TreiSij
6 Seiva]
[
[vT/fnis
Kdpirov,
Sci^axos i;avd7oi',
6 Sijyuoj ^^77-
/3oi'\i7 (cai t(^ SrifOj).
l\o
KiX/xat Mfpciroi',
Tibffaioi
'Ava^a-
IlocriSeoi'
iiioyi-
irepl
MaxeSdvoi dyopa-
5 CTjs
pp. 463, 472.
llovTiKbv
oi
irXiwv Rostovtsev for Latyshev TrXiovai
?
10 p]d^opo5 01/
'.\[uw-
Ei'p7;o'[t/3i]-
virelp] eipr)vi)% »r[ai]
7roXyKap7r[io]s Ko[t dv^-
SpayaOlat t^s ir[dXf]ws *ai 10.
losPE.
I.
2 2,
see next page.
rjjj
(aiT[
iryft]-
15 as. IIoi'pO[ar]os
Uolvpdal]-
ov dpxo>'T[e ]i'u»' X]6i'xaf, '.\]56oii
20
5i
^i'[«'ico
K]i'pr]u[i[iioi
dpxoy[T](vwi' (|c(ua| 5p
ir[o](5^^[aTi].
81—2
;
Appendix Nos.
644
losPE.
10.
I
cf.
Olbia
388, 468-470, 472, 481.
pp.
Oo-ai 7r6Xei? iaTi
'Hpa/cXecDrai,
Tiacoi,
To/ieZrai,
MeiXt/tos,
'S.epffbv-qaaos,
NeiKo[/u]'?5ers,
Bv^dfTiot,
Ilpov(reU,
'la-jpiavoi,
K v^iKOS,
Mbavopos,
NeiKaicts,
'A/xa(rT[p]i.ai>oi,
'Odri
KaWaTiavoi,
'Awdfxeia,
r^vpa,
apxbvTWV
ei,
Sari^poi; to
narpldt
rj/j-Qv
KaTavvaa/x^vwv Iv re wp«r§uai.% Kal
rHv (Tnhr)ixovvTwv
6 dvTjp
Trap'
Tuiv Trpoyopuv
T(fJ
vovf wpbs
Trjv
wavTa
^^vuv, KaT-qKo\ovdy)(T(v
rip.S.i
Xapwpov Kal
Kal to
a.^i.uifj.aTi
'''pbTrip
ayaBi} Kal
iraffLV 5ia
rplSa (pCKboTopyov Kal Trepl
toi>s
oi
eO-
II.
BCA.
12.
losPE.
I.
75
13-
losPE.
\-
"ii
irpbyovoi avrou,
see p. 643.
eh re
vpecr-
iavrbv iKOVTTjv irapix'^^ &okvov, ipywv re iinp.e-
avTbv TrepiKaXXe-
5t'
yfp^adai,
tj/xCiv
dpxaU
Trj
TraTpidt
et'j
diracTa iireSibov,
25 Kal taov iraaiv, Kadapuis awavTa Kal Tc TT]v pLeyiffTT/v
dpxV"
TerpdKis
''0
XP^^"- V" S.pX^'-" f"'
dtoiKuf
St/caiu)s
TXeioTaKts
—
d5eX06s, Toh S^ irpecr^vT^pois ws
TOis 5^ Traialv lis TraTTjp,
irdarj
virb
Tov pacTKavov Salpiovos
Tj]v
dpxv''t
p.ij
Imp. D.
Tr^crdai.
5
v(j)
{^)ivoi.,
5rjiJ.ov
Py(y)rrus Bithus Mil(ite.s).
Kal rds ir6Xfis,
wv
rbv QeoKXia XP^<^V (^Te
(TTCcpavbidiji'ai
Kal dvayopevdrivai inrb tov KTjpvKos, otl
17
^ovXtj Kal b 5^/ios
So Latyshev, hut he admits
Kal al 7r6X«s TCf TTap(TTiby)povvTijiv ^ivwv CTitpavoDaiv Geo-
KX^a SaTvpov vuktitt]v yevb/ncvov tuv irdaiv
8t.aepbi>T(i)v
Kal twv
TT)V
iinp.iXei.av
the possibility of air'
alGivos Trepl tuiv Koivri 1.
rrj irbX-Q
40 TOV eUbva ivotrXov TJs
po Imp. II Cos. ara Mercurio posu[e(runt)]
SiareXfo-as
(^cTf 67ri to6tols tovs TroXeiras Kal Toi/s ^evovs
ol
8r)fioaiq.
ev Tip yvpivairlip,
avTbs imrolTyro' Tb he
ov r^s KaTaaKev-
\l/T)
tovto avaypa^ij-
vaL els (TTTjXXriv XeVKbXidov Kal dvaTedrjvat ev T
padeiv TrdvTas rbv dvbpa wpbs dv5pe{la)v
ei}ToXp.ov Kal irpbs dperrjv
5i doKvov Kal
45 piov Kal wpos ^ivovs (piXdvOpuirov,
NN.
Ill et Philip-
iii6s,
d^iQcrai t€ ttjv t€ ^ovXifv Kal rbv
Olbia,
Philippo Aug.
bpt.bvoi.ai'
did Tb dd>Tjpija6ai tov wpotaTCiiTO'i rijs ir6Xea)s dfSpos XeXu-
35 iw(S-qp.ovv
4.
pp. 470, 478,
Pro salutem
fipxwi/
dperrj KeKo
d
No.
482.
toi.o6tuju
irdaav
,
cf.
re iavTbv irap^x'^"
fjpcp.bv
— Kadbri
X. p. 6,
A.D. 248,
TToXeiTevbp.ei'Oi, rots fiiv T/Xi/ciurats Trpo<7
30
BCA.
14-
re
rip^fv Kal UpaTelq. Kal aTaTi]yl(a)i.^ Kal XfiTovpylais dird]
lis
;
"EWTjvas (piXb^evov vdKTJ-
Xciais Kal KaTaa'Kev{a)'iS iveKOirlaijev ws
pLei/os
5
evvolg. Trj Kotvfi ir€-
ffTipaf Kal ivbo^oTipav Trjv irbXiv
dvbpwv
No.
;
t6 p-^Tpiov avTov Kal wepl rr^v wa-
vai rois TO. pLcydXa rijv iraTplSa tuxCiv eiepyeTijKbffLV, /Scias aiirbi
d
XVIII. p. 104,
Tovs Trpoybvovi tous iavroD, l(Tbp{p}oTroi' 5^ KaraaTrj-
[o"o]i fiev
aU
{a.)p-
TroXeiTui' re
iva.
TraTplda Si([5}el^aTo, us Kai
15 ^c Tf ijOei XPV'^'''V ""' pl
Sari/pou, d-
QeoK'S.rjs
Ik irpoybvdiv XafXirpSiv K(a)l ttoXXo.
Xats ird
JLivioiri].
5',
CKKXTjaias yevofj-ivTis
&pxovTe$ (Iwav 'E7r{e}i
oi
vrjp yevbjxevoi Trj
BeoxX^a
irepi
fiirr)yr)
iravS^p.ov, vovs,
tC>v
a 07) SpofMidvoi
fir)vo%
20
14.
'OX/iioTroXeiTai,
5 'Etti
lo
Olbia,
22.
I.
lo,
fj
Xiv ipiXelv Kal evepyeTe'iv Svvap.iv(i)v.
is
ir/)6(s) it
p,iv
TroXehas auTTj-
poT poirriv tuiv
ttjv
irb-
7
posui-
Py(y)rus
I5i-
thus Mil(es).
— Appe7idix Nos. losFE.
15.
IV.
Chersonese,
83.
cf.
15,
16.
'
C/ierso?iese
6+5
pp. 541,
544-
'
kvTifiluv
ToO
\M{i>vo%
|Sa
2)t(ix/a
Tou narpos WapOifui lepfvi
I'jTfp
iuiv.
r.**
losPE.
16.
cf.
IV.
Chersonese,
79.
v.
pp. 490, 516, 517, 540, 621.
Aia, rd>', "AXtoi', \\ap6lvov, [O]toi>s 'OXi'/uttIohs koX '0\i'^ir(as [K]a( TJpwas Stroi irt>\t.v koX xSipav
'OtxvOiti
I
KoX TfixV ix^"^^
Koi (\fvOfpias 7r6\fos
5i KaraXi/ffu) rav daixoKparlav ov15 5^ tCii irpoBiSovTi Kai KaraMovTi e-
ra
irdXif
dXXd
ai>yKpv\pC),
oi'di
e-
to
Kal TToX^/uios eVcroOyuot
'
7"ii;[t]
iwtpovXfvovTi Kai irpoSiSbvTi i) acf>ilo aravTi Xepadfaaof rj KepKii>'iTtv tj
KaXdv
Xifi^ya
rdc Xepffofaairav
'
Apiara Kai SiKaidraTO irdXei Kai TroXirats Kai rbv 2A2TH25 PA tCii Safiui 5(a0i'Xa^cS Kai ovk iKai
to.
j8otiXei'<7(i
tCiv airoppriTUD ovdiv oiVe TTOTi "EXXaca oOre irori /3d[p]fiapov, 8 fi^XXd Ta/j. 7r6Xtc fiXdirT€iv ovSi dwpeav dwcrCi ovdi 8eioCiiJ.a[i] 30 eV( ^Xdjiat iroXeos Kai ToXiTav ovdi ewi^ovXfvaQ &5ikov irpayfia ov6eX
vi
oiiBiv
TToXiTav Tuip.
Tu/J.
aTaKOTwv, ovdi
/xri
ov6iv ovBf^
35 W, dXX' eJa77eX[cD] Kai KpivCi i/'d[0a«] Kara. tov% vb/xovs
crvvui/xolai]-
oi'Si
'
av avvofiovfiai oCt€ Kara tov koi>'[o5] ToD XepaovacrtTai' ovre Kaia tCipl [to]Xirdi' ovbivbi, 6s ixr] dwo8i5nKT[ai.
40
Tr]oX^/iios tCjl fjio]
I'Joi'
d
Kai
evxal, etTj Kai
5i[
d
'
ddfiuii.
Tivt
rivi
5(
(Tvi/ltii-
KaraXiXafx/xai 8p[K0ii
a]Xv[(T]a/Jiif uc
e'yuoi
Kai toTs
fiiv
ifio'is,
d[/UC4€/j./x[i-
Kai d Tivd k[o v]oi>Ti 8e rd ivavria 45 a]vvwixo(Tlav aX(j[6]wtJLai iovaav [^ 717]'
i[^]a-)y(\u) to7s Oa./x[iopovdi
vofjiifay,
y^oU
50
'
y]iiyilJ.oi>
dnoSiiKTOv/xai oiidi ii[a]-
^Q dXXat
d7r6 tov irediov,
'
55
dXX'
[f/
7,(v Kai Vd Kai "AXie [Kai] IlapOive Kai Sioi 'OXy/xTrioi, i/j.fjLifo[v]eirj
iv
tovtoh Kai
ai''[Tiii]
Kai yivii Kai tois i^oU, ni) i/jL/xiflov]Ti 5^ KOKuJs Kai airrujt xai yiiiei Kai [rotj] i/jLoh,
Kai
aa Kapwbv
/J-rire
(pipoi
K]i>oTev firjTe
70
/xoi
6d[Xa(T]-
/irJTe
nrjTe yvv[aiKii fvre-
Oava
I
\-J
To -)Y®t Nlo Y'=)E NoY
.
rEF./\
AA NloYTEBAPBAP.'Vt A A AA AlAtYAA >; ATAlAA i-^/MTnlxEP Ion A S ITA t^o Y
A E^ATA A"i' ^ ATAr-)A A /noKPAT AtvioY lAPTAlPpoAl AoNTlKAIKATAAYoNTir 1
riTPE^AoYAE >: YrKPYt-O.A A A Af;
5 A r r ^ A AT
^!
<;
1
A Arf-niopr otx To«f: K A
iTAPoAlNKAlroArr^AjotE ^ CoYn-ArTA ^^Pl.'?-:^YAs-.Y0NT';cAirPoAlAoN-nHA4>| l5:TANT|X''CPi;oNAS;oNH!
kATOoYAEYJlATAAPlSLTAKAIAIKAIoXi nrAPoAEIkAIPPAlTAl?:i;AlTONlAS:TI>i
(PATAlAAnAjAlA|i
6APoNonCAAEITA/^P<^AlMRAAPTO!
oYAE A -nJ>E AN A A 1 A oYAE AE ToYM/ tPlBAARAlPoAFoCijAIPOAITANoYAe lEPBoYAEYJCAAAIKoNPPA'-MAoYoE *^^YoE^'TAAAPoA^TANTA/-^^'l.!
I
;TA«CcTA.NoYAF:TA!Er'r
a*C*
feffAAAEltArrE/^KAHePlNAt/^. IfeATAToYSINonoYioYAE lYrJ-n-^Ac j^NtYNomoY/'AAloYTEKATAToYKc :
'ANoYAEf^of.D f
rvHAPoAEAElKT
fV\CrMo?TA[AA/nAl£UxETlNi?; YNl Sw^JVMEITIr •'^ATA AEA A nrA AlopJ
YCAnENAIMENA/r EYXAIAJ NE4HKAE/^c >'AlToliE/-\olj:En/A|
ONTIAETAEN/
.-..KAIEITINAKjo*j£oYi,
YrJAJ^o£JANAI<^«
_' AATolJlAA/ Jor^Eh'Ar " :olz:oY&E ?:iToNAPoToYPEi^
AnnoN AP * A toYnAloYAEE UtAA A AlAPoToyPE A|o YA A Aj-j
tEP5;oNAS:oN2:EYI
^AfQENEKAl'^Ef'tO/ Y/
lAITENEIIeArTOItEryolSIr^HtnrA&rJj lUSkEJe AK A 5! ic AlAYTAlKAirENCIIc/ "
MJiKAinHTerA/nQUnHTEo^ AJC AP Po N«tEPo|«H 1
.
.
i
TAMOM->N'^!-1tn.YPEPi:."'.THr!A£ 'If AlF:AF:Y'^":n^?roAEo>:!cAlPoAl 'Al
:
ft's
X]epffbt'a(TOi'.
Ti fiifi fioi (V
AiHfAA5;os:ojr'5AiK^A;y..n.rAN rArrc:ixHc:xoNTiTAXtP5:'>N\£i
d
(TnfiouXiVQ[yTi
t(oi
[iiriTpe\pC) oC'Si
—
rrANXEPt^NArjTANKfMAAMloPrHK-O
rdxv '>Q' X^P"-" Kai Samopyqaw
to.
17
»^
sin/.
348,
^TAIHCNE r~\
10 Xas X'*'f 5 ^'' Xf/)(7o;'a(r(7-a( vifiovToi ^ iv^novTO oi'Offi oi'dip oi'fr6"EX\avi oiVf /SapjSdpoji, dXXd Oia^i'XafcD Tu)< ddyuut T(i[ XfpaocacriTd;', ot''-
(ayyeXQ roh daniopyots
Fig.
,;
|*.A£:XAPA>:ANXF:P?:oNA>:iTAlNEM'3hi
KoJ oil irpoSuxrCi \epa6vaaov ovdi KfpKivtTiv ovSi Ka\6y \ifiiva ovSi raWa rdxv aide rat dX-
Toi'
in.Tp(\pij3
'
^
/sYAtTKEtlKIMITlNnYAEkAAoNAlME NAnr-^GT/spA A ate»
ttoXi-
*.ai
—
rot4 'TAMWAhYr'P"A."li:r>.xr.PC-'NAJ:<:
Xf/30'OI'a(Tt-
'"'^
1.
">f-\NY/XAlArANA
i'~r--ir\HTi
Flo. 348.
The Chersoncsan Oath.
.
Appe72dix
64.6 TosPE.
17.
Chersonese,
195.
I.
17
Nos,
—
18".
Chersonese
pp. 388, 495, 517, 540, 541.
cf.
—8
i
are in wreaths.
B.
A.
6 Sa/Aos 'XyacrLKkrj KT')7[crta].
Tav
Tav
fxlvui.
[iro'ria-avTi (?)]
5 [5a/ttiop7]i?-
[iepaT]e6-
yvfivaac-
8 ayopavo'
r)(TavTi.
Tav ayop-
[(r}avTi..
[a^avTi.
apxh<^avTi
lxfi[^aa'\vTi
4
3
6{o\pl[^]avTt
toO
iiri
TreSlov
Kal KaraffKCva^avTt.
atiirf\ela.v.
No.
18".
BCJ.
XLV.
p. 23,
No.
Chersonese,
I.
['A^a^St
I
eXirav
Tav avTov
[/card t6 Siu'aroi',
e/u/i^yocrjos ev
[s
re ttotI
tt/)v
'
ev^opKod(n /xiv aixtv ev
5 [ffoiTos"
/3o(ri\fi/oj'Tos
'
d[yti^]-
5
[Kayadiav
—"OpKoi,
Tai
(piXJiKai Kal i
y2eyevvafiiv[o]i TroXelTas dpiara aeirpdacruv
[
15
wap' avrbv Mdrpios
TrapaK€ifj.evoi
oi
\ipabvqaov
^Tri
vrjaiTwv X'^P^"
KaXQvTal
/jlc,
10 [x^ti'
/cat
T"? l3ov\(}
TpbiTiv,
?)
')
'OXtiyUTri'ous
Kal
5d/xw iiraiveaai
t](jJ
/J.ev
Ar]fj.T]]Tpiov
tt)v
irdvTai
inl tovtols
Kal TToXi-
^dp^apoi aTpanvuxriv
avTu Te
dffvXel d<7]7ro<'5ei
[/xiai
Kal eKybvois avTov Kal
KpaTovfiiviqv vtrb X€p(^o-
avToh, Ka9ws &v
ovSe (TTpaTevffiij 6ri
avTiji irpo^e-
(awXavv Te koI IkttXovv ev eipdvai
TToXfiTe^oi'],
Iviav,
'ApaKXeuiTUV, Sb/xev Si
5td Tray-
Xpd/xa-
dSiKdaiv XepcTOvrjfflTas, Kal iin-
por)67i
10 SttXo ivavTia
fi
fioi
eirl
Kai-
ovSiva
,
I
5
ovSc irpd^oo
To
ots TJtDc d(rTw[v] /xiTeffTtv, [(pa]/j.ev
5^ \pd<(>i(Tixa tovto
XevKoXidov ardXai. Kal dip-ev iv
aKpoirbXios
[tJSs
TaOr'
Tbirui.
25
Kara to
SvvaTbv, ifxp.(vbvTwv ev
irpbs e-
/ie
(piKiai
ttji.
^ovXdi,
^So^e
icTKOv, fxavbs
20 'AttIvov.
evopKovvTi /xev ev
vavTla.
Sta^vXacrffbv-
30 tQi
e'iri,
(TTuivos
jx-qvbs
7]',
ypa/xiiaTevovTos 'AplcrToivols]
0ea ^aaiXiaaa
ToO AyeTrbXeui irpwTos apx'^v,
Tiijdoi
'
ov 'A7e7r6Xea)s,
25 'A7^7roXts
ej356yuwt Kal irevTrjKOffTwt Kal e/caroiTTwt
Irei,
ApaKXeiov
'Api<7TUvos, T. Xdoi/ios UvBoSotos vibs 4>Xaovl-
iiriopKovvTi de rd-
'0 5^ opKO^ ovros (jvveTe\i(Tdri iv
'
"E,payl(ravTO a' (TTixdii.'
YVapdivos, T. 'I'Xdoiiios 'AplcTTiav vlbi 'i'Xaovlov 'Api-
Tu>v Kal fiTjSev dvTlov auTois irpacrabv-
Twv.
Sdfi(ji
oiVas llapdevov, ireos pvS', iepiwi 5i Xp-qo'Tiuvos tov Bo-
Kal Tbv avTbv SpKov b/xocrdvTOiv,
Tr)v Te irpbs 'Vufialovs ipcXlav
dvaypa-
t^. iirurap.0TdTif)
Pa
TOV Xepcrovr]cnTQv, dXXd cvv-
Srjfj.ov
Sia
Toh
tC0l5[T-
Xepaovrjaov, ovSc
Xe pffovriffiTais
/xerox^dv Te irdvTwv twv iv t^ irbXei, uv Kal
[cri,
KaTo. XeptTovrjcnTwv 6 jti^XXei fiXdirreiv
TOV
At' 6
Aia-
'H/3aKXe[i]-
Kal ovK dTri^ovXeiaoi Xtpaovqairai^ KaT
p&s,
(rv/iipypovTa ap.eiv SiaTeXet.
to,
5e56-
HpoSdTov tov 'H po-
Kal Sc
Tav KaXo-
Tri(t>ave\^v
6v w/xoae /SauiXei'ij 'PapvdKrjs
'Ofivvw Aia, Tijv, "HXiov, deov'S
t6j,
]as e(
evSe'iKvly-
iwiopKoO-
[ •
ApaKXeuiTa!
AiroWoSJipov tov 'Hpoyfl-
TrpefffievffdvTbiv 01'
'
(Te/ivQi Kexlpa/x^vos adei
Kal vvv ttotI TravTas tovs iroXfirJas d7d7ra[c] yvaulav
'HpaKXeiov Tr(VTeKaiSeKdTa[i],
Tou, ypafM/xaTevovTOi
Kal irdaai-
Tai Tai'piKa[i
ttotI
A]»)/Lti;Tpioy
irp6.a-
€ir],
Anno
Ti'/xoi].
Aia
ETrciS?)
6 Si SpKos ovros cvvcTe-
Si TO. i]vavria.
[\i](T8rj /j,r)v6s
lo 56tov.
avToh
140
p.
540—542,546.
pp. 522,
XepaovaciTa\v ra{c)
[wpbrepbv re
5ia(pv\d(T-
Poj/xjaions (f>iKlav
[' ivavriov
[
j3acr]iXei'[a>']
Ta? nod'
cf.
Mar. 1907,
Chersonese,
314.
cf.
dXXd]
[(TvvSiav\a^oDfiev
[a-TpaTay]r)\l(r]avTi.
Jourii. Mill. Piihl. Instr.
\X\.pbeSpoL
I
Latyshev supplies
5.
= no»'TiKa, p. 154 = A.D. 179,
Ed. R. Loper.
pp. 516, 518, 540, 590. [
7
[au]
tppov[pa\v
17^
6
Te^X""'*'"
2
,
daayqaa-
dIos
EipiSapios AioiTKOvpiSov, T. 4>Xdoi'io[s]
^Xaoviov
'
ApiffTcivo!, T. Xdowos Ilapde-
vokXtjs vlbs Xaoi;^ou [II]a[/)^e]i'o[/fX^ou]s'
Aaicriov, KadLii jSacrtXeus apvdK[ris]
ATroXXwviSoi^, A-qixoKpdr-qs BoiV/con,
cros
)3' (XtIxi^i-'
'A-
Aioyivovs, 'Ep/j.okXtjs 'AiroXXuvlov, ^iXbfj.ov-
drjvai.os
BoifcTKOi^,
Hpo^evos
'AplaTuv AvTiXbxov, TIovtikos' l\X~\dpov, '
TirjOot
30 YlvdoSbrov y' (TTlx(^t' Qeayivrji Aioyivovs apx(JV,'Api(TTuv AttoXXuvISov dpxuv, "Hpaioi Xri/xaTivov dpxoiv, TlaTi[p]o}v 'A(TKXr)in.d5ov
18.
IpsPE.
I.
185, see next page.
/J.WV
dpxuv,
TiTJdiv^os
'
AiroXXoiviov vb-
(pvXa^, llv065{o})pos Xp-qffTiojvos vb/xaiv
IxokXtis
Aayopelvov vb/xuv
Aa-
vXa^, 'M.T}TpbSuipos AiOffKOV-
35 pibov TTpbStKoi Kalbypa/j./xaTevsTrji jiovXlfjsl'ApicrTdiv'ATrlvov. 1.
l6.
Latyshev ardXal?] but
cf.
BCA.
xi.v. p. 52,
No.
6.
Appendix No.
losPE.
18.
Chersonese,
185.
I.
540—542,
pp.
cf.
18.
C/icrsonesc
121,
119,
647
496—498, 518—520,
388, 46.3, 490, 491,
582.
546,
I.
I
6 hiiva
]i0o[i' fJfTrai''
eCifpyiras d/niic
7n(TTf[ii]6^ifcos
f'Juii',
ayaOov
5i]d iravT&i
[ropos,
5 [^a(T]i\(a irpoTpcrdnevos'
llaXiKov
eworiaaTO'
[
[Tojld/ievos iv xp[f]'"'' [r(3]i'
iiroriffe
10 [
A(60aKro; KaK\ain\ohilipo\< '
irapaKXrtOfU
^Kvdav
Si toO
''<"'"
5'i''7r'ai''To[P
xai t]Ai' tot!
Mit^paSdrof EuTOTopa rpAjratoi'
(SatrtX^a
iror\a6.p.evo%
dXltjii
XP^'''^'-
[^oirJiXfr "Slidpaidrai Ei'TrdTopf ijdr]
(Is
Tpi\j/6.ix(yo%
toWoO, Tapa-
6i trapoiKoOcra; Toi/poi't r-
toi'»s
•
irpwrof dir'au-
tovs Kara ttSawopof rbrovs
ds pAaav rdv
i'oh 6
ex<«i[/)]t-
Tors KaO'dixi Tbtrovs [e]T^-
«ts
'^Kvffiav irporjXOf
wapaSbmrui' Si
•
ivxapKnCiv (Tipauf Tois Kadr^Kovaais
Sdp.os
Tas twv ^appdpuv (iriKpaTeias.
[oOJtois ddialav eKipavij KaTaaraaavToiv Kal tov [yiJ.]aTa (is fxeTa^oXdv
di
to wipav Sidpa-
tls
Xa/Saious Kal 'Siav irbXtP, ax^Sbv wdi/Tas i'lraKoovs ai'vifia yfv[i\(rOai.
TO. /SairiXeia
15 [lis] diroXeXv/jLevos
iroXf/ioi'
iiri^dKdvToi pura. tx^ov
^KvHas
Tpdffiv eiriTeX^aai irdXtv
[aT^p(\pe Kal TrapaXafiCov tovs iv dKp.S.i tCov ttoXitSlv
^KvOau
i;[K]i'Was
di'affTOirat
rbwov avvoiKl^as,
Kal irbXiv ewi tov
Kal TToXXds Kal /xeydXai iv
[ai)T]
(Ifitu
(iaaMos MtllpaSalTa] Krird-
aTparoiriSip rav
rCit
/3a(rtXc(o; ai((>i>iSiuf
avviroardTOVi doKovvras
I'lro
T]d ((d.WcffTO xaJ tVJoJoraTa tAk
«jr[i
a]fui>i',
dMU", (Trdi'Spws vavri
7r6\(c
'Zwuirti<% <\i{\o% (/i
5^ [xal Ti^ci^uffoj oi»]Wei'As ijao-ov
Trapairioi yivfrai [(Kaarut
ir]apa7f;'6/ue)'Oj ets rdi*
[(cai
'K7r[€t5T)
dyaybvTUv,
ahias
Si'as
p.ii>
Tiiv 5^
^KvOav Tay
fiaaiXiios dwoardvTijiv,
jia
ai/Tov Tifials,
(pLipvTov
Si irpd-
to.
yiidpaSdTa tJvirdTopos ^ibipavTov
[jrdjXtv iKiri\jj.'\\j/avTos /xcto. aTpaTowiSov, Kalirep tov xaipoO avyKXelovTos (Is x*'M'^''''i ^"i-
[(pa^vTOs dva\a^L)v to<)s idiovs Kal
20 [to
fi]a(TLX(ta tCiv 'S.Kvddv,
\jiiv]
tQv ttoXitSv tovs SwaTurdrovs dpfiaae
KoiXvdds Si Sid
iXd^(To Kal rd TeixVt
tow
5^ rby
Xf'Mi«'»'<»Si
KaXbv
(iri
iir'airra
p.iv
ewl rd irapa$aXd
Xt/idva KaToiKoCyras woXtopK etv
(W(^dX(To'
IloXd-
In Si wpomaTovaa
[kov] Si (rvi'[(]py(ii' tov Kaipbv iavTuii vo/ii^ovtos Kal ffwayaybi/Tos tovs iSlovs wdvTas, [Kal T]b tCiv '\.^(v^ivaXwv Idvos avv(wi
Kal totc crvfiirapovaa AiotpavTiiit, irpoeadnavt /xiv rdv ixeXXovaav yiv(a0ai vpa^iv
\\\ap'\divos,
25 [5id Tjlif
[Suf
(i>
Twi
l(pGii
yevofxivuv aafxdwy, Bdpaos Si Kal TbXp.av
[rot Eun-Jdropt KaXbv Kal fivdnas a^iov (is irdvTa Tbv xp^i">v
[Sds
ii>(iroirj
A]i.o
iauid^)],
tQiv Si
iiririiav
ov iroXXol Siiipvyov
aK]pov tov tapos
[tS (TTpaTbireSov,
yap
}>\id[p\aSd-
TefcDv iJTOi tis
apybv wapds,
oiiSifa Si XP^"""
Xafiaiovs K[a]l N^[oi'
(irl
Tajc fiiy
wavrl Twt (TT[pa]Towi
^aaCXu
iXSuiv iravTl [tui /3o]p[ft
ir]4Xt»'
II.
30
](r
.
u
]
TdJi
.
.
rd
Eft re roi'S koto Kbawopov tovovs
(v(O)ti'a
KaXws Kal
Tuv wepl XavnaKov '^Kvdav
Tws
v((OT(pi^a.vTiiii>
35 (TiXia Hoairbpov llatptadSav dv(XbvTuv, kIvSvvov
(wipa
ixfvos [5f]
fj-iv
[t]ovs Si Xoiwovs '^KvSas w(pl tC'V Kad' iavTO
fiovXaJaaadai.
ffdfievos Kal
woTf TOVS
i[
jxiv
ewl tS diroaTaXiv
*"' [(faraora]-
x'^P'<''[^'']5
^afftXd 'SUOpaSdrai
Ei''Tr[dropiJ,
xal tov p.iv (KOpi^avra ain-bv [jSa]-
avriJiii
iir'
S'
iirt^ovX(v(rdvTwv,
Sia
avTov virb twv woXiTav wXoXov, irapa[7fi'6]-
Kal wapaKoXiffas tovs ttoXi'toj, cvvepybv rpbdv/iov Ix'^"
'''^''
ii[airo]-
(TTiXXovTa [3]a(TiXia 'yi[i]dpaSdTav KviraTopa, waprjv ix*^" ^Kpov tov lapos [
40 KTovs
(/J-
TrXr]pJip.aai Tpiei,
bp/xadds (k tSs 7r6Xeos
tQv woXiTav
a/jt-uv
[fj]
irapaXafiL)i>
wapiXa^e]
iiriXi-
ov-
-
Appendix Nos.
648
losPE.
18.
roiii
di airlovs ras eTravacrTcureo^i']
ycyovoTa ^aaiXfOS
Tifiuprjaafiffos Kal 2at»/taK0J' tov avrbx^i-p"-
aaSa
TiaipL-
vvox^^pi-ov f(S rav ^aaCKelav e^airiaTeCKe, to. Si irpdy/iara [a]-
Xa/Jojv
Midpaddrai HvwaTOpi.
veKT[a](TaTO ^aaiXei
awocmX-
Tats re irpea^dai^ tcus
tov Sd/xov (jvvipyCiv eh wdv rb
Xo/i^i'ots inro
45
Chersonese
19.
185 (contd).
I.
Qeodoaiav Kai TlavTiKciiraiov,
fjiv
18,
vovv iavrbv kou (pCKbrifiov irapexerai.
eavToD T[ai} KadrjKovaa'i
aivriTai.
"Ottws ovr Kai 6
XSt Kal Twi Sdixwi areipavwaai ^ib(f>avTOv
'
SS.fJ.Oi
rots evepy^rats
SeSbxOai rdi
x^pi-Ta! airoSiSoui,
fiov-
A(TK\aTrioSd)pov xp'"''^'*" cre^d-
cwt \lap9eveiot! iv rdi irofnrdi, to dvdyye\p.a iroiovp.ivwv rwv avfj.p.vafj.buwv
50 "
O
5ayU0S avTov
as Ta[s]
avTov"'
fi's
(rradrj/xei'
'
Ka KXair toSihpov
5e
avTov Kal
dperds evcKa Kal
"Zivoiirea
e'lKbva
xoXxeac IvoirXov
Xe[i] irapd rbv rds YlapB^voii jSw/j-bv Kal rbv rfij Xepcrovdcrov,
X[^s] yeviaOai. rois ewLyeypafXfxevoi.% dpxovai,
biruis
eh rdv
irepl
•
eiii>o[i]-
ev rai dKpoirb-
Sk tovtoiv eVi/ie-
Tdxi(TTa Kai KdX\i
bri.
/Sdfrte
rov dvSpidvTos, to Se
55 TaOra yevbfievov dmXu/ia Sb/xev tovs Ta/xias tQv iepwv.
TaCr' ?5o^e ^oi;X[ai]
yl^^vTjTai
Kai
dvaypd\j/ai Si Kai rb ipdcptffixa
•
firjvbi
[5]a/i(«>t
ei's
AiOfvaiov eVveaKatSeKarai, /SaatXet/oi'TOS 'A7e'Xa tov A[a]-
yopivov, 7rpoaL
18^
AOavaiov.
'
WovTiKOL, p. 314, see p. 646.
losPE.
19.
I.
199.
Chersonese,
cf.
pp. 295, 524, 540
— 542,
605.
^hpi(TTOiva 'Arrtra tov (ftiXoTTaTpiv.
5 Trpea-
Trpe
pevaavra
jievofTa iiirep
tSs
e-
\ev8epias tI
iro-
tov 6ebv
^aaTbv
'Ze-
irpobLKT)-
VOfiO(j)V-
Safiiop-
aavTa.
XaKrjaav-
yqaavTa
Ta.
Ka\us.
e^a-
TTOTi jSatrt-
4
3
Xea
'Poi|U7)rd[X]-
Kav
irepi
/xaxia^ Ka[i]
eTiav Kai d-
eiTLTeTe v-
TTOKajxbv-
xbTa
TO.
8 6 iepa-
fievaavTa
bioiK-qaav-
ra Kai
Tevcrav-
Ta
IT pea
7
(puri-
aavra XPV-
KaXciJs
Kai Ubvi
fxara Tai
XaXKia
TrbXei.
ttotI
a
Pa
Poi/xi/rdX-
Kau TO SevTepov Kai
eiri-
TeTevx^Ta.
I
20.
— 10
losPE.
Kri
are in wreaths.
IV.
71, see p. 650.
[i]irbr](Te.
9 Sa/xtop-
y-qaavTa Kai eiKbvi reX^[ai].
7roXflT£Ub^fievov Xciis.
Ka-
Appe7iclix No. losPE.
21.
Chersonese
81.
IV.
Mat.
(cf.
21.
Cherso?iese 185 a.d.,
ix. p. 39).
cf.
p.
649
525
I.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
ov\ . oit (vd .
.
.
.
.
vpoipdaii toOtojv
ixi)
T^9 auJroKparopiK^j avTiypa<(>ri%
TTpoTtOrivai Srinoaif, OJruit .
.
.
.
OTTuis .
.
[rasNra] Ei'TI';^ .... awtppo }]avvrii Koi Koa[ni6Tr)To% ? ATftW](f) Upttiuavip xu\i.dpx\l k[ixI Ova\fpitf> Maji>i<^ .
,
.
.
.
ira.
.
.
.
.
ncaJ
t^i tC>[v
ipavepal el[tv
toutuv lart 5rt oviiv
ypa]p.tid.Twv Kal ix
if'
h
vt(i>Tfpi
II. irpbi p.e aireaTdXart of tA avTlypaipoii uiroTayfjvai iK[^. Upfiniav(p xf'^«ipX3 *"' Ova\fpi
10
^]i)i/)i(TMa
Xeuffa
,
'Ar]ft\iif)
[
•
III.
-GG ypa.p.txa.ai
/3a
Kal
virofit>rip.a
viardovm
Tov ji\ov% Tov vopviKov
]"
\\iapx'^>'
vTraTtKwv Kal apttpip-viav
iro\Xi7i'
iro]\(iTtK^? iinT(ip.iai (xop-^i"Jy Kal i] twv Kal 17 T{i>v aTro(pr]vauii'ij>v Tia
TTji
15 [i/oO(rSat ?
J(
ra
avoi.
(Oappovfitv
x"^X""
^aaiXivdyTuf iKvpuatv nera toO /iijSif tiriKot-
5Uaia" f'lrfi Se TrapaKfiyeiv to oCrws dat)>a\uii opiaOivra oh KwXi'oiToi dhlKWi Koi /3tatu»5 rti'd ir/)(irTo>'T«5, dWd Kal
rifierepa
ol
vvv
iip'
Si'
iv-
T7)]i'
JO
d^iijxnv ipavfpdv
^wl ak imroiTimda rbv fvipr^tTi\v rrju d(7d\(iav tt)v tuv biSuiprinivijiv Kal tiZv kh Kpinivuv iiwipdeaiv Si rijs p.rjvvv ^yuas ovStfii-
T]p.(iv
a[s]
iroiiiaai
KaT'dpxd% vwo t^s arji X<"'' ^TfiSij Kal rd^w rainrfv IXaftfn dirb twv Suprjaa-
\av
]e(rSai
ir]fpl
Trjii
J5 viraTiKuv
\tuv
Kal
ttjv
dir6
ri^i'
TTtpl roiiTov d'ro(pr)i'a(Tlfai K(\evTa xf-^'o-PX"" 'ffpiopKrOevKr]Stn6va a( yf.visp.ivov
[fikfuv
yvJinrj]!'
[t
]
[xat
30 [to xp'O'^^f^o"
'f'''
V^
((''xo^^voij v\da
GG
IV. Kal
[a>'
[l^effdat
dXXois
p-riTe
iripl
tovs
irpovodv p-yiT^ inrrip]eTOVVTas viripfiaivnv rbv irepiyiypappivov Spov.
roO iropvLKov reXJoKj
ijiietv
ii7roTaY^''ti4
tKiXevffa
TtVo iiriaTiCKa '\T(i\ii^ Wptipivapd Tk StSoyneva fcoxXi-
('P-di
GG
V. [Ut
scias
quae
sint
milituni ajgcnlium in vexillalione Chersonessitana d(e)capilulo Icnocini quod su[btibt exemjplum sententiae Arri Alcibiadis tunc tril)(uni) pracpositi ciusdem vexill[aJus tarn inlcnlioiieni eius quam inanifeste dcterminatani partem ad ius p[cr ] et quoniam idem Alcibiadcs videri nun (po}potest su(l)) tempus v(e)ntu[rum ? recupejrandac vccligalis
ofTicia iiiisi
35 tionis
tinentem
forma
cii
40
eandem?
est,
vectigalis] quan(tita|tem et circa discipulina(e) ratione{m) et observare et ol)tin[ere exemplum aperta manu scriptum unde de piano recte legi possit luxla
eius sententiae?]
projposituni esse cura.
VI. ]rio
E(xemplum) e(pistulae). Quid scripserim Atilio I'rimiano commilitonum, quod ad me (e)idem triliunus propter capittdum
tr[ib.
le[no-
slecunduni forma n sententiae Arri .Mcibiadis tunc trib(uni) dictae om us discipulinam vcl cum iniuria aut contumelia p.aganorum commit
cini
4;
.
.
.
.
.
VII. E(xemplum) gnoscetis ex
modi
iis
quae
inquisitionis milites
tionis
50 [irpoeTeOr] sine [' Eirpia^tvov }
M.
di-f ordSij ?]
e(pistulae).
Quid ad decrelum Chersonessitanorum rescripserim c[orursum admoneo caveatis, ne sub obtentu h[uius
]es sul)ici praecepi et
ordinatajm iam pridem piacitam ac cust(o)ditam cura dispendio vestrae exsist[imai]nquietent vel innovare quid temptent. iwl dpx^vTuv Tujv irepJ M(dpKoi') \vp(ri\ioy) Baffi\(i5iav6v T.] 4>X(doi/tos) 'AplaTuv Kal OvaX^pios Fepnavbi.
'
.Wi^avSpov.
82
'
.
Appendix Nos. 20
650
—
Chersonese
24.
losPE.
22.
Chersonese,
464.
IV.
cf.
pp. 504,
532-
losPE. 199, see
19.
p.
648. I
Twv AecriroTwv
['EjTrei'
twv
ijnuiv,
iojvv.'^
A{v}yov\a'}TOv twv dveiKfi
TWV K^
losPE.
20.
Chersonese,
71.
IV.
Fragment
541.
b^
BCA.
pp. 524,
cf.
K€ 'ApKadiov Kai
Iffov
xxiii. p. 57.
KafxbvTOf
tQv 'A7a^ai
I
tvxo-'to.
5 tSs dyuer^/)as
oiKeioii.
irddei
iwoauaPTO
cruiTripias
TiSa iraffai awovSai Kal Trdc^i (ceXpOjii^voi
ASpiai'dv
'
So Shestakov, op.
(ppof-
ttotI
2
aliovliiiv
*
om. Lat.
5
Lat..
S^nrorav AvTOKparopa TtToc
^
\apiwv.
''
om. Lat.
Ai'Xt[oi']
ev ovdevi oXiywpri-
a/j.^s
23.
Christ.
/;wi:r.
Chersonese, a.d. 487-8,
7.
rds re Belai airoKplaei^ Kai rdj
I
pp. 504, 521, 532.
\
Kfffap Tjtjvwv
Ai)TOKpdTiiip
rpoTTCoOxos /J-^yiaTos
dd(\)\ovs irodaaudai. th to cpave(fyCKoTijxriaaixfvy)
avTij>v
!ra
v[to%.
tov [^e]-
'Mefeaffeos Kai Ilp6K\ov M^/iCovos 5ia7r£[c]-
pav
[Tri%'\*
n. 3.
7,
Lat. virip,
dvdpQi' dirKTa/jLOTdTuv 'Hpa/f\ei5ou
\(/dfievoi
c. p.
1
ev/xevadelffas fvepytala.% rj^luxrav
15
to Tlxioi)
tou [fiJeyaXo-
Vlvdr)pl..ov
i/wip
cf. 81'
oiK[o]Soixy]6T}
AvToiveivoi' iKeTevcrovcrai' i^e-
10 TTivipav inrkp (TavTci,
8i"\
(f>L\o(TTopyig,
yvaciui irpta^tiav re
bv afj-Qv Kal '
Tav
BtroD Tpi.poo{vov) Kai
[TrpiTre(7TdT0v KO/u.-qTos'^?}
Tav-
piKai elTav' 'ETreiSri toI evae^iaTaroi. na-
T^pes 'Hpa/cXeuSrai
'i'X.
ix-/fxo-vi(KCov)
X[e/3]cro('o[s''
n[p6]€5poi XepffOvao'tiToiv rav ttotI
e
5 TTci TTJS TTpd^eUi TOV TTOjXd
Tav KaXoKayaSiav yepecrdai,
rats irpiTrovaais
adai KaQaKov
\_^ov\q. K^al T(2i
d 5e86x6at
5d|Ua)t inaLviffai p.iv eiri
20 Tav irp6}yovov dlfiuv iv T(^ Il6vT(j} ?
5t'
.
.
.
.
.
t
djxi'f^a-
d/j.0LJ3a7s
e\j/a(pLcrdiJ.(da'
d/ue[s]
7r6]Xn' Kai
Tq,
rj
avTwv
5 TToXi,
ibwp-qaaTo
ybiieva
toi/tw[s
evcripia,
x/'W^''"'^''
toO irpaKTiov
e/c
•
56(ri!',
(l>r)/j.l
e[v]
(is
Kal iv TavTrj
irdaais raTs irbXtaiv,
('i/c[»/T7)s]t
ei)(re[(3]T)S
d6icre';8a(7Tos
ttj
airrou
rd avva-
t
tou ivrauda
^LKapdTov tQv Kadoaiwuivuv paWia-
TrpdT[av
Tpaploiv
5t'
dvaveouvT€[i] Ta tixv irpos
djv
.
cruT-qpiav ttjs avTrjs 7r6Xecos Kal evxapta-
10 TovvT€S dvedrjKa/Kv rode to tLt\ov iJ.vr]/x6(Tvvov
ets
ddSiov
aoTuiv
ttjs
T(3a(riX(asT I
T.
[
^XdovLo?
[^•ov 6
[
[0 W05
I'ios
vibi "tXaouioii]
5 [piSas.
'
'
T.]
*Xdowos
:
Itovs:
0i/3'
KbfjL{rjTos)
ev iv8{LKTcuvL) la'T
•
'
'
Arwas
Tdios'IovXios
/nscr.
24.
8elvayiov\iov apx(tiv MdpKos OOXttios
Christ. 8.
Chersonese, a.d. 1059
pp. 504, 532.
cf.
'HpaK]\ei5r)s Qeayeviwvos dpxijov BoiV-
[
•
10 [kos [
15 TAioytvov
llap6evoK\TJs
Ai/U'(X)tai'6s 6
5^ b irvpyos outos irpd-
tov ix€ya\oTrp[iTTeaTdTov)
TTOVTO'i-
'
^Xaoviov IIapd€voK\^ovs7 cm'xojj y'
[
T' Avevewdr)
AiroWwvloxi ^loctkov-
ATToXXJoi^'ios ' AplffTwvos
['AplffTiovo^? [vibs
^\]aoviov EvpvSd-
'AJttoWwvws ZriOov 5eri'a XjpTjcTTiwcos T. ^Xd-
]•
6
Ndywf KaXXttrrpaTOD 'PoO0osN
I
bdva^ "Airna' 'lovXiavbs 'AkvXov &px<^v
T'E7eVwi'Tw ai \onral
Kai
6 ypa/j.p.]aTevs
ttjs
(SouXijs
ueydXov
T. ^\. 'A7e'7roX[is].
5
TH
ai iropTai tov TrpaiTopiov
iveK(vT)(jdT}(jav Kai
ffibrjpai,
tS KaaTps
/3a
K0/JI.VTJV&
ij
eiri 'l(TaKiov
Koi avTWKpdToipo{s)
AiKaTfplvrjS
TTJs
Aiys
21.
losPE.
ly
'ZovyS{aLas) T«'AXtdT(oii),
'lv5{i.KTL
IV.
81, see p. 649. I
stone.
(/?',
FoitJi4(uv)
evdf^eaTdTTjs »f
S'paTrjyoD Xep-
iJ.-q(vos)
'
Airpi.[\\iov'\
iT(ovs) ,S"0^fT.
have only put the accents that are present on the
Appe?i(lix Nos. 25.
BCA.
A
X.
63, No. 66.
]).
Kerch,
B
front of slab.
cf. p.
25
—
626.
O:^
Si^/Kut
poeC/xwt OTov Sw 6 XXfii/
20
'A^7;i'a/u>i'-
V
'
iJ[ir]7jp(T7)(rf(c
[^7r]f[(|5ij
[rd]! Su\p(id]s 5iS6a
5(
5-
Aci/KU-
(coi
Koi (TTt(p[avow'\ XP"<"^^ ffTC
vt
25 valoit To[ii fc€7]dXots dwi iKdTtp[o]i"
lo3H--lAlll>3AA
\lVKIJV ISo-
WtupiadSei rdt
[x]ai
L-T]at/)T](5[«,]a;i
upcids ds [6 5^/x]os fSuKc ioTi/put
C round edge. TAVI 01:? EMTVX/^N T/^HO
iroi-
toO S^hov to-
keT)Va.l0i{% dVjTTf/J i:[dT]l{/)]oS KOX
aav, (Ivai
ir-
xai dira77[^l-
toDto
fin
7r[p^(r(^]6(s,
oOi'Tts oi)5£cd[5] dTiix^o'[o]i'(TU'
2:inooii
KaOdirip 6
[a]l[T]oii,
J[^7)]ra[<],
Srjfi[oi]
ai)To[(]j To[y]5
<'ir[a7]-
'AOrifaluy ^ir(/i[(\]-
[t]uI»
T^s ^K[v]onirijf toO
j)
Kal Tlai-
i:jrd/)r[o]«toi'
dfSptt [d]ya[e]ol Kal
iroTTjp aiViDi' ^»-f/neXf([T]o [«a]i
-O-A-A-O-
]]rcak.
on dalv
7AXoi'Toi Twi 15
^iraivfi
'Affyji'altoi'
picrdSijy
VPOKEI TAIAA/HP
AA^
6
(tot
back.
TIT^^IA
651
28 (contd).
rHAAA TYX
Bosporus
28.
SpaxptCn'
x'^''^''
[Troit]iaOai Si rovi aretpdvovi to-
dSXofl^[TOj] Twt wporiptai (th WavaOriva-
i)s
luv tQiv ix(y\dX]i,n> Kara t&
toO
\p-q
S^/jlov
t6 irpdrepov i\pTi(Piaixivov AivKuiin Kal dva-
losPE.
26.
Taman
343.
II.
Leucon
L. Tsukur.
I,
Peninsula
near
30 yopivnv,
cf pp. 573, 576,
oTt avot 6
hv drj/xov rbv
35
OypaftJ)! 'A7raTOi'po(i')
'
40
dB\od(Tai%
ts
losPE.
570
128,
pp.
Bosporus.
6.
II.
n. 4,
Leucon
I,
cf
tK tC>v eh Ta Atard
576, 577,
Sripwi ne[pit^]op.dvu>v
45 d^ai '
Xir oXKtavi '\T]TpCoi
{C/Ati.
IV.
Piraeus.
50
ii.)
109/-';
01. 108. 2
=
Ditt. B.C.
Syli.-
2uJ
ei's
55 &]v
YlaLpLcrdBrjL,
5 a]t>elas,
ov
60
QifuaTOKKiovi S.p[x\ovTo\i\ Alyrjidoi dyd6[ri]i wpv[Ttil
Ai'
'Axa]/)[>']f!''S
2a;(rt5^[/i-
10
s
(faJ
0!
^wdpTOKos
7rp^
77A\oii(rii',
oi
T[f]-
r;KoiT[f]s T[a]/)' ai;T(Si' d7r[a]-
5ti 6 [5^]-
tUv
x/"7M
toU AevKuvo!
[6-
6[7ra;j
xP'?Ma'''<"it rovs TrpoiS[povi twi.
[ttji
S'fip.uii
wpCiTov /xeTa Ta lepd, o[?ru5 d-
v] dTro\a[fi]6vTei
Ta xpif-o^^a
TM
'AOrivaluv
a]s dj aiTovai
s
^[ai] na'/)[t<7d5i/]-
awoi(pl[i>]a(T6at oi)[T]ot[s],
wepl Si tu>v
"
Tois Traiffl
XwdpTOKOs Kal
7rp[^]
fiovXrjs'
65 vTai
Toi'S
pii)
oPs 5"
Uaipt(r[d5rii,
dc Xdfiuiaiv di*
Tiai
ypafifia[Tei t^]-
dwoypdxpwcnv,
dyaObv S
iralSai Tout AevKwvot.
to
a]ddvep AvSpoTluv, aTeipavCiaa^i \u)vtov tSv
t-
diroypdypai Ta dv6pia[Ta rdv
o]i TipLOKpdTovs Kpiuievi elire'
iyKaXuiali tui]
Sovvai S[i to]? inrri[ptal-
•
T[eT]ayfj.ivwi woiovvTas
'AfSporio)!' "AyS/joj^oj TapyriT[Ti\oi [(]l'ir[(]f
iiriaTiCKe
Ad-qvqdev eh li6
dy]S6rii iwl SiKa
vv]ripe[(Tt]u)V
0iXos ['AXi]Moi/ffios ^7re(rTdTe[i],
'
dwo\d(i(t>(riv,
ov]s Si
typafj-uaTeve 0e[6]-
etraiviaai Si Tot'S Trpi(T(J(i[s]
dv Xdx&'O't irpoeSpeveiv iv
Srip.(>ii.
Tri%
af'piov
ei]\lo]fx.ivoiv
'AttoXXcovlwl, AevKcjvo^ Traicri.
iiri
Se tt)v dv[a\-
Kal QeoSbaiov, oti eiri.pie\ovvTai [tuj]-
d(l>iK\y'\ovnivijiv
of]
'ETri
TTji
Ka\i
2ov
347/6,
cf pp. 571, 575, 577. "^irapTOKOJi,
«
Xarvpov Kal AeuKuvoi,
ovTa dpaxp-ds'
'I'Tjiro'iSy.
l
11.
di'a7[p]-
T65e Toy ypamxaTia
i\n\
ypa
V
129.
5^ TO
lov TTji
Kal OeoSoCTt'rj! Kal )3a(riXfi'oj'T05 2ii'5(ic,
/a
(rTc0[d]-
[t]oi'S
ti'j
^ovXrji iv CTTiXrii XidivT/i Kal aTijaai ir\r)[a]-
av40ijK(v AelJ^w«'OS a.pxovro'i Bo(r7r6po(ii)
Toper^wi', XavSaplwv,
\j/r)i
t6 5i vv[v] elvai wap-
vovs CK tSiv
i^TpaTOKXJjs hi^ip Trarpbs toC iavTOv
SeifocTTpaToiv) i(pr]aaixivov
'
aSovvai tov% dTroS^xras to
616.
dpyvpiov SiSbvai to-
de
Toi% (TT((pdvovi tov tov
e('s
SitpLOv Tapiiav
iLv
"^wdpTOKOS
aretpdvovt, iw lypdif/avTas'
TU.I
pi
t7h Uo\idSi,
dvaridivai to-
veil
ov TOV 'Adriva[l](iif" rb
Kai OfoSocri'?;?.
I.
t-
Kal natpicdSris AcvKwvoi iraiSes dviOeaaV TTji 'Adrivalai,
XeuKtiivoi Bo
28.
(U
iirn5r) di Toit aTe
•
rrji 'Ad-rjvdi
dSXoO^Tai eh tov
Toiii i^s
5 ApXavTos
;
Adfjvalwv
avaridiaai
dvoi'S a.viO-i)mv 'A0po5iT[7)i]
I
Aivkuvo^
toi)?
iraiSat dpfrrji Kal (vvoias HvtKa t^j
618.
27.
6 'AOTtvaiwv
Sijfios
^TrdpTOKOv Kal IlaipKrdSi/f
fri'a[t
ri
[Si*
iv roii]
Svvu]-
U[oXvevKT[fiiv
dXXa
k-
Si Kal 'AiroX]-
Aei'Kwvoi vbv ik tC)[v avrCiv].
'
Appendix Nos. 29
652 losPE.
29.
344. Akhtanizovka. Paerisades
II.
I,
—
losPE.
33.
['H huva.
.
.
III,
yw^)
.Jcrff^roi'S
.
Qecr/xocpSpiai
\a.vi6y\Ki Arj]fir)Tpt
rdv vabv 'AprifiiSi 'AypoT^pai
Spartocus
Kerch.
13.
II.
pp. 580, 619.
cf.
pp. 22, 128, 295, 566, 576, 577, 619.
cf.
Bosporus
34.
apxovTos 'ZiraprbKov Tov ^vp.rikov.
AeyKtJi'os Bo(r7r(5/)ou xat 0ei/5o-
Kal TopfTiiv Kal AavSapfwv.
/G.
34.
losPE.
29\
1
['0 sive
Athens.
dv]yaTpbi
'Iriris
1
'ApTifud[c]
'Zlv5[^Q)v
Kal MalT-JiSv'
it6lvt(jiv.
5
sades
Taman
346.
II.
Paeri-
Peninsula.
Ttxit
578, 617, 619. IlaipicrdSov^
dvyaTi]p,
Tat Kal iblat
[y>']''V>
tv^afxivi)
irpbs aiiTbv
avidyjKi Icrxopui Oeiwi "Lavipyu Kal 'Aordpai, Apxavroi
naipurdSous BoffTTopou
Ka{l\
Pacn\tvoi>Toi
Kal
Q(v5o(jLr]S
1
5
Ta[ixrf\iC>vo^ ivrji
-wpvTapdai
^7rc]i/'[i7(/>tfe
.... iSo-
KaWifx48oPTOs KoXXd]-
[7ra/5^(TX'>?''Tat
7ra[paXa/3ti)i'
'
ttjv
dr]ixojL
tuil
Kal]
5rjfj.ut
tov
€19
01']-
Sijfj.Of
XP^^"-^ '"'^-P^X^y
rots dcpLKfov/xevois]
Ad-rjlvalojv
dvd
'
[ihv Kal 6 drj/j-o^ 6
iv Te
/cats
TrjL
[dyopat
ah
aXXats dupealU,
SfivSjaic
Kal Mai'rcSc 7rd[>'Twv]
d7a^oi!is avd[pa$,
'
A6y)valu)v avToiii]
dpxw
/cat]
iv twl
[Kal]
^p.iropi(i)i.
wpo(Tri]Ket Ti/J.dff6ai rot'[s]
Kal SiddeJTO
idv rit j3a5ife[i]
'''^^ n-poybvii)]v
aiiTOv ^ ttj;' S7ra[p]rbKOV ^or]de[LV iravTl (ydevey K[a]l xard yrjv Kal 4irl TT)V
'''[M"
20 /card 6d\aT[TaV
losPE.
pp.
TToXiras eiroiifiaaTo Kal iTlp.yia]iv [eUbaLV X'^X]-
Kal Qariiiiv.
31.
cf-
(weidri [irpdreplii' re oi irpbyovoi. oi]
•
KeLbTTjTa KOLPTJL [rf Tcii
Topyiinrov
'
ei\^Koa}Trn t7)[s
'Ayijplpioi
"ZiraprbKov x.of'as
10 vvv ^TrdpTOKos
Yi.op.o
Syli:' 194.
286/5,
Aii(r(trr/)ar[os 'ApLcrrofid-
7rpo^5/)[toc
drifj.o}L'
revs direv
128, 296, 573, 577,
pp. 22,
cf.
I,
= b.c.
.^oad^vov SvTreTlaiwi' Kal avp.TrpbiSpoi'
^ejv
losPE.
Twii
€KK]\7i
-qi
iypaixp.dTivep
(vdrtfL Kal
vlaL,
(cai]
.
30.
irpyTavflai,
llatai'teiis
Xoi']
Kal 0ei'5[o
123. 3
['Eirt A]toT/AtoD
Aplxoyrajs naipKraSons Bo
'EtpecrciTu
311; Ditt.
i.)
II.
Ol.
57i> 575> 580.
htiva\ Koip[d>']oD affdrjKfv
T]
[uTTfp t]^[s
{CIAtt.
II.
I,
128, 577, 619.
pp.
cf.
Paerisades
Kerch.
II.
II.
8.
II.
Kerch.
Paerisades
Trpia^iias [wap' I,
cf.
27rdpT]o/co9 d(pL[K)op.ivT)i
^tl 5k '
Adyfvaiwv dK]ovaai 6tl
6
drjp.oi
KeKbpii(TT[ai t6 &(Ttv (Tvvri(T]6ri 70?? ei;rDX'7(t*a(r[t]
128,
pp. I
577.
TOV
d5eX0oO 'ApT([p.i5wpov? toO •
.Jol^);
(Tirj^
&PX°>''''Oi
Kal didwKev
inayy^Welr-
25 ot 5f Kal ej TO Xoiwby x/'J^'"" '"'apd^eadai tQl [S^/itot /cai poLT)diLv Kadb]TL av 5ivr)Tai. Kal raC-
]-
naip[i](Td5[eos GeoSo]-
[Ta Trpdrrei
Kal ^acn\(\jovTos 'Ziv8[Qv
5 Kal MaiV(2)?]c Kal
Srjlfiov
Kal 7r6[i'Ta/ct(rxtXtoiis
^aLvliriTov a\ya6T]p.a inrcp tov]
Qariuv.
30
7r/)oatpoy/ue>']os
roc
iivoiav
TT)//
[ayrtiJt
Trapd tuv irpoybvu]v
[6 5?j,uos
ei's
Sta^i/XdrTetv Ti]v
5^/u]oj' tjjc •
hv
ottcos
p.e/j.vri]p.(vos (?)
x'*/"'''''?
[e-
TrapadeSoneprjv oiJc
tpaivrjTaL
Trpos tous ed'oi;?
[5td ToO l/j.Trpo
losPE.
32.
I.
II.
Kerch.
Paerisades
I,
cf. [toii,
pp. 578, 580. I
Ilaipiffd5r)i Kal
7ra(5e[s
dyadrji S(]56x^at
rtiSi
8rj/j.b3t
aii-
iwlaiv^-
aai p.h tov pa(n\i]a XirdpTOKOV Evfj.rj\ov [Boawbpiov Kal a'Teavw]aai xp^'^^'- (TTe
w]i Aioplyalov] Wfipa'^ft irpo^evta].
[
tijxV''
....
35 5pax/n' dpfTTys] HveKa Kal evvolai
rjv
-
-
^'"
ix'^l}'
tot]
oreXet irpos Tbv]
Kal dvenrelv Tbv (TTi[(pa-
brjixov
Aiofvcrlov Ileipaet Kal [^Ky6voii]
vov Aiovvalijiv] tCcv ixeydXuv rpaywibocs iv rwi
^boaav wpo^fviav K[ai aTiXtC]-
[d7tSj'i,
5
av TravTiof xPVI^dTui[i> ev
TTJi
de 7r]otTj(7etos tov aTe(pdvou Kal T-qi d-
TraJ']-
\yayopeiaeu\% ein/xeXrjBrjvai Ti
BoffirdpiJi,
40
Kal e[i
/c^trei
(TTTJaat.]
[d^opai Trapd] Kal ^J/CTrXouv Kal wo\4[piov Kal d(Tv\(l
avTov
toi>s
/cat
iirl
eUbva
ttjl
5to[i-
x''X/c^(i')
ii>
Trjt
irpoybvovi Kal CT^pav i[v aKp-
bTno]i &v 5k Kal el5TJi b /SatrtXeus 27rd/)r[o-
Ka[l dtrirt)v5et].
Kos TO, 1.
5'
el-
07r6Xet privtis]
tolis
avTois Ka[l depdnov-
Tois toOtiiIV,
6 Ditt. (Sy//.^ 134)
a-vpi.Tra\(Tt]v-
[
ey}/y](p]i
twi
Tpc]is &v5pa% i^
'
Srj/xwi.,
x^'-po'^'o"^''"-'-
Adrjvaiwv
airdvTiov.,
'"'p^-
oirt[j'-
,
Appendix Nos. 34 IG.
34. 45
es
311 (contd).
II.
oSuxroi'Jcriv
airayyiXovai
icai
6
oi'tAi'
\]/-fi
cf.
a.\w-
65
Kerch.
25.
II.
Dynamis,
eiVoioc
Tr]i>
Bosporus
JosPE.
39.
aXpi6i\vTi^ dirapoCcni' Kal t& re
[^X" Tp^J'
— 43.
561,
pp.
Asander and 614,
592,
616,
619, 630.
rjv
Srjuoi Kai irapaKaXoOaiv av[T-
paaiKiut
Ua[(riX(i)oyros
I
jiaaiXiuif]
dv fioi]&]tiv Tui drintin KaObri Sx 5vvT)Tat, bo\\v-
/i«7oXou
twv
ai S( e6]Sia
'
.\oav5pov |0iX|o^u^aioi' awrri-
Trpi(rpeiuv iK&aTuii t6 reraly-
Swdp-iut Uav-
po! nal ^aai\l
50 fiivov]'
Trjs
fji
oIk(i6-
TaX^ui' i>ai'apxoi
5 [u»]« Kal 'AtppoSlrrii
ra?? vvapxovso-i-^-, rbv ypan/xar^a t6v
^rp^^b%
"^diawi-
IIo(Ti6uii'i
tCHv Sij}peiCii> tCiv irpoaTidenivuiv av-
[t)jto5 /c]ai
Twt
Si Kal virS/xviifia
6.V
oiTtaJS
[/lard ir^piiTCivelav avaypa'^ai rbSe rd (V (TTj^Xrji
\f/i)
rd
Kal arriaai iv aKpoir6\ei,
\i6li>y}L
55 [5^ di']a\u>na rb y(vbp.tvov
piepi
Nnca^ix'Si.
roi'S ^iri
t^i
losPE.
40.
201.
IV.
Dynamis,
Kcrcli.
cf.
[5io]i(ci}
PP- 561, 593. ('20-
'O 26 supplevi
1.
Srjixo<;. [A]i)roK/>dTopa
24, Ditl. 7rf[vTa/(o
1.
ad
jioir}d(iv, cf. Ditt.
1.
^aiaapa debv
[O]eou vibv "Ztpaarbv rbv
4S.
t'oi'T?)?
{a^uTTipa Kal ev(pyiTi)v
JosPE.
35.
cf.
Ylaipiaabov avidrixe rbv avSpiavra
KfiiKtiiv
[/3]a
Paerisades
['I])jTpui[t i]iprq(j6.ixfvo%,
'
losPE.
41.
'Zirap-
cf.
losPE.
II,
WaipiadZov tov 'ZiraprbKov 'Eirria/a
yir)vo5upov dvydrrip
37.
Paerisades
580, 619.
pp.
BacriXei^oi'TOj
II.
Kerch.
18.
cf.
losPE.
42.
CK
j3a(Ti.\^(ij[i
fV-
(iaaiX^ui jiaaCKiuv M(0[/>a8a-
To]i'
Ei''TraTo/)05
I
[Qa
HoffiXfa piiyav 'Affirovpyov
Kal XivSuv Kal
TOV WaipLadbov ['.\]7Xa[6Js
p.
19,
cf Cv?. 1877,
Kerch.
29, f 26.
Aypnr\niit)[v].
cf
pp.
128,
569,
596,
MatTwv
Tbv iK fiaaiX^us 'AaavSpbxov,
^affiXeOovTa ttoctos liooairbpov, OeoSoff/jjj
xal TapTrflTwv Kal TopiTuiv, VJjauiv ti Kai Tai'a[(]iTu)i',
iiwoTa^ayTa ^Kudai Kai Tavpov^, 'MevidTpaTOi ^' 6 iwi
rrji
vqaaov Tbv iavTov aw-
Tqpa Kal fvepy^TTjy.
5
II.
'
Aspurgus,
\wvv
losPE.
[Aio]>'r'(r[o]u,
iavrCiv (r{u>TiLpav K]al (vt[pyi-
Kerch.
36.
fi](yd\ov a[pi>dKov
Tii]i>
Ti\v [6 5J^//[os 6
II.
ipiXoKalffapa Kal
38.
pp. 592, 593, 613.
613.
pp.
581, 616.
HpaKXeioou
cf.
To]C'
[Tr\\v
5
dvidr)Kiv MTjrpi ^pvylai.
i(pii>)iivyj
Spartocus IV,
Dynamis,
\^\aal\iaaav Avvafiiv ^iXo/)w/u[aiof
I
Kerch.
17.
II.
Phanagoria, Semenjaka's
356.
11.
Farm.
Kal GaWui'.
^lairdv TrduTuif
losPE.
36.
0iXo/)ui/iaio(s|.
hirbWiavi
&pxovTo% WaipiadSov tov
t6kov Hoairbpov koI QevSoalrji Kai ^aatXei'iofTos XivSCiv Kal
A[i''i'a]^i5
II,
580, 581, 616.
128,
pp.
Kerch.
15.
II.
p.
246=KT/i.
Paerisades
IV
losPE.
43.
II.
Anapa,
400.
a.b.
338=:A.d. 41.
[Mithridates VIII?], cf pp. 597, 616, 621.
(?),
cf pp. 581, 618, 621. I
I
llaipicrdSov.
'ApybTov.
KaiJ.a
Ttt^P [djpxovTOi Kal ^aaiX^ws Haip[i(x]dSov TOV ^affiX^wj Ilai-
piadSov
XicrcTTjs
Kap.aaapvr]S
27ra/)T[6-
{jy^laTwi
KpcLTOpi
iravTO-
^a-
evXoyr]T(f},
aiXei'ovTos §a(riXi-
ws
[
]
5 yepixa\yi\KOU Kal (ptXawaTptdot,
iTOVi JlXr',
vbs Aflov, 116^0$ 2t-
'Apybrov tov
[pa]Toivoi dvidriKfv
I
.
.
yuybs QfbKpi[To]i oi
.
9ov
fia
Kana
8iacr'iTa[i]
XijIv]
'
A7ip.r][Tplov Kal]
ai'4dr)K[av tt^v ctt)]-
A
'
Airarou-
t[9i]i
[7r/>o
o%
iip'
which seems
*•'"'"'
ip
ri
dviwa-
Kal dve.wripiaaTo{%]
p]ou fieSeovari
dwb
BebKptToi Ar]p[riTplov], k.t.X.
ov vwo A/o, Tt)v,
4, Lat. suppl.
\\\oXi p.ij>vo%\
[yi.idpa\Sa\To]v,
10 V d[p](WTr)v iavTOv, y 6vopia X[p]v
I.
Stephani
fiJ)-
k]ov dvyarpbi 0(X[o]t^kco[u Kal]
cTTjs
10
ttjs
/3a
0fwt
TracrAj KXr)pov{bp.]-
HXio[vJ.
.suit
to
the traces
on the stone better.
Appe7jdix Nos. 44
654 losPE.
44.
cf.
I
Cotys
KXaKSiou]
^c^aardv, virarov to
TpiT]oi>,
Kal (ixpyiTtiv
[BatriXeuofTos /Sacc]X^OJS [Ti/3e/)ioi; 'lotXiou]
I
Yt.bTvo%,
'
0iXo/)u)]/iia(os,
Sio.
apxi.i[pfv^ tS>v
evaffirji,
pos
(piXopu/xalov,
(cai
5 (LKXe^oDs, 5os,
losPE.
45.
11.
Hadzhi Mushkaj.
37.
Cotys
Ti^vS' dpiTy) Kpr]vr)% ttoXXt/c 'A(r7roi;p70i',
ii^os
vaKbpov .
Kai 'I[/)]^a SrpdTwi'a '0;'
evae^ios
\
.... pov
10 (XTopa
i^aviSei^ev
Xi/3a5'
|
avvo-
7)
Trepi
17
lidyy}v SiocriTrdrpou
1,
pp. 596, 598, 626.
cf.
jSatriX^ws]
iil[o0
"Zavpoixdrov, [^iXoKa/cra]-
KaO^Upuiacv.
jiLov
Cotys
K[a]iV[a/)0
dritiapx^KV'' e^ov[aiai
K6tiis] 6 kc!ivovp[y]ov [/3]a[o']i[Xei>s 0i-
,
\6Kaiaap Kal ^eliaffTuf
\)\hv
Taman.
421.
IV.
pp. 604, 621, 624.
cf.
Traripa ira]Tpl5os, rbv e[a]iiroO atj3T\ripa
TTf/jiirTov,
losPE.
48.
I,
Bosporus
50.
596, 598, 620.
pp.
[AOro/c/jaro/ja "^tpiiiva.
t6
5
Kerch.
32.
II.
—
'
Kal Upoixd-
XwoWihviov Xpu-
(raX^ff/cou Kai
K6ti/os,
ypafjifji.a-
I
yalrjs Koi Trpoyovoiv
iraTpui'Coi'
\
KcivaxMv
kCSos
T^a Ayadovp Ilo\e/j.oKpd-
apafxivoio
Tov Kal (pCKdyadov Mupe?-
UKTjTTTp' e7r^x'"'''0S oXa.
I
vov
losPE.
46.
Kerch,
u. ^2.
Rhescuporis
a.b.
377
= a.d.
Koi ol \onrol diaueXraL
M^77/s Mij^a
81.
Ari/j.oKpdTr]i
pp. 599, 621, 622.
I, cf.
/3'
KaXoCs MnpeiVoi^
15
Ad8a
ApidTaybpa^ 'A^aSoO \iaaiKtvoPTO% §a.
I
ActSas 'ATroXXwv/foK]
20
piov 'loiiXiov 'Pr)aKOVTr6piSos (piXoKaicrapoi Kai (jyiXopu/xalov,
HXiVra
ei(7e-
^oOs, Itov$ ^ot' /xr/vos Tlepeilri]5 ov
XpridTT) yvvr] wpdre-
ij3',
pov Apoii
acfxiripLi.
[irpo}-
tt]^
iirl
losPE.
49.
(T(vxv^ OpciTToi' p-ov 'Hpa/cXSi' e\(udepoi> KadoLTra^
Kara
pp. 579, 605, 613.
cf.
10 xX'^T'OC aiTO TravTos K\ripovdp.loV T]piTre
owov
X[i7r]ai dveiriKioKiiTUS ^ifxriu,
X'^P'5
p]ry(rew[s],
15
IS
t[7)]i'
Slv
Kadus
Kal Tuv
Ti^^pios 'louXios jSacriXew
I
/Soi^-
Poi/xrfrdXKTis, (pikbKaiaap Kal
f[i)]-
7rpo[(r]fi)-
K\-r)p(o)vbfx.
5^
'Hpa-
va xp^cujt fiiioidivTa avvadpolaas airaPTa Kal irXeovda^as
dire-
t'^[s]
KaT^arricri
Si'
/xov
/cai
(n
10 /i6Xei[a]s
TOV
BCA.
XXIII. p. 47,
407 =
A.D.
III.
No.
32.
566, 604, 613, 619, 625. I
Anapa,
Sauromates
I,
cf.
'
50.
I
cv^d/j.d'os Tov
6 ^irl
tCov
ISlwv dvaXw/xdruiv
10 iy Kal
T(j)
losPE.
p.rjfl
'A[7]a0^
422.
Ti^xS-
Kal 0iXo/3(o[/ii]aioi'
evaepovi Xojvi
h-ei
Aacicrioi'.
II.
5 poi ^iXoKaicrapos
Topyi.wir€lai 4k
fi/'
tJ.r)i>l
.
'lovXiov EvTrdro-
116-
00V
k'
(TiXeus Ti/ieplov
,
vabv d-
^apvaKiwv
T)fi.v' ,
AireXXaiui
BacriXei/ovTos /3a-
A(ppo5ilTri Nauapx^Si
vT/jyetpev
iwi-
A[X]e^dv5pov Mvpeivov
pp.
Tov
deg.
trtDa,
a.b.
Maa iX(vovTO% ^aaiKiui
pbifxalov eiicrejiovi
0[e]Coi
Tanais.
cf pp. 605, 616.
Tijiepiov 'lovXiov Havpo/xd-
5
'
rrji
Tuiv UpQiv.
iirl '
47.
tovs ireXdras
/cai
Kara tov irapaKelfxevov TeXafid-
EXi/cw/'iaSos,
crwe[7rir]po7reou(rijs
vwb
A-qroSJipov dvaredeiaas 7^as 5 if Oiacc^ois
auveirLnevijdvTuv 5k
K\(i[do]v Kal
eva^Prji, rds
Xopwixaioi,
Ouiireias re Kal irpoaKalpre-
XV"
Rhoemetalces,
A.D. 151.
fi'X^['']
Kal a.Tra\^p^ev6-
avtTr'iK-qTTTOv
/J.OV
Phanagoria.
353.
II.
448 =
A.B.
CecjJ
'A7r6X-
ev[^'\diJ.(vos
Ac-
Tl/iaxos Xaplrui-
10
[i^os
n-pf(T/3e]uT[77]s
...
Eupator,
II,
— 55.
Appendix Nos. 51
BCA.
51.
XXXVII. p. 38, No.
Sauromates
II, cf. pp.
Anapa.
2, PI. II.
Bosporus
losPE.
53.
566, 606, 612-616,
cf.
6«v
I
L"A7a^S
Two
i»^[i]ffT.
Eagles.
'KyaOrfi ryxii.
Xavpo-
Ba0'i\ci/oi'[Tos ^]a
''''X??l-
pidTOV
WaaCKiiiovTO^ (iainX^iiis Ti^fplov 'lov\]tov "^av
po/xdrov ixaiov,] evaejSoPs
ToO
.
.
Irovi
.
.
fjiriv]6i
.
Aat
5 (T€t5if)vgs [eirJ] /SafjX^ws Saupo/udrou,
»)
llo-
6e((5
vioO ixtyi.-
Kal
lo
jiCi)i>
eh a Kal
dvaffTTiffavTft,
ffefi(\iui>
TOf Oebv koX
j
[^]vi>tySri[p.oi'
Kal
xd5oi» Koi traripa a\v\vl>iov
.
Kai 'a7U76i'
0iXd7a0]oi'
'
ApSa[pl
;^ia7[6pai' ?
.
.
[(]TeiiJ.ri
'
](t\ui>d-
k[ov] Kal
[jr'Ia^a0iXd7a0[of
6 fia-
\opaapi. l\av
xal
•\/opyafid\^Kov^
[v(av\ia-
Biaaov \t'i\(7ayuyiov apra-
Tr)v
QeacTftrai irtpl Upi[a]v
xf'Xiw-
—a
avvoSot
r/
rd a.ya.\p.aTa Kal rbv yadv ix
7ro(jj(rai'7-e5
iripl l[fpia 'Ioi)?]\ioi'
Xopo<.'ia[Oot>
•1
\ov ^aaiXiuii 'PotjU')Td\KOD, Oiaaos vavK\^pv, ot
11,
pp. 606, 620, 621, 623.
621, 623, 625. I
Sauromalcs
'I'aiiais.
445.
II.
655
[K]dpx')v \r))j.ii[Tpiov Avo\\\bivi.ov Kal yviJ.{iia\jid\px't''\
AO-qvoSupov
'
Wa.
'^(XtiiKOv irpCoTov (irl rrji fia[
ybv
NeoKN^oi'S 6
Moi/)65u)/30i'
Kal (ppoiTKTTai Ko
Itpwv
iirl
\ci.]\Mr]i>
t^s Topyirda^
KoaaoO
[yp]a[npa\T{€i\i 10 [(Tuv]65oi'" voS6t'\ov,
^apvaKov aTpaTryybv, Moip65<<;[poj 'Ara/ijdfou arpaT-
5
L
XprtcrTiwD lIoTra, Mafcdpios
'
....
oiKOv6/J.o[i
At
names
'
fVJ-
20 more lines of names and a mutilated dale.
II, cf.
120,
606,
A.D.
318,
— 617,
No.
69.
losPE.
54.
194.
Kerch.
41.
II.
51 2 - A.D.
A.ii.
Rhesctiporis II,
pp.
55.
losPE. A.B.
216. cf.
616, 617, 620.
619.
'A7aS^t 'Etti ^aaCXii.
0as Kal
T7)i'
TavpiKr]v
Kal W>p.i>\-
HpaicXeoi'j
T61']
d
Trd\u
ToO llocreidufos xal diro 5
Trpoybvdtv ^aaiXioiv ^affiXe-
it-
'
5 0e[p]ov direSet[^]e [iy] t[<(;],
5 a
(e)X6u-
Xa[/3]aii',
ll6v-
Ti/Sf'pioi'
569,
Ti/X')'iii(jj
^dweu^
irpeajiei'T^ /3a-
Koi Xo-
P»)iTKorir(5p<5os, ,
BdjSos Baio-
'lovX[t]ov 'Pri(TKOV7ro-
pdawov, ^ipXdPupos Aoavpo^dpvlbv fjLtydXov /3o
piv,
Oov,
Betdvvi^ Toh [ir]\iov-
Rhes-
pp.
VijaKovirbptdi,
(pdpvov ^avbapi^iov irocTTroi'Soi'
cf.
/«t7dXou (iaaiXeus ^avpondrou, Ka\l] Zr/vwii
— ku-
KOX Xipaxovi Kal
r<>XV\
t'A7'»''!7
1
II,
607, 615, 625.
597,604,607,612,614,
612,
Tanais.
430.
II.
5i7 = A.D. 220.
ctiporis
pp.
I
5e
Oi)aX[cp]/ou,
A(tK\\r)irid5-q%
(C.T.X.
similar to those in
490 = Sauromates
A.B.
615
.Vci/iai'os 'l>t[oaJ,
01/,
SrupPJdcoli',
ipKVKXlwv]
Tanais.
423.
II.
Ap6ap\laK\o<; Z[jj-
K.T.\.
least 16 lines of
losPE.
52.
Ajj[/n^Tjpios
'
]
A
OiKo[i>6iJ.o]s,
X[oi7roi #ta)(T[(T]ai'
ol
[Mi]5ax[oi
17765]
A6r)[voSuJpov
(VkvkXIwi' oiKo[>'6/u]os, rdyavo[s KVKXidJv
'\\paK\il6ov
'.\TjT[aJi'
Kal 'i'apfaKrjv 'Sou-
Qe[a]iTttTai ITai'TaX^ui'
olKovd/JiOS.
Kal
9eo»'[ftKjo[i'
Xopoadoi ^avdap^iov apxov-
2oi»po//drou,
T£s TavafiTiic, X6(ppa^poi 'Popya
TO ir4\ayoi
Kal
^[jri
Triyu 7roXeiT«[j'
....
(/>tXopiijua[i]oi',
ei)
X^fpfa ruv "ZifiaaTCiv 5id
Zr/]-
dp-
10
/3d/foii,
Ba
XTjfdpx')' (i.apTiaas Tr\v
vuvos [A]d5a E[y]io[u, Kal]
10
/3iou,
OCXttioj
'
A. ovov Ka{l) 'lov[\iov Pj65a)[i'o]s Twv wplu (irl [ttjJs
'loi'X(iou')
iUwv
dvaXojpidTii)!'
'AvTipidxov xf'Xidpx';s
.
riaT-qaa. rrj irbXd Kal
rbv eavTov
dyopav
AvTi.(rdivr)%
ix tCiv
10
cruiTijpa
toU
dircKaip^irb-
Kal poi! Sid (vttifXriTwv Tirjviiiva
Zrjumv
/3a(7iXf[ia]5,
5[a] (Kir[(pk(p]d(li
/3'
toC [A]d-
S((Tir6Ti]v
vwb roG
Tft^Tjs
if Tiii ^iip'
x"/"" irei
^a{v-
15 vyui, ^apvb^apdvi lavpiov,
^a\Sdpavo% AwoXXioylov Kal '
|3a(rtXe'[a)sJ 1
5
fi's
Ka6i.ipu}[(T'\a
rd ipiirhpiov
Koi
15
p.r]vl
Auiwi
k'.
[dp]x"'fKT6i'c<)c AioipdvTov
\d, "Apij xal
'AtppoSirri iwl
Bopd-
oirbXov Ka{l\ AvprfKiov
?s vov,
(TTTu]
[B]d/3ou dpxovT(os) Ta-
ydeuis Kai 'E[XX]7;>'dpx(<'i')
PdSuvos XaplT[ui]vos 20
if
Ttfi
qv,
Atjlcr]Tpov a'.
Tainga of Sauro-
mates
II.
20
THavaKOi Jltudxoi'.
Ef
TIf f(0'.
'
Ne-
AvTuvd-
Appendix Nos. 56—59.
656 losPE.
56.
Tanais.
447.
II.
Rhescuporis
225.
522 =
a.b.
II,
a. d.
TosPE.
58.
pp. 37, 607,
cf.
Bebv
pi
(TTtjKddii
(piXdyadov
'
dd[e\(pol uJe/Si/iej/oi 6ebv ivyp\^d\pavT'\i%
Kal viauiffKapxw Saudvioi' Xoippda/xov Kal oi
[irjepi
XwTrjpiKos IloirXiov, 4>a[u]xos
Apl
Mta
.
.
dyas Tuv
.
AvTi/j-axov,
ijSos
M^7ts
haX(j)8iov,
'
'
M[
Acrirdi'Savoi Aei/idvov,
'
.
.
M
pKaviocra 'H-
ApiVrwca [MJei/eoTpdrou Kai KaXXt-
EvtJvxv^ Qeaydvov,
ov,
.
Maijs SaXS,
Avvd-
Avri/j.dxov,
'IpavaSis Arj/xriTplov,
Ari/MTjTpiov,
Xiadenov,
Eimjxv^
(3',
7r/!)eo-[j3]i/Tepoi'
10 y[^vri]f Mv[piji]pos, 'AXe^iuiva UarpbKXov, EvTVX^ai'bs
rioTrXt'oi',
PaxoiVa/cos Eupoikov, Aot-
'
vipiaTov,
iavrwv [r]d ovb/naTa
paK[Xei5]ov Kai
Mtj^o^iXos M(5<7xa, 'A/3/)6feos
t-
(iarronjTol
Tplov Kal yvfj-vaaiapxriv B[a\]tD5ii' Ari/xriTpiov
'
e[i)x'?].
'l]ovXiov [K6]ri/oj (piXoKa[ia-apoi] Kal 5 [\opwixaio]v eu(r6/3oOs,
KvTlfxaxov Ila-
crlwvos Kal Trapa(j>CKa.ya6ov "Zvfiipopov Atj/xt]-
diaaCiTai.'
TxixXl-
ii]i/'f(TT(f)
Ba[(r]iX€uoi'T[os] ^aaiKi\iji% TiPepiov
Kai (jvvayuiybv l&inr p^nriv
^v/.i(p6pov Kai
XoiTToi
10
9e[(?
Kal icp^a \6paaixoi'
v\p{.
^opyapaKov 5
['AyaS^Ji
I
(jivoSos 7re-
T)
525=a.d.
a.b.
III, cf. pp. 607, 620, 621,
623, 625.
'A^aSjj TuXTJv^iiTTijj
6e(f)
Tanais.
11.452.
Cotys
229.
620, 621, 623, 625. I
Bosporus
[a]5io[iis
Xrvpavov,
'Zuij^o/J.evbs
"l'iX]ij/ioi'os,
[A](.ov6(7i.oi
S6701;,
KaX-
2,v/j.
Ei)-
ryxiavos
ApSdySaKos Ho-
AoXotraKos Xv[p,](f>bpov, KapS[io}]vs
ro/a7t'oti,
Ad-
15 irKiov, MdSoiis Sa/ijSaTiuicos, 1idj3a^oi Kt/x^pou, Ml5a'
Xos
ApSdpov,
^oplavos
AvTiadivov,
'
'Pacr(7[6]701', .
avdpdaKOS ZendKov,
.
'
<^6
Sa,
'Paxoi(r[a/cos] 1
5
'
n-tbiiiivos,
AodXa, Vdos, lldfavxos Ap-
[SJou.
'
[Ai]6(pavTo[s] ALo[v]v(Tiov,
Mi
Tiy 5^ TeXa/i(3[c]a eSwp-qaaro
[0jors Xafji.[pio}]v 'EXttiSi'wi'os.
[Sapjou, 'OffudpaKos 'A/xatdKov, '^vxapiujv Tpu
.
.
.
OSiapdos
[A]ritir]Tpiov,
a 'OKju/ta/co[s
eiV/3e
/c]ai
A'\io(pdvTov,
]o9ai[
VwaaKos 'A
'AX]6^aj'5poii,
AaXoaaKos
5i/XXo(i)),
a«a/cou,
X
ra)5i7a(ros 'S.vfitpbpov,
poVi Si-aiJi.(pwKavos
5a7
'
'
Ev
20
.
.
•
8,
1.
.
.
MapKeacof
quently added
of the last two
TO)
.
.
.
losPE.
59.
K(a)t
Anapa
433.
and Sauromates
II.
'ATU^J
III,
Cotys
(?).
III
pp. 607, 621, 625.
cf.
... AXi^i_avhpo%
2[T]a
Noiip-rji/iov,
.
.
Tanais.
434.
^aaiXim
YovXiov
XoKaiaapoi Kal
~7
Xp6c(f) TTIV
[Kotvos^
5 [Kaiffapo^ Kal
f
QtaaetTaL
.
.
.
.
o[i
Pa(Ti.\iwi\ SavpofiaTov k[ ]
(SauiX^aJS K6[ti;os
Noii/iJTjcioi'
"Arra, 2[
,
.
.
NeoKX[f'oiis
.
.
.
.
.
.
ir]oXeiTij}[i>
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
M.vp]iivoly?
57/U.e
Kpy}-
€k Oefic-
{d)i'oiKo5o/J.-f}8ri
iirl
7r[p]e[(r]-
10 K(a)i 'EKXrjmpxv ^i'X"P^'^''" $i5dco£ Kal SiaSdxv 'HpaKXeiSriv 'Arra Kal Si-
Pri
\\avri]ii.ov
eii-
fifVTTJ X6
[BatriXet'oi/Tos /iatriX^jois Ttpepiov 'lovXiov '
V
5 (re/3oPs,
vr]v
.
['Aya6]y tvxv--
ixr]vbi
subse-
533 =
Tt/3e-
'\vLvdiixalov
Xiwv Kal y(yov€ Trvpyoi
[viov ixeydXov ^ocriJXews
a.b.
y
Xrjde'iffai' I
members have been
615, 625.
[IlepJeiTiot; k'.
/tt»;W
plov IV.
17.
....
d
'
iwi/xeXriTQi' [ll]aira
Xp-qaTov Kal AvtL-
fj-axov Kl/j.^pov Kai
"Bpuroj MacTTOi, Sa;u-
^aTLiiiva Si[p]di'oi;,
Mei>i(TTpaTov ^adiva-
i5dcoiis
15 fiov,
'Axpaxov,
'
Ki/xfipov,
KotrcroDs
YISOKUIVOS,
Xlov
a.d.
Ininthimeus, cf pp. 318, 569, 608,
BaciXei^ocTos
losPE.
1.
.
I
57.
447,
'A[^7)v]o5ai-
/cios
Av^a-
AvTi/j.dxov,
e'Tti
/3/c
II.
small letters.
in
vaeiarov.
El*
losPE.
(?), cf.
.
.
Apaovrf[p]os
237. 30
IloirXlov.
Vopiriaiov a'.
^rei,
.
The names [
(K(p'
T(jJ
Si'/i06po[i', 'AJpSocairros
BdySoxos IvfKpbpov, Sa
S(i!0/)(o)i'os,
.
Bi)r[i»x»js
AfiapSlaKoi Mei'[€](7rp[a]roi),
'
], .
Xo-
"Zvixtfiopos
tols dSeX-
$oi/pTas *A7a6oO, 'A7a^^fj.€pos
'Ap]l
[Mececjrparou,
T&vtvxv!
AdSas Xo5iaKi[o]u, 'Za/x^iuv 'EX-
AvTifxdxov,
HpaKXelSris MapKeavoO,
Kos 'SiavaKov, 'Ox^Sia/cos
/3',
'
A(p6al/j.aKos
'HpaKXdSou, Mvpiinros
Sia dpXl-T^KTOVOi AvpTJ-
AvTbiveivov.
'Ec
ry
yXtp'
,
Topiriaioi X'.
—
Appe7idix Nos. 60 TosPE.
60.
Kerch,
46.
II.
546 =
poris III,
cf.
a.
11.
fosPE.
62.
Rliescu-
250.
A. D.
608, 612,
])[).
cf.
614. I
Bosporus
211,
IV.
porus.
66. l?ns-
(Teiranes
63.
irtpl
i]
No.
A'C'/I. X. p. 26,
Kerch.
?),
pp. 608,621,624.
'H iiivo^o%
657 A.H.
603
(Thothnrses),
21.
A.D. 306.
-^
cf.
pp. 558,
60S, 612, 621.
l[(\-
pia Wdwirov ['Ap]JapdKo[i<] Kal
BaiTtXfWoi'Tos /3as
Ti^eplov 'lovXlov 'PrjcTKOvirSptSos 5
waHpa
Kal
/5ai'
iTJ)K6
vaywybv '^KaT5.\v\ xal (pi\a[ya]6011 AdSav [kuI] irapatpiXdya-
ptot 'Zbyovi 'O-
60V 'biXiirov, yvpLvaaidp-
XV
Xvpy)\iov 'VbSuva AoXXoioi/, tov
(wl
^a
TTJi
\vp. KAtros 0'
Kal Iwir^a 'Poijua/wv,
Kal
[oi
V
.
.
lir)%
f.
x^P'"
/itjvbi
^»'
6 iwl
Xt'>/iiroii,
T^t (ifoSoala^,
ov
.
atjiaarbyvti)-
Xoi]7r[oij avvoSt'lTa[i\
aTo{i),
TftpiijOtU u-
rjv
t'T'i'
•
•
.
].
A
ird
ixvy)\
?
(Te[C\
S'tifj)
Topwtaiif)
5
Av[T'\i[fii]dxov
"RvaplffTov ff[i'Co5tir»)i'
lO (veprfiTi)v ev ti} firjvl
'
vfaviffKapxT'
10 av{aTr)a[a'\v 'H
vtdrrepoi 'HpoxXfuTijs tAv
Kal
AdSav
\,Ka]l
10 vou Kal yiaitmavoO,
fTu],
•
6 Kal '0Xi//uiriai'6t
\l€p[eiTlov
.
xXrjOfis cV
losPE.
6i.
cf.
pp. 558, 594, 608,
On I
— 6i6, 620, 621,
A, the
625. 64.
oyroj
I.^B^^^^J
II.
Sixa ti Kal iv iroX-
Kerch.
49.
Xois SXi^ft! (j/V) VfcA-
Rhadamsadius,
Rusts
cf.
(v^dpL(vo%
velKris
20
XAyad^\ ruxj.
Tipepiov
[Td
Son7)
u'xnv <" TV tx
\ov'Vabaii.(jablo\) royv\
\^aaC\iw
^UTTJpi Kal "Upg. ^uirelpg. vwkp
^aaCkiwi Tetpivov
iK OcixtKlov oIko-
I
OeoU
5 pwfiaiov eiKTePovi,
609.
p.
Ba
'lovXiov Tcipdvov i\oKa[ffapoi Kal
Ad
losPE.
/uevos, I
I I
i-
iroXXi
atrodijuriaaf Kal
Ti5x7)t.
-j-^^g
Bao-tXei/-
Tifi
Topxf'V,
15 dTooraTTJirat ^ttj
face of the pedestal.
'AYoS^t
01s
I'ainted not incised.
Tei-
29.
ranes,
612
Kerch.
II.
Oi
Ai'/)(T)Xiot)
X^tv.
Kal B(o5o[
!
.
Kal aiu)pl[ov]
5ia/iov^s Kai AtXlai ^aaiKlaay^^
aviaT-qaav rbv TeXafiCii/a
roh
10 (TToirvXeiTai
idiots
epy€Taii,iepaTeuovTOs
65-
api]-
[oi
Oeoh Kal
'IoiiX(i'oi')
lusPE.
Xo0d[p]-
irplv
Xoxa[yo]0,
Kal Oi XoiTToi apiaroirvKetTai
MecfVTpaTOS
'
.'
TUK
'
A
Xaplruv
apxt-ypapLixaTiiis,
70 \ov
'
Aya0oO
sides j5
The
stone
and
C
arc 50
66.
irpic €-
losPE.
= A.D, of
11.
AXi^avSpos
/3'
cttI
34
.
6 (trl t(.
Kal oi
42
t
.)
M.
.
.
Xeio[i'],
.
irl
off-
(irL/xr)-
oi
TTi%
[irepi
679
AotirTOi''»'o[i']?
iVff(!^o\y\i tpCKoKiaapo% Kal
\av\iaTy\ 6 irvpyos ovV.lffyovhiov
toO]
?
.
.
.
]Ta
[eirtn(\riTo]v? TOV
lo
[
p.i]v6i
Xavdyov 4irl
wpu-
Kai
iirl
.
toO
tov (pyov
ro]pirialov ko
.
.
lT{ovf) doix .
a.b.
pp. 320,
cf.
ti-'xIb-
Ti]»'a[x]i5os Kal iwl tou
[T€vovTOi
Aiovvffioi
Kerch,
Doiptunes,
[xai i]Trl TOV (c6m('7''os) 'OvaStyov toO [i]-
llaipicrdSov?
Nccirepoi
jS".
KoTioiis
'Ay\aer)
\
[vyaavrer MapKiav[bi] Uarcpltov], k.t.X. 76 Biwv
383(?).
5 [tos] Kal ivl iKdpx<^v]
[j3']
ypanixaTfVi' 'IwSas Bapdavov .
the readings doubtful.
49' (p. 292).
II.
j^affi\{iiJi<)
t7r[i]
-rrplv
Mtv^ffTpaTos
w
all
^"Etti Ti/Sfpiou 'XovSiov
tQv Xoyuv,
T^s TrivaK(iSos?),
.
and
lost
610, 613, 614.
names I
24 'ifvxapioiv ^oyov
.
is
[E]i"i05 Mfi'ecr-
including
.
iiri.p.t\\-
'SeiK-q-
Tuv Xdyoiv,
TTt
'
dvi(s\
\vpyo%l
€iAe
Qea7[7^]-
PaSa^idcews
Tpdrov, "Epais
28
[i5os,
ToXfiTapX')') Aei'/uaj'[os]
TTplv
4>i5a TroXetTdpxf'i
On
d>'7j!
609.
[aStou Kal 'Vy\\-
CKOvnop TA0HOh
t^s 0eo5[o(rias],
cf. p.
\fiaffi.\itiiv'i\
PAAAliH'
r[o]cr[e]/x0X([oi']? firi ttJs
15 /SacriXetas (tai ^ttJ
Rhadam-
Kerch.
(p. 309).
and Rhescuporis,
ATAOH AnOATGni
•
yov 'A
312'
II.
sadius
fv-
?]
.
83
Appe7tdix No. 69.
658 67.
losPE.
II.
383, Fig. 349
68.
losPE.
n.
362, Fig. 350 1
69.
losPE. was
Anapa.
402.
II.
I
'""
'
Sauromates
The
II (?).
^^°-
I''
Museum. E. D. hand is. in
Fitzwilliam
broken and corrected
less
Then only
20
W\o\ai.Swvo%
II, Topy]b(Ta
1.
18,
^apv6i.Kov
37, 606, 612, 614,
airas
.
.
12,
1.
19,
'
.
.
.
.
on Ko(T(To[Os
'AOrjfodupos Il6dov
'
Xprjarods 'M.vpicrKov Mvpeiyoy
XprjffTiwvos 'Epfj.oD'
as Xpv(TWTov'
Xpr](TTiajvoi '
TepyovioV
Ilodfipoi
KvpdOwvos'
'A[pi]-
'
Ay lov-
Mijfo-
'^apvaKliov 'AyaJIpotTdoKlojv
Xdxai Topy6(Ta
XprjaTiuiv 6^/ca*
ATjfXTjTpt-
K]al Xovfj.-Qi'ios vi-
Ne]o/cX^s 'Ayadov
.
.
Ho
['AraKjovai 'Ayadov '^ap-
[i']aKJw[)'os
]
apva[Kt(<)]j'o[s] [Xp]'ii(TTi(i)V
IlavTaXeovTos
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
os
.
fiy)
7r
.
.
.
ndTTTTos
.
.
—
[ia?] .
.
.
K
.
'A7a0oO
OS
.
.
.
.
.
t
'
Ajta
'
60 'A[fi]as 'AX0[oK-]pdTou
'S.evyovs
'Epp.ov'
Sap/xdra
Vo^iuov
and the preface
'Svix
'
'
IIciTr-
IIo^os 'At-
Yiyovixevov
K6^ts ApiijTwvo%'
'
'Hpa(cX[^-
WodiaKos 'A7a5[oC]'
'Epp.aSio)v 'Nov/J.rjviov Xp-rjarov.
Nos. 67, 68, 69 are given as examples of Bosporan lettering, facsimiles published by Latyshev
Xprjarovs
Sia7oCs Xpria-rioivos ^ap-
^a[p^vdKrj% ^apvaKiwvoi
Xp[i7](r[Ti']ui'
KaroKas Addov
MatrroCs Kodiva'
IlaTTTros
[KJrTjcTia
'Ep NeoKXe[oi;]s
QcKa
TXvKUiv 'Ayadov'
Ep/xij'
IlaTras
"Pbhiiiu
NJou/U^vios "Epwros"
'Iinrapeivos XdpSet"
'
HaiTTros
'
M]o{t}p65wpos Aip.vdKov
[ttoi;
WvSujpoV
[Koo'auv'
^apvaKitavos
Xprjcrrbs XprjffTov
—
Upa^ll]-
'
IJdyvvxoi tapvaKiuvo^' 'H701;-
<{>
'Noijfj.Tj[viov] .
TpdyoV
Ilodelvov
Jfiov/n-qvios
[/ijff'oj
a^y
[^vi-
V6.
ATTafj.d^a[i IId7roi;(?)'
Tva4>laKov 'Arap-d^as Kdpaa'
Trair
.
'
A[a/i6(T]7-/3a[Tos]
Ild/Sas '^apvaKov
/3'
116^05 lldinrov'
...
Aypav
II6^os
"E/jcotos"
A6y)vbiuipo% M.vpicrKoV
BdyrjToi'
viol
Koo'covs 'Ayadou Vopylov
...
'
^apvaKiwv Epp-aSluvos' 'AraKoias IldTnrov Kovov
[Swpjoj Bwpd(C0Li*
[o]s 'Ep/j.[ou]
Mapiov
II 660s
Ep/u^s Kal 'Ayadovs
'
'2a
^apfaKov
IlaVas Mv
40 KojiriroOs Kal 'AdrjpiSoipos
a"
'
t[e-
Adr]p6S[o}]-
ZaffoOs Tet/xoOeov 'AOrjpbSiopos NeoKX[^-
•
Hyov/xevov
[60V To^pyiov
'
"Epws iappaKiojvoi "EpoiTO!
Ilaira'
ttodfivoi
^apdapi^ov
IlaTrtas XprjffTov'
Bayiov
AplffTwv
^iXoSicriroTos
Uddos
XpvffoxboV
oi/]s
'
"EpuTos"
/3'
2(?)^peis
Ayadov K^
j3'*
Avaifiaxo^
MJaxapios ^a.pvaKi(jivo^' 35 [^ajpfCLKT)^
'
HaTras XpricrTitofos
Teiyu65eos "ifivlda"
v(?)i?7os'
(TTtav
VacrTeLS
'
NeoxX^s Ilddov Qioreiixov
pos ^apvaKiitifos 'Aria'
[/3']
n[
'ApicrTuiv
'
llaTTTTos ^apiiaKioovoi
p](vs'
u>]f
17,
1.
k\(^a.v5pov
NeoxX^s ^apvaKiwvos Xapdei'
[KJovoic
[cojs
Nou/ufvios;
10,
1.
;
16, 'A.\i^a.v5po%;
I.
•
XwXov
lldwa
[va]
Ilhdov Xpijoriuj/os
9,
1.
Kp&Tov%;
.
Moi]-
Za^ayloi'
a))'o[s] Trr/i
.
/xrjvbi 'A/)Te]-
.
.
"la
^a[p]vq.K[ici3i'
ol
^tovs
.
rop7ia[s
'iTrirapelvov
podwpov Aefpaoaa
II
.
.
^apvdKov XoxEayAs
.
ol]
116^01;;
4,
1.
;
1.
tov
"
e[
Tf i/i6[^60s
'
Xoicrla'
T\iiKtijv
55
and pp.
Fig. 351
cf.
9
NeoKXijs
"^IvplffKov
.
ZaffoOs
ov Ko(r
.
|3'
names:
stray
1.
uv
50
names,
in the
— 625.
Qeifj
IxLcrLov.
45
the stone
three lines restored by comparing the stone and No. 51,
first
Kalcrapos Koi t/nXopu/xaiov ev(T([poi)i
30
made when
the University Library, Cambridge.
BaffiXeiJoyros /SacriX^ws Tij3e/)[/ou 'YovKlov Xavpo/xdrou tpCKo}-
I
25
Clarke's copy
in Porson's
and various corrections introduced 616, 621, 623
Bosporus
cf.
pp.
to Kieseiitzky-Watzinger,
301 pp.
— 306, — vii
ff.
viii.
213
— 216,
2f8, 219, see
Appe7idix No. 69.
I'ir..
351.
fiCA.
X.
I'l.
Bosporus
659
I.
83—2
Appendix Nos. 67, 68, 70.
66o
67.
losPE.
Bosporus
383.
II.
Taman. Fitzvvilliam Museum, Cambridge. Cf. p. 627.
P'iG.
BCA.
349.
X. p. 95.
letfMSOeoi 6 Trdrpas Strios 0ws, Trais 5^ Adcreios, rp?? 5e/fd(3)os (t4ojv Tep/xaricras f6av(s.
A
68.
losPE.
II.
Taman.
362.
rdXac, oUrdpa) ae iroXvKkavaTuoL cue 5^
5
rjpCiwv
crvv
Fitzwilliam
Fig. 350.
^C/4.
xwpov ^x<"5
eiri
Tup.jio}i'
'pOip-coi.
Museum, Cambridge.
x.
p.
Cf.
p.
566.
93.
50I
d
70.%
avTwv
dirb
a[i]T6i> ycvop.^vas Tei/id[s
ei's
iepia airo]/cai av€iaos ras aviaTT)aev reipLTJi X^P"* '^^'' '''V '^"^ ^""'L v]'''V'' 5 pipav avrdv inrd re f/xoO Kdi rwv eK-y6vui\y pov .... ais Tf
69.
losPE.
70.
Inscr.
II.
.
+ Tlpb%
I
99,
a.d. 590.
318, 532, 542, 610.
105,
p.
PI.
Maurice,
On
cf.
xi.
and below p.
it
318, n.
two Tatngi,
OavpasToh
/)
KaTopOdpacn
\apwpbv
each side of
f[ and
Toh Xonro??
p(y6.\oi%
pp.
the text stands a Nike with a wreath
V.
.
402, Fig. 351, see pp. 658, 659.
Christ.
Taman.
.
/>
rbSe tA(5)
iv Boo(T7r6pcj
Keaapiof aveviuaev
5
V
M[aD/)]iVis 6 ey[(r]e;3(^crraros)
ft,
SfUTroTTjs 5o('i\«
I.
9
/>
deo
y]pu)
5id ToD yv-qaiov avroG
Einrare pi H
,
(rT/)aTjj\dT(i')oi; koI
th ivbo^oraTOv bovKbs Xf^truJcos.
'Ij'5(i(criaJ;'os)
1;'.
1
66
COIN PLATES I.
Tyras.
II.
Olhia,
^es
grai'e.
III.
Olbia, ordinary coins.
IV.
Chersonese.
Native Kings.
Panticapaeum.
Y.
Kings of Bosporus
Panticapaeum.
VI.
Vn.
Kings of Bosporus
ist
li.c.
century a.d.
Later Kings of Bosporus.
VIII. IX.
Nymphaeum.
Theodosia.
Cercinitis.
Bosporus uncertain.
Ciorgippia.
Apollonia.
Sindi.
Phanagoria.
Dioscurias.
Agrippias
Caesarca.
Colchi.
The following Persons and Institutions possess important collections of Cireck coins from South Russia and to most of them as indicated below I am indebted for casts :
H.I.H. the Grand Duke Alexander Michailovich supra pp. xxx,
xxxii,
in
(liel
It
all.
(G.) and described
in
638).
The Hermitage (H.); no Catalogue what coins were there even
perhaps the richest of
is
M. Podshivalov and by Chr.
includes the coins collected by A. their writings (v.
;
his
his time
published, but :
it
Koehne
in
MK.
(v. p.
xxx) often indicates
receives the results of excavations.
The Historical Museum at Moscow contains Burachkov's coins (B. p. xxix) and others (Mosc). The Rumjantsev Museum at Moscow, Catalogue by Podsiiivalov (p. xxxii). The University of Moscow, Catalogue by Oreshnikov (p. xxxii). The University of S. Vladimir, Kiev, Catalogue by Antonovich (p. xxix). The Museum of the Odessa Historical and Archaeological Society (O.), specially rich in Olbia and Tyras.
The University of New Russia, Odessa, The Museums at Kherson (Catalogue by
also has
some
coins.
Goszkevvicz, p. xxviii), Chersonese, Theodosia and
Kerch.
Mr Sect.
I.
M. Jakunchikov
B.
pp.
ii.
Mr
Th.
7
I.
Prowe
at
Petersburg collects Greek coins in general
TA'/IS. A'um.
(v.
Moscow.
The Countess Uvarov Mrs
at St
— 59)at Porechje (U.),
Mr
Kuris and
Catalogue by Oreshnikov
(p.
xxxii).
Mavrogordato at Odessa the latter has recently sold in western Europe many coins which were not required for the Odessa Society's Museum. This General A. L. Bertier-de- La-Garde at Jalta, especially rich in Chersonese (BG.). L.
collection
Dr
I.
is
I.
P. A.
:
destined to join that at Odessa.
A. Terlecki at
Kerch
(to
whom my best thanks are due for making me practically me have a selection (M.) which has conveniently best coins have passed to Mr Prowe.
acquainted with Bosporan coins and letting
up certain gaps) some of his The K. Miinzkabinet, Berlin, Catalogue by von Sallet The Cabinet des Medailles, Paris. The British Museum (BM.), which has much increased
filled
:
gordato since the publication of
its
Catalogues
(BMC.)
(v.
its
p.
489).
series especially
from
Thrace, Tatiric Chersonese
Mr Mavro-
and Sarmatia,
by P. Gardner, 1877; Pontus and Bosporus, by W. Wroth, 1889.
The
Imperial Cabinet
at
Vienna, the Royal Cabinets at Brussels and Copenhagen, the
Museum at (Glasgow, the St Florian Collection at Enns, have important pieces. Fitzwilliam Museum (FW.) at Cambridge possesses a fine series of Olbian Asses and
Hunterian
a
hundred ordinary
coins.
The about
662
Coin Plates
A Corpus staff
graphies) it
of these coins has been undertaken by the
Grand Duke
conjunction with the
in
of the Hermitage, but meanwhile the numismatic literature of our region is
Koehne's Mus^e Kotschoubey (MK.), the
unsatisfactory.
as a whole, quite superseded
all
Burachkov's General Catalogue (B.)
that went before but also a rare
is
now out
is
book and both
many
thousand coins,
references to
the
it is still
the various Biblio-
attempt to deal with
of date and withal very rare.
and
text
plates are very untrust-
made up
worthy, but Bertier-de-La-Garde's Corrections have to a great extent figuring over a
(v.
first real
means by which specimens are
for this
and
identified, I
since, as
have given
it.
and Tyran coins are just what was wanted, but there is no text, in what collections the specimens he figures are preserved: the to state 918 p. his text have been handed over by the Berlin Academy to the Russian compilers
Pick's plates (P.) of Olbian
only a note on materials for
of the Corpus.
Articles
by Jurgiewicz
(J.) (on Tyras),
by Podshivalov (on the Bosporus), and by
(TRAS. v and vii), have and more recently Oreshnikov's (Or.) and Bertier-de-La-Garde's (BG.) workHow much I am indebted to these my text has shewn copies of several of these more recent articles I have furnished with a running analysis in English and placed in the Medal Room of the British Museum where they are generally accessible. These plates have been something of an afterthought, and I have been able neither to Giel in his Kleine Beitrdge {Kl. B.)
been of
and "Accessions
to his Collection "
real value,
:
choose the very best specimens nor to reproduce the coins quite as
I should wish, but pending Corpus it seemed necessary to bring the more important coins before my these nine plates, though they fall short of the spacious collotypes now customary,
fthe publication of the
readers
:
offer a
fairly
specimens
:
that
;
the descriptions
enough
is
make up
some
for
deficiencies with data from better
to render intelligible the short account of the coinage in
with history and religion appended to the chapter devoted to each state. the
and an example
representative selection giving a sufficient idea of the city issues
of very nearly every ruler
commoner
coins just because they are
common and
I
These
I
found
my
entire
best thanks are due.
But
therefore truly typical.
ready to hand in the Odessa collection to which half the coins belong disposal by the Director, Professor E. R. von Stern, to
whom my
connexion
have mostly chosen
;
it
was put
at
a desire to add rarer specimens because they illustrated some particular point has involved giving
due
much
Mr
to
who have
trouble to those
A. V. Oreshnikov, keeper of the Historical
unconscionable
list
of desiderata from
Museum
among Burachkov's
Retovski of the Hermitage was the more to be appreciated that
I
applied to
him
for
casts
Most of
the keeping of the originals.
all
are
my
my
thanks
Moscow to him I sent an The courtesy of Mr O. F.
at
:
coins. in that
it
was as a complete stranger
from that collection and the Grand Duke's, including
Giel's.
me most delicate impressions from certain of his important coins of Chersonese. Nearer home I am glad to acknowledge the help given me in The Hunterian the B. M. by the late Mr Warwick Wroth, Mr G. F. Hill and Mr H. Mattingly. Recognition is also Paerisades was cast for me by the late Professor J. Young of Glasgow. due to the technical skill of Mr Ready at the B. M. and of the late Mr H. A. Chapman at the Fitzwilliam. The latter made the casts from my sealing-wax impressions and took the photographs General
Bertier-de-La-Garde
kindly sent
from which the blocks were prepared as well as many other photographs needed
With regard
to the weights given for the gold
the time to weigh those from which of nearly
all
I
and
silver coins 1
for this book.
must explain that
took impressions in the Odessa
Museum
:
I
had not
but the weights
these specimens have been published by Bertier-de-La-Garde in his Materials for
Stathmological Investigation, and so
which did not come within
his
specimen of the same coin given
I
have been able to supply them
purview,
the weight
is
:
but in some few cases,
given in brackets and
in the publication cited in the last
column of the
is
that of the
description.
PLATE
I.
TYRAS
:
Plate No.
1.
2.
Me- wt. tal
JR.
M.
: ::
:
:
:
:
TYRAS.
I.
g-""-
Obverse
grni.
j86
)
(5-57
(
i8o'2 5-2 l
i
Demeter three-quarters
ears of corn
1.,
Bull butting I
on forehead.
Demeter
facing, ears of corn
on
fore-
Bull butting
front, ears of
1.
T]YPAN.
above,
:
BM.
P. XII. 10.
(B. X.
O.
JE.
Demeter
5.
JE.
Dionysus
(?) r.,
6.
M.
Dionysus
r.,
TY PA; monogram TTY.
CistaMystica:
2.
O.
P. xii. 15. J. 2.
TYPA
under kerchief.
r.,
I,
I.
B. 18.
corn on fore-
head.
/
;
}].
Demeter
JE.
TYPANHN
above,
1.:
Publication
Coll.
in field, A.
I
head.
/
<
Reverse
in wreath.
O.
J. 9.
O.
P. XII. 21.
B. 16.
Cornucopia: TYP/Ov.
laur.
J. 12. <
laur.
Eagle standing on thunderbolt below,
TYPAN.
\
7.
JE.
Dionysus
8.
JE.
Apollo
9.
JE.
Apollo
10.
^.
Apollo
11.
yE.
Athena
12.
/E.
Asclepius
13-
^•
Rivergod
14.
JE.
Rivergod Augustus
15.
yE.
16.
yE.
17.
yE.
1.,
(?) r.,
laur.
r.,
Fishl.
r.
1.
Fish:
r.,
laur.
18.
^.
laur.
AAPIANOC
:
laur.,
r.,
dot-border:
AYjTANTQNeiNONCeB.
19.
JE.
club,
-j
n, laur.
BHPjiCCIMOC KAICAP. Commodus, bust
20. 21.
yE. yE.
AYK
AI
r.,
laur.
KOMOAOC.
[Sep. Severus
TYPANHN. TYPA] NO) N
r.:
r., cf.
I (
hd
vertical
to
r.
dot-border:
;
JE.
Sep. Severus, bust
r.,
laur
AYTKAicenceBHPoc nep.
6.
XII. II. II.
XII. 12. 22.
XII. 17. 26. 24. XII. 19. 13.
XII. 22.
J.
1
10.
(B. XI.
O.
31.
P. XII. 23 IJ- 32.
{
O.
J.
O.
B. 35P. XII. 25.
41.
J- 49-
Pallas standing with spear, shield helmet, hd to 1. TYPA NON.
and
B. 36.
O.
P. XII. 26.
:
(Eagle standing 1., looking r., with wreath in beak: TYPANON B. (Winged Victory r., with palm and wreath TY PANfiN A. \
O.
;
(Heracles (
14.
(B. (P. (B. )P. (B. ^P. B. (B. (P. B. /P.
J. 6.
on
1.,
TYPA
}]
O.
TYPA[N]flN.
:
22.
(?).
TYPA.
:
I
22.]
13-
B. 28.
O.
THeracles standing with lion-skin and [
M. Aurelius
O.
Club of Heracles
KAI AY.
Antoninus Pius
O. O.
calathos, seated (?) in throne, holding out patera: in exergue.
< \
r.,
TYPA.
TYPA.
fTyche :
AO]A\eTIANOC [KAICAP. Hadrian
above,
:
TYPA.
:
Spread eagle
KAI[CAP] CeBACTO[C. Domitian
1.
O.
Altar with snake:
1.
B.
O.
Bull butting
r.
(?)
TYPA.
:
TYPA-
Lyre:
helmed.
(?)
r.
O.
Similar.
laur.
1.,
(
TYPA-
:
Horse's head and neck
laur.
1.,
O.
J-
Bunch of grapes
laur.
B. 19.
:
J.
O.
74 (76)
B. 57.
;
with
hd
apples,
J- 59B. 49.
club,
to
r.
:
and
lion-skin
TYPA NflN
;
A.
BM.
B. 55. Cf. P. XIII. J- 79-
23.
^.
Domna, bust r. lOYAAO MNACe.
Julia
Caracalla, bust 24.
JE.
25.
^.
27.
AYTKMAYPC6Y HPOC ANTQNI ACenreT KAICAP. Geta, bust r.
yE.
JE.
laur.
r.,
:
Al. Severus, bust 26.
Tyche
Mammaea, lOYAIA
:
TYPANflN
bust
r.
MAMMAIA
C6B.
;
A.
O. O.
22.
(B. 59. (J- 81.
B. XII. 66. J. 94.
[As 20.]
o.
Winged Victory r.
AYTKM]AYP CGB [AAGSANA. J.
As
(as 16)
with palm and TYPA]NJ2N, crescent in
o.
River-god seated r. by urn from which TYPANflN, A and stream flows
O.
wreath
:
field.
:
crescent.
J. 104.
1.,
B. 74J. 108.
J.
109.
I.
TVRAS
Pi ATI.
AVGUSTUS'
City and Imperial Issues
(pp.
447—4:^9)
I
PLATE
II.
OLBIA
84 M.
Plate No.
AES GRAVE AND CAST PIECES, ALL BRONZE.
OLBIA.
II.
WeiL'ht S"^-
Obverse
.?''"•
Reverse
Publication
Coll.
High. Low. Aver.
2130 1605 1790I '•
Medusa
lArchaic
hanging
facing,
tongue
out.
)
Sea-eagle,
dolphin:
wings
104
1161
525 34
324
I
-
43' 281
Same
smaller.
Four-spoked wheel
fib. •
85
--^l
1
Same
smaller.
Same
r
r2a. -
[2 b. ^
3.
^'
21
'54
1
10
16
12
I
102
"73
1
663 43
509
586I
33
38
-^y
-7^
340I
1852 1605 1728I 120 104 112
^'-si
[Sa.
27
^vt
APIX.
:
B.
)B B.
smaller.
IP
Pallas
helmed
Same
smaller.
Same
smaller
Same
smaller.
Same
smaller:
1.,
Four-spoked wheel "^
before her dolphin.
Medusa
PAY:
:
)Demeter(?) facing: necklace, ears of corn in hair. I
\ZJ.
:
pellets in quarters.
I
j
:
OAB
20-8
I
H.
Eagle upon dolphin: OABIH, beneath sometimes A.
6.
[6.
•82
'592 103
nil
1
I.
2,4.-]
VIII. 2.
B.
II. 9.]
B.
II.
12.]
II.
lo.
BM.
i.
r>^
B.
J
i
5, 6, 8.
B. 1.7, II. 1 1,13. (P. Viii. 4.
j '
BG.
ST.
Same
smaller.
\ZT.
Same
smaller.
Dolphin.
(Flat.)
Dolphin.
(Flat.)
I
I
O ^-
f
Coinp. Values^ p. 77.
BM.
j
B. p. 42.
|P. Via.
7.
Unpublished.
(
I
1'
B.
72
[Dolphin.]
[10.
I.]
Four-spoked wheel.
[Dolphin.]
9-
I.
-35
12-6 5-
3.
VIII
(
I
I
I.
^^'IP
I
[5 b.
.
IB.
PAYS.
Eagle upon dolphin
facing.
B.
I
"JP. viii. 3.
117)
1033 1096 67 71
76
upon
(
'960 1574 1806I 127
I
extended,
APIX.
138
Smaller dolphin Flat
fish.
APIXO.
„ ^-
APIX:0.
O.
0Y.
^ ^-
)B.
p. 41.]
III.
IP. VIII.
B.
III.
18. 5.
17.
)B. III. i8a. |P. VIII. 6.
v.pp.453-483-]
OLBIA
ri.ATi:
;
r^.M^.
Aes grave
(pp.
482—485)
II
PLATR
III.
OLRIA.
NATIVE KINGS
84-
:
Plate No.
King
Me- ^,
grn.
32-8 2-13
Head
189
M.
COINS.
of
Demeter
Demeter
I2'25
Reverse
Dolphin
1.
crowned with corn.
1.,
Demeter
\
JE.
mural crown adorned
1.,
M.
6,
JR.
Same, S i
3-37
later style. :
I (
7
JE.
Apollo
8.
M.
Demeter
9-
Ai.
(?) r.,
^Same
JE.
II
}
12
mark,
O.
Cf. B. IX. 214
Same
O.
Cf. P. IX.
:
r.
:
I
1.
:
countermark, caduceus.
(Zeus r. countermark, myrtlebranch. \ (Cybele in calathos and veil: countermark, myrtle-branch. (.\pollo bust n, before him bow-case: :
JE. JE~.
14-
}
JE.
15-
[OABIOnOAEITCON]; I
1
Apollo
JE.
6.
r.:
^
OABIO;
JE.
i8.
JE.
)
r.,
laur.:
AYTKMAYPCeYAAeSANAPOC.
B. 42. P. X. 20. (B. VI. 102. IX. 31.
OABIO |-ir-* nioAiTE[nN; IaaJ vertical: OAB OTTO 1.
B. III.
:
O.
P. XI. 4.
.
B. 105.
I
O.
AITED[N. (Tympanum: OABI; monogram.
P. XI.
)
(
/
Eagle
1.
lookin? back with wreath
:
bow and
pa-
AAAOCCATY[POY]. A]AA[OCC]ATY[POY
(.?).
in full
armour standing
OABIOnO AEITCON
r.
:
A.
(Spread-eagle with wreath: )
H.
OABIO nOAITflN.
H.
4)
B. 170.
O.
tera(.?):
Mars
151,
P. X. 35-
AAOO[Y AEA]4'0Y.
Lyre:
3.
B. VII.
B.
OnOAIT[EnN
)
KACEnTITETA.
(Bust of A. Severus
JE.
19.
B. IV. 64.
B.
below, EIPHBA. Like 5: large countermark, two demi-horses springing apart
(Sceptre
OAB[IOnOAEITa)]N. BustofGetar.:
O.
:
;
m
87. X. 6.
O.
below, BIE. above, OABIO
(Eagle standing
(Apollo leaning on a pillar; )
V. 83.
\f. X. 25. 91X. 5.
OA.
\
17-
O. B.
OAB 10-
(Apollo standing with
OABIOnO.
monogram.
side,
EPTA.
01
3:
(Club horizontal
(
'3
on each
;
1
(Eagle upon dolphin: above,
large countermark, Helios rayed, cf 22.
Zeus
JE.
:
OAB
(
)
Demeter
or
135. 2.
Bow-case and quiver, axe below, OAB 10; above, I*.
Bow-case: below,
Pallas.
VI.
P. IX.
:
r.
:
(
O.
P. IX. 18.
B.
B. VII. 152. P. X. I.
Archer as
(Heracles in lion-scalp r. (perhaps Apollo or Demeter). counterj Heracles in lion-scalp r.
JE.
above, mono-
:
1
other letters above. jThree-stringed lyre above,
laur.
(
lo
OAB
:
in field,
;
O.
1.
countermark, Apollo r., laur. helmeted Pallas.
5^-
upon dolphin
B. TV. 45.
iniTPA;inexergue,[OABIO].
(
5
O.
("Kneeling shooting 1. a Scythic archer with bow-case: above, (
Horned river-god
JE.
below, OA.
Publication
gram.
I
4.
:
Coll.
{
with ears of corn.
\
1.
("Sea-eagle trident i
3
NATIVE KINGS.
Obverse
grm.
tal
I.
2.
ORDINARY
OLBIA.
III.
Cf. P. XI.
9.
(B. VIII. 178. (P. XI. 19.
(B. 180. (P- XI. 20.
H.
B. 190. P. XII.
O.
B. 193.
I.
NATIVE KINGS. Canitks
j
JE.
(
Sarias
Two heads
r.
r.,
wreathed
in exergue,
(Bow
Aelis
Rayed head
JE.
facing.
(stars: 23-
Kav-
Hermes
JE.
r.,
in petasus.
SCILURUS
JE.
(
)
JE.
25.
(
Bearded head
in pointed cap countermark, saUire.
Ininsimeus
jr.
6o'2
iHd
3-9
of Pharzoeus
r.,
1K]IA0Y[P0Y; to
1.
vertically
'
r.
r.,
ro\al sign:
TRAS.
^ ^•
B. IX. 203.
B.
B. 207.
standing on royal sign
BAIIAEHZ
filleted.
;
^ ^
[
Tyche
in
nrf ;
mural crown
I
monoj^ranis
\^
^
;
G.
\
TRAS.
(P. XII.
4
V. 3. 6.
iAAj. r.
OABionoAeiTenN:
BAciAenc lNlCA^enc.
V.
oABIo.
4>APZ0I0Y; OA of Ininsimeus
lb. p. 89.
I
{Eagle
Hd
AT ^^"
T,
(?).
[Bow-case between ear of corn and club: B]AIIAEn[I {
130-8 8-48
TOAM
BA]IIA[Eni IKIAOYPO[Y.
j
Phakzoeus N.
monogram
KAY. Caduceus:
Similar.
10.
Chron.
y w.j.XlX-p.SS ;
BAZI
:
)
24.
6.
p. 24.
I.
rP. XIII.
B]AZI[AEnZ AIAIOI
(Winged caduceus
(P. XIII.
\MK.
BM. I Num.
lAPI.
(Two
H.
BAK. BA5!I
in case:
(?). \
22.
BAIIAEHI
of wheat:
KANITOY;
nearer wearing kerchief.
Bearded head
JE.
Two stalks
(Demeter and Cora?)
CAT.
O.
)B. 212. ;P. XII.
9.
OI.HIA
Ordinary Coins
(pp. 459,
473
^qq-. 485-
4^6):
Pi,ATF.
Native Kincis
(pp.
119,
121,
in
487)
PLATE
IV.
CHERSONESE
:
PL. \TE No.
I.
5
27-47
(
178
Artemis
JS3 1
4-
5-
M.
(
Artemis almost
98
I
6-35
(
9-83
(Bull butting-
Same.
(
Artemis
yR. AL.
) (
Artemis 1., bearded Dionysus (?) r. abo\ e, H P. ^Artemis seated r. looking at arrowpoint by her deer.
yE.
yE.
}
XEP,
club:
r.,
Naked spearman
:
kneeling L:
K.
BG. "•
in pileus
with shield below.
XEP
I,
Lion attacking deer Bull butting
r.
XEP.
:
over club
1.
(Artemis seated
Heracles
r.
in lion-scalp.
9-i8
)
lO.
yE.
II.
JE.
Athena
in coif.
r.
1.
XEP.
:
looking at arrow
AnOAAHNlOY,
point: Lion's face
(Griffin
helmed.
r.
}
r.
above,
:
XEP.
and club: XEP.
full
(BG.
I.
'B. 41.
IB. 17.
O.
B. XV. 68.
B.
B. 61.
B.
B. XIV. 36.
BG.
HPAKAEIOY.
below,
BM. O.
XEP:
jNike moving 1. with wreath: in front XEP, behind wing A POAA.
Athena as above.
yE.
fish
:
Artemis (Aphrodite.'')
12.
below, club and
1.:
Od
Soc.xxvi.2.
;
/
yR.
O.
BG.
XEP. Bull butting
filleted.
1.
quadriga, r. jjaniform head:
(141-6 9-
XEP.
:
B. XIV. 25.
B. 28. BG. 7>. (
I
8.
bow
1.,
O.
3-43
(
7-
wreath.
in
Half bull butting
full face, filleted.
JArtemis as Nike with torch driving 6.
XEP
Club and
laur.
r.
(.-')
Publication
Coll.
Fish and club: XEP.
in coif.
1.
Artemis yR.
Reverse
Obverse
2. 3-
;
CHERSONESE.
IV
Me- wt. «"• grm tal yR.
:
B. XV. 50.
B. 66.
BG.
22.
B. 64.
G.
TJ^AS.
V. 10.
B.
B. XIV.
15.
O.
B. 34.
O.
B. 14.
O.
B. 38.
i
{Artemis 212-3 13.
.q^.
n, quiver
termarks:
1376
/E.
(
'5-
L^
:
three coun-
in a circle
of dots
in
IITIEIO;
above
1.:
below,
XEP. Deer kneeling (De_e
laur.
r.
1.
:
XEP
above, below
EENOKAE.
slaying deer with spear in she wears short chiton and r. hand endromides, has a quiver on her 1.
:
.E.
Griffin
1.
Artemis 16.
;
;
Artemis
yE.
XEP
jBull butting 1. above, club and below, ISTPnN02:(?). I :
; J
dolphin 3, thunderbolt. (Artemis kneeling r. on r. knee, holding J bow in r. hand and picking up arrow 2,
14.
I,
behind
shoulder and strung
bow
in
1.
hand.
(Bull butting], over club: below, quiver (
between,
AlArO PA.
XEP. 17-
57-9
yR (
18.
yR
19.
yE.
j I
375
(Artemis /
28-2
Young
1-83 i
\
r.
in
Heracles,
Hermes
in
Deer standing r. below, AAOIPIOZ; on r. side XEP: restruck.
earrings and mural behind, quiver.
crown as Tyche
:
;
Club between
fillet, r.
petasusr.,caduceus behind;
dot-border.
j I
r.
Lion's head
JE.
in lion-scalp.
and AiOTIA^OY.
Cornucopia between
XEP
XEP;
above,
1.:
XIAANOY:
iB. 10.
BG.
12.
BG.
9.
(BG.
18'.
)B. XV. 67.
]:)elow,
countermark,
BG.
BG.
28.
jjf.
(Six-rayed star, between rays XEP and three pellets. Deergrazingr. below, XGP: between
r.
BG.
„^ ^^-
and
nY0inNO[i.
{Prow Heracles
JE.
XEP
O.
O.
B. 70.
(
:
Artemis
JE.
r.
;
behind, quiver. its
re.
EIPHNHC CEBACTHC: ^
24.
JE
25.
N
Artemis
(Apollo r. hair done effeminately: before him lyre; behind, branch:
r.
Apollo
liefore
filleted
:
XEP.
r.
in
in 1.
ETOYC
dot-
border.
Zeus (Asclepius?)
bow
G.
reversed.
feet
mural crown holding out hand, poising dart in r.
PK;
cf.
Jjjp:
mark, erect Artemis. [As 25, no date.] [Artemis as on 23 PNH
in field
:
26. 27.
28.
29.
JE JE JE JE
^107-4 6-96 (
XEP:
laur.:
1.
dot-border.
him snake:
'
I
r. before him lyre dot-border. Artemis as on 16: below, XEPC: dot-border. Apollo r. very effeminate, lyre EAEYGEPA: dot-border. Asclepius as on Roman coins: EiVEYeEPAC dot-border.
Apollo
filleted
:
XEP:
I
I
eAGYGePAC:
stag: Bull butting 1. dot-border.
Artemis
:
below
r.
side
dot-border.
EAEYGEPAC
:
with stag as 26, side view: XEPCONHCOY: dot-border. r.
Hygieia:
XEPCONHCOY:
V. II.
jB. XVI. 100.
\TRAS.vu.37.
O.
B. 115.
O.
Cf.
O.
B. XVI. 114.
O.
B. 102.
O.
B. 106.
O.
B. 118.
and
dot-border.
•
(Artemis as on 23 but by her \
:
:
I5P
^ ^-
25: counter-
T/iAS.
B. XIV. 8.
dot-border.
B. XV. 45.
CHKRSOXKSK
W
ri.ATi.
^
%m is
Ancient Coins
(pp. 522, 523.
540— 55o)
I
PLATE
V.
PANTICAPAEUM
1
:
PANTICAPAEUM.
Plate V. No.
Me-
g"""-
wt.
M.
1-54
I
J
/R.
16-4
I
yR. I
1
I
I
9"oS
I
Same, not so clear
less rude.
(Ram's head
Same.
'04
1140-1
N.
Same,
-06
i6-o8
J
incuse scjuare.
\Kl.D. Ill- 13. XIX. 21.
'|B.
G.
four.
O.
Mill-sail square, twoquatrefoilson sails.
Same.
1-66
I
G.
I'ublication
Kl.B.
I
jPan I
straight hair
1.,
and beard, pointed
ears.
P A on
:
sails
(.'').
below, sturgeon above, [TTANTI]: all in incuse square (1). Horned griffin with lion's hd passant gardant 1., a spear in his mouth, ear of bearded wheat below PAN. 1.
;
;
O.
III.
)Kl.B. HI. tB.
25-6
I
Rude
Lion-scalp facing.
274
:
P-A-N-TI. Incuse square cut into
Ant.
-13
Coll.
Mill-sail incuse sc]uare with star centre
I
42-3
I
JR.
I
Ant.
2
)
"I
/R.
Reverse
-I
I
M.
Obverse
grm.
tal
:
I.
20.
I.
\Kl.B. iB. 7.
BM,
B.
8.
BM,
B.
16.
O.
B. 28.
O.
B. 40.
FW.
B. 30.
BM.
B. 32.
O.
B. 44-
III.
31.
:
8.
A^
) 1
I
9.
yR.
J I
10.
I
JR.
I
11.
yR.
J I
12.
JR.
J I
13-
^^•
I
40-43
14.
yR. JR.
j
i
15.
I
16.
N.
!
I
Pan
33-64 2-i8
yll. I
straight hair
r.,
Pan
40-1 2-6
Same. Lion's headr.
and beard.
9-1
ir8i
I'an I
[PANTI].
;
j Fore-part of lion galloping 1.: below, PANTI.
1.,
and beard.
beardless, straight hair.
Lion walking
r.
below,
:
I
almost facing, bearded, ivycrowned.
I
Pan
I
Pan
as
1.,
Lion tearing deer
Ox head
8.
1.,
I
roni hair.
19.
yE.
Pan
20.
/E.
Pan
21.
yE.
Same
22.
JE.
Pan
23.
^.
Similar.
26.
JR.
J I
27.
/R.
I
I
28.
yR.
i
I
2-i8 20-2 I-^I
O.
\mK.
I.
p. 346.
B. XX. 67.
FW.
B. XIX. 41.
BM.
B. 47.
As
15.
BM.
B. XX. 59.
sturgeon below:
1.,
as
16.
Bow and arrow
1.,
as
17.
Lion's head
beardless, macaroni hair.
r.,
beardless.
1.,
Demi-griffin
Bow r.,
1.,
below,
:
Apollo
(?)
Apollo
r.,
1.,
r.
in case:
IGorytus.
PANTI-
sturgeon below:
PAN.
PAN.
:
PANTI.
Monogram.
Horse grazing
laur.
laur.
PAN. BM.
.Same, countermark bow-in-case.
with countermark of star.
3-52
337
H.
B. XX. 86. IB. XIX. 46.
7.
Demi-griffin
15-93
543
PAN.
BM.
As
macaroni hair and beard.
Male head
I
:
holding
PAN.
1.:
I
^.
r.
1.,
I
r.,
25.
crescent
PANTI. above, PANTI.
Lion head facing: below,
beardless, ivy-crowned.
ivy-crowned, macaroni hair and beard. (Pan 1., ivy-crowned, beardless, maca-
(Pan
Pan
1245-8
1.,
PANTI.
(Lion passant regardant spear in mouth: below,
1.
yE.
yE.
and beard.
straight hair
r.,
'I
JPan
37-6 2-44 44-8 2-9 140-5
straight hair
1.,
18.
24.
and beard.
I
402-6
)i82-5 17-
Pan
curly hair
1.,
1-5
IO-6 -69
I
J
l^an f
91 23-15
1.
:
TTANTI KA
HAITflN. below, PANTI-
(Strung bow in case: TT]ANTIK[A spear-head 1. n]AIT[nNFore-part of horse galloping r. J
B. XIX. 39.
M.
B. 49.
O.
B. XX- 71.
M.
B. 72.
M.
B. 88.
M.
B. 92.
FW.
B. XXI. 113.
O-
B. 103.
().
B. III.
I
Apollo
r.,
laur.
HANTIKAnAITHN. BM.
\
Poseidon
jTrident r.,
filleted. I
1-:
HAN TIKA.
G.
B. 104.
TJiAS.
V. 35.
PAXTlCArAKU.M
t 5
I'l
ATI.
V
""
^ V
4^
Si n.
£
01
23
.e
H'^
M.
33
Q'
\
Earlier City Issues
(pp.
627—631)
1
-^
PLATE
M.
VI.
PANTICAPAEUM. BOSPORUS KINGS
B.C.
85
.
PANTICAPAEUM PA
Plate VI. Me-
No.
:
wt.
s"-"-
BOSPORUS.
(contd).
Pan
/E.
f
ivy-crowned, bearded.
1.,
Apollo r., laur. Eight-rayed star: TTANTIKATT. Griffin's wing.
/Young head \
(Apollo) wearing
r.,
wreath with pendent
t 55 3-56
f
\
cf.
Tripod-lebes. Tripod lebes: TTAN. f Quiver with strap
\
tie.
104-9
J •
Bust of Artemis
bow and
r.,
Deer pasturing
wreathed.
r.,
Same
f Apollo
\
r.,
JE.
Poseidon
13-
JE.
Same.
4-
/E.
("Pallas )
laur.
B. xxiii. 25,
12.
1
of
I
inf.
cf.
filleted
helmed
struck
:
upon
Sp.\rtocus
119-9
M.
16.
Leucon
18.
Filleted
Pallas
JE. JE.
17-
G.
do.
nANTIKA HAITHN
l^
Oval
w m
in
I
I
r.
[
his feet panther
HANT Monogram.
thunderbolt.
Prow
r.,
B.
B. 180.
O.
B. XXI. 122.
O.
B.XXII.
B.
B. 144.
TTAN.
BM.
B. 153-
B.
B. 157.
BM.
B. 176.
19.
'
A^.
I
Hd
hd of Spartocus Heracles
helmed
BAIIAEni
Bowcase: r.
Rumjan-
[inAPjTOKOY: Club and bow:
lion-
in
behind diagonally.
-Pg
Hygiaenon
(?) r.,
no
B.
B.
O.
B. 9. B. 10.
H.
:
r. hand, spear against r. shoulder, 1. arm on shield with gorgoneion in exergue trident 1., flanked by
fillet.
dolphins.
APXONTOI
Paeri.s.ades
N. A^
21.
Head
^7,.^
/'^S-S
Head
r.,
r.,
style.
Saumacus
Rayed head
JE.
BAII[AEni] IAY[A^AKOY]
/Throned Apollo 1., hand holds r.
Pharnaces
(126-4 Filleted
A''.
head of Pharnaces
r.
bay-wreath out towards lebes-
-;
24.
Asander Archon
r
JE.
<
[
25. 26.
\
King
iV.
( 1
27.
28.
Polemo
I.
Pythodoris
/R.
[24 8-03 54-J5"
3'5iJ JR.
Asander
r.,
coin
BMC. Pontus
of
III.
(?):
(
1
53-9 3"35
re-
Amisus.
fProw,
but wreathed r. restruck on VI. 1, itself on IX. 21.
585
\
II.
PI.
p. 229,
XLV.
5.
(v. p. 584).
\ZLf. Num. (,
XVI.
p. 3.
AAETAAOY
^APNAKOY
G.
[TRAS. \
V. 62.
ZAM
B.C. 51.
1.
\
6.
fSame hd
JE.
,,
Beardless hd struck on
p.
BAIIAEni BAIIAEnN
:
=247,
\
^-'^-
tripod, left arm rests on lyre in field 1. ivy-leaf (.') to r. .
(v.
n. 7).
rMacdonald Hunter.
under seat |^.
/Thunderbolt.
facing
1
23.
y-
Under Nike (.'), under seat y\. /Same, worse, under Nike K, __ Moscow \
22.
\ \
BASIAEHZ
nAIPIIAA[OY.
filleted.
filleted.
2.
under seat KJ.
Same, worse 20.
4.
rOreshnikov Prowe.
YriAINONTOI. UnderNike
W,
b. XXIV.
tsev.
BAIIAEni AEYKHNOI.
Thunderbolt do. Dagger(?) quiver(?) do. Athena seated 1., Nike on
r.
shield, spear
of
179.
KINGS.
:
Hygiaenon
vii. 49.
1.
[Eagle displayed upon
as countermark
\
do.
1.,
hand
thyrsus, in grape-cluster, at
1.
"Prowl.: TTANT. fSame: countermark, Pallas \ helmed r.
r.
r.,
/Ale.xandroid skin r. \
JE.
148.
3.
777
.
B.xxii.
(TRAS.
nANTI KAnAI TflN
^Dionysus standing
IX. 21.
BOSPORUS. 15-
B.
1^^
r.
against tripod
head.
TBust of Men or Mithras r., in laur. Phrygian cap with crescent and \ star on forehead. [
JE.
II.
do.
above.
lebes.
JE.
B. 132.
1.
Thyrsus leaning
lO.
M.
Ivy-wreath encircling
1^
I
yE.
nAITHN
quiver.
Dionysus
6-8
\
M. M.
24.
f
Al
55.
B. XXI. 117. B. 130. B. 131.
TTANTIKA
and bow. Pegasus pasturing
B. XIX.
O.
BM.
TTAN.
1.:
Publication
Coll.
HANTI.
Dolphin
of Asander,
/Same, struck on coin
JE.
B.C.
Cornucopia between two starred pilei:
\
yE.
Kings
Reverse
Obvei'se
grm
:
APXONTOZ AIANAPOY
:
Similar.
O.
B. XXV. 47-
O.
B. 45-
BM.
BMC.
O.
B. 51-
BM.
B. 55-
1
Asander
filleted
Bust of Polemo
fNike 1. with wreath \ andpalm. HK = 28.
r.
r.,
filleted.
r
1
Hd
of Augustus
r.,
filleted.
f
\
Eight-pointed
star.
BASIAEHS
AIANAPOY BAIIAEni
^OAEA^nNOI EYIEBOYI Capricorn
r.
BAIIAIIIA
nYGOAnPlI ETOYI
H
X .9.
PANTICAPAKUM. BOSrORL'S
I'l
\TI
\'I
^^^(f®(iS^
^> v/.- «.,.; -vx
\
Later City Issues
(pp.
628—632).
Kings
B.C. (pp. 582—586, 590—595. 611)
I
^
PLATE
VII.
BOSPORUS KINGS
1st
CENTURY
A.D.
85-:
:
BOSPORUS. KINGS,
Platf: VII.
No.
Me wt. g™grnital
Kins:
,
>&
3-
4-
5-
6.
Hd
of Augustus
(Agrippa?), bare,
Same
head.
N.
As above.
Same
head.
N.
Hd
of Tiberius,
bare;
r.,
circle.
N.
Bearded
167 7-56
\
Head
J
Gepaf;pvris II
(Drusus.')
polemo and Tryphaena
%]
[
helmed (Ares
of Tiberius,
r.,
Trophy
.
?)
'.
Gaius
;
G. draped and diademed
Ikist of
[BACIAICCHC THnAinYPenc].
r.:
Similar.
-
Nero
;
1
MlTHRI DATES \'1II [III]
N.
i
I2I-I
7-85
(Head \
of Gaius (?) r., laur.; dotborder. Hd of M. r., diadem dot-border: :
BACIAenCAMOPAAATOY.
1^
12.
JE.
13-
JE.
Beardless male bust r., wearing dot-border. rayed crown ;
i Bearded hd
'5-
(cf
P-^-V.
I
67.
13.B.71
I C;
circle.
;
IT,
316=19
dot-border.
;
(?) r.
r.,
(Nike
;
EAT,
circle.
laur.
B.
B. 73.
G.
I^^fV.65.
335
= 38
O.
B.82.
O.
B. 94.
dot-border:
;
O.
IH.
(B
XXV.
.
59-
EMJi^AfCx
with wreath and palm
1.,
BAClAEnCAMGPIAATOY
I
P^
AT, 336=39
G.
{^^;|^^
Bow-in-case, lion-skin on club f trident; dot-border: IB. \ crescent; dot-border j Star and
BAAA;
(
I.
(Trophy, helmet below;
clot-
border,
Hd
r.,
long hair, beard, diadem,
trident king as Poseidon dot-border.
'.
:
(
and neck of horse
l^
TJAH
r.
TTripod with cover to n, bay branch dot-border to I :
M.
:
B.
15.
A.
r.
/Dolphin
r. dot-border below, E, above,
[
of Perseus I., winged, in front harpe, dot-border.
(
to
(?)
JHd
AZ.
G.
;
THd 16.
r.
ty
of Apollo r., laur. within baywreath dot-border.
(^
17-
5):
Hd
J
AL.
8
NHS
Similar head.
AL.
,,
helmed
r.,
BA M.
t
14.
E 1,305=
BAII
j
JE.
1.
/K'XXVi.
-rpYtbAi encircled by diadema.
3'35
\
B.
ZT, 307=10 BM. I^^f'f'
ETOYC
[ lO.
5
IB.
\
M. (517 I
BT, 302=
/'Female bust draped, in calathos and veil r. ( Livia as Aphrodite ?).
H d of p. r. diademed dot-border BACIAEflC nOAEMnNOC. ,
(
\
m
^ „ ^ A.D. ^°"- ^Publication
I
new type
circle.
(
-
JR.
lid. r.,
A
circle.
r.
Beardless male head
f (^
M.
A POl.EMO
/Beardless male head
circle.
;
As above.
(
8.
bare
1.,
A^
(1
Date
Reverse
[
,1
A.D.
A.B.
A'.
m W &
CENTURY
1st
Obverse
,
I
7-
:
::
:
;
:
''
{
fBearded Herm looking r., palm-branch vTJprr and wreath ly\P' [ J Star and crescent, -,C>|t,
-^
at
VII,
base
M.
1
B. 23.
:
18.
Male head rayed
Ai.
„
r.
rHead 19-
COTYS
I
JE.
r.,
KAICAPOC.
I
rCurule chair, on „
it
crown, on
N.
23-
RHE.SCUPORIS
fl22-8 7-96
1222 A'.
-
I
*'•
r. I
Hd
of Claudius
Hd
of Vespasian
r.,
laur.
r.,
:
laur.
:
MH
in
Hd
108.
O.
B.
0.
H. 114
112.
ka.
wreath.
Nero
r.,
laur.
:
circle.
Hd of Titus
r.,
bare
:
circle.
of
(Hd (
of Domitian border.
.Round on curule chair holds man-headed sceptre: Tl BE PIOC lOVAIOC BAClAEVr: ~r
[
\
shield,
ACnoYProv.
circle.
TIBEPIOC lovAior; BACiAEvc PHCKovnopir;.
M.
9.
/B. XXV
:
circle.
TBust of Rhescuporis r., draped and diademed'; dot-border: )
'R. seated 25-
O.
;
1.:
7-92
{'%
K^r
(Ki.B.\
\
KAlCAPOr: CEBACTOV.
[
22.
1.
behind it spear, above to I. horse-hd 1., to r. rayed hd 1. below to 1., helmet r., to r., sheathed sword TOY
I
JE.
^-
niNAN CEBACTHN. 08^.
I
I
Nero
^
lOVAIAN ATPin-
-
TEIMAI BAClAECOC KOTVOC. [ Hd of Nero r., laui-. NEPHNOr; KAAVAIOV hd
Junior
of
/Round
human
sceptre surmounted by
I
JE.
rHead
laur.
KAAYAIOV CEBACTOV
Tl
\
of Claudius
f^ Agiippina
dot-border.
t
PHUjKovnopir;.
®
shield,
above,
r.
I
to
1.
laur.
r.,
behind
:
dot-
359 = 62
H.
EE 1,365 = 68
G.
0NT,
AnT,
i^f!^ I^^J-'^^
384 = 87 BM.{^^^,'
spear, to
plumed helmet below axe sheathed sword r. ;
)
it
horse-hd,
f^
r. 1.,
:
TEIMAI BACIAECOC PHCKOYnOPIAOC. MH.
B. 1:1
l^OSPORUS
Pl.ATK VII
^Vfi
Kings
1st
Century
A.D. (pp. 595
—604,
611, 632, 633)
PLATE
VIII.
BOSPORUS, LATER KINGS
:
Plate No.
Metal Wt. gnn.
Kins
LATER KINGS.
BOSPORUS.
VIII.
Obverse
Date
Reverse
-:;
a.k.
rBiist
,
Sauromatf.s
I
'.
r'9'75 7 7(5
•-
r.,
diademed
and
fHead
BACIAeCOC
dots:
[ :
t
;
dot-
AiY,4ii
rublic;
(?)
I.
r.,
O.
N(
fB.xx
I
1;
I
TIBEPIOEJ
lOYAIOC BACIAEYC
;
,
= ii4 BM.
;
as on VII. 25.
fKing
Bust of S. r., facing queen below A^H.
j
laur.
r.,
/City-gate, tree behind on captive crouching r. AMH. (
lOYAlOY BACIAeCOC CJAYPOAAATOY. Tl.]
I
of Trajan border.
Coll.
[
Bust of S.I., diademed and draped
]
AL.
S.
CAYPOA^ATOY.
[ (
JE.
of
draped;
.
a.d,
O.
r:AYPOM[ATHi:;.
fCf.B( 16'
I
Horseman(king?), wearing cuirass,
COTVS
A'.
EUPATOR
A'.
/
1
775
t
Bust of E.
EL.
As
j
club
r.,
Antoninus Pius
M. Aurelius
:
I
5.
«
O.
B5s
MY, 440= 143 BM
r.
facing L. Verus
1.
AEY,
461
SBMi XI
\
= 164 BM
x\
\
BACIACCOC
Sep. Severus
r.,
0.
r^v, 493=
star.
196
fKing wearing cuirass and cloak on horse r., r. hand raised,
As above.
/E.
r.,
k9t
O.
/Wreath surrounding t^jfiy\t and KA. ISarr t
CAVPOMATOV.
'1
chlaniys and bow-case, galloping r. and hurling spear: below
A^H. I (Wreath surrounding KA. I
r:
fBust of S. r:
f I20-I t.-tK
/
BACIAeCOC EYnATOPOC.
\
/E. II
:
BACIAeCOC POIA^HTAAKOY.
(
774
:
KA nE.
/Bust of R.
19-6
(119-4 I
Sauromates
diademedanddraped
(Temple of Capitoline Jove \ I
)>
r.,
BACIAeCOC KOTVOC.
\
AL.
Rhokmetai.cks
Bust of C.
f
JE.
II
J
1.
holds
spear
in
:
field
0.
B.
(B.x
0.
star
I
I
B.
Heraclesr., shootingSlymphalian birds star and B. /Aphrodite in calathos, chiton and peplos sits 1. on ornamented throne in outstretched r. hand < patera (.''), in I. long sceptre j
[As above.]
/E.
and
(
0.
:
(.'')
JE.
[As abo\e.]
/E.
[As above.]
O.
:
V
star
/Eagle
and
B.
wings open, beak tui-ned back, holds wreath PA^A [ /As 12, degraded: in field bust of 1.,
O.
:
[As above.]
JE.
[
Rhkscuporis
RHESCaPORIS
N. EL.
[
t
(118-36 yR.
III
Sauromates
III
/R.
\ j I
RlIESClJPORlS
ininthimeus
/R.
(
\ (
yR.
POT.
Rhescuporis
POT.
Rhescuporis
POT.
Sauromates IV POT. JE.
Thothorses
JE.
Rhadamsadius
JE.
(Bust of R.
8 103-6
[
JE.
I.
BACIAeCOC
ININ0IA\e[OV]. Bust of Ph.
BACIAeCOC
^APCANZOV.
]
Bust of R. Bust of R.
BACIAeCOC BACIAeCOC
PHCKOVnOPIAOC.
L
7-32J /ii3'4
Bust of
S.
BACIAeCOC
CAVPOAAATOV.
7-35
BACIAeCOC TeiPANOV. Bust of Th. BACIAeCOC 0O0COPCOY. Bust of R. BACIAeCOC Bust of T.
I
Rhescuporis
BACIAeCOC
PHCKOVnOPIAO.
(Bust of (,
BACIAeCOC
PHCKOVnOPIAOC.
I
Teiranes
S.
CAVPOAAATOV.
123-';
6-71
BACIAeCOC
KOTVOC.
fBust of (
BACIAeCOC
PHCKOVn[OPIAOC].
(Bust of C. (_
7-45
m I
Pharsanzes
1
7-67 14-9
BACIAeCOC
PHCKOVnOPIAOC.
/Bust of R.
7-63
\
COTYS
/Bust of R.
fii8-5 \ 7-68 (117-7
PAAAA^[CAAIOV.?]. BAC]IA€COC
/Bust of R. L
PICKOVnO[PIAOC].
0.
Sep. Severus, star and B.
Head
of Caracalla: star.
Bust of Emperor
r.
Bust of Emperor.
Bust of Emperor.
Bust of Emperor: club. Bust of Emperor: two dots. Valerian and Gallienus facing. r.
:
=
=214
O.
BK, 522
=
=225
O.
EK4>, 525 = =228
o.
=230
o.
A4>, 530 = :233
0.
eA4>, 535 = =238
O.
550 =253
o.
©N't), 559= =262
O.
ZK, 527
-.-
Bust of Emperor.
Bust of Emperor
AI4>, 511
K.
N,
TH*,
=
=
563 =266 =
0.
BM.
Bust of Emperor.
B04>, 572
Bust of Emperor.
r04>, 573 =276
O.
<{>nH,588 =291
0.
u.
E IX, 615 =318
0.
u.,
o.
I'.
Bust of Emperor.
=
275
=
^.
Bust of Emperor.
Bust of Emperor
=
:
club.
=
=
A KX,
62
1
=
=324
2'
I
BOSPORUS Nl
Pi. ATI-:
o rt 5
AXES
31
VIII
|\MOtMrTAUCf.S
/'-'. \ ^
\k:\
k:I~
,'n^ •*
>^
s. 1^*=^
'>^.'
I'^^n-'^u ,^^^-^\
/^y*^^
a"^^^.
V
ll.\^^
x<.^--^.
^^
•.l""^.
19
*.
l8
\
\
£1-
2i
\ (
SAUKONx^rc^
RH6ScuPo«-S
w
T-£,^^Nt&
THaTHOae,eS
;^^aA,(v\a.ADmS
RH€5CviVc.R.S
^'.^>v^ ^JILCv,
ic- ^'v-m t
">
•:,-*
,
i>oT
Later Kings
-25
(pp.
604—611,632, 633)
PLATE
IX.
SMALLKK STA TKS
P
:
Plate
IX.
Me-
grn.
^
::
SMALLER STATES. CERCINITIS.
No.
^v,
Obverse
gr'"-
tal
Reverse
Hd
of Tyche (Artemis?) 1., wearing between mural crown bearing two palmettes: dot-border. j-Bearded figure 1., seated on rock,
O
JE.
] (
holdmg aNe(?):
\
left
[
f
sideways,
t
KEPKI.
f Artemis
/E.
to
("
<
earrings and necklace
in
].,
Horseman galloping
r., with spear and bowcase: below, KAPKI above horse's croup HPAK sideways. ;
Horse walking
Ueer
above KEP.
in
off fore-leg raised
1.,
kAAAIA KAAAIA.
,^^,^^^ below,
Publication
Coll.
same pose: above, PE.
("B. XIII.
B.
\
Num.
O
fB.
BM.
(i^-
I.
Ma/
Or.
-
for I.
I.
2.
'°-
(Or.
10.
THEODOSIA. 4.
40-4 JR. { \ 2-62
Hd
JE. JE.
Similar. Pallas helmed
of Pallas
JBucranium
helmed.
r.,
Beardless head
\
hanging
with
Bull butting r. above, 0E. Similar: 0EOAO[I]. Bow-case and club: below,
1.
garland.
0E-OA-En.
TRAS.
I.
V. 13.
G.WB.3.
:
r.
B. XVIII.
B.
G.j
GEY.
\TRAS.v.
B.
B.
8.
BM.
B.
II.
B.
B.
ID.
15.
NYMPHAEUM. 8.
M.
9-
*
5
"39
Hd
35 9
of
Nymph
f Vine-spray
ampyx.
in
1.,
\
NYN
Similar:
Similar.
{ =[; 68
and
bunch
grapes
of
NY.
above,
incuse square.
in
APOLLONIA. -^-4 10.
JR.
II
145
r
278
\
18
f
Lion-scalp.
\
Incuse square in four compartments:
A PGA.
FW.
Kl.B.
III.
M.
Cf. B.
XIX.
15.
PHANAGORIA. II.
12.
yR. JR.
13-
JR.
14.
JE.
15-
JE.
16.
JR.
17-
18.
(
Incuse square
Similar.
687 4-45 24-5 1-58
and
Hd
of Phanagoras
Hd
of Artemis
1.,
in pileus.
(Pan bearded \ 56
restruck on coin of
r.,
Bow and
Panticapaeum, countermark star (?).
Dionysus
3-63
^ANArG-PITHN.
r.,
arrow
:
Dionysus Artemis
JE.
r.,
r.,
t
^^'^^^
4>ANArG PITHN.
O.
B.
O.
B. lib.
O.
B. 21^.
O.
B.
I
O.
B.
1/
O.
B. 25-30 (5.
G.
TRAS.v.i,\.
*^
.
j^
PITHN.
below,
l,
6(5.
B. 10
JKneelingdeer^ANArO
quiver behind.
B.
A
O.
fTripod, thyrsus *A NATO \ against it: ITHN tol. ts^,tor.
laur.
BM.
5
A.
1
JE.
B. XXIII.
l^^-/
/Filleted thyrsus:
laur.
BM.
4.
BM
Star with small crescent.
Rose.
1 \
in
:
Rose:
quiver behind.
compartments 4>A
butting r. above, ANA: exergue grain of corn.
Bull
f r.,
in
:
pellets.
XX.
\
I
ix. 2.
b.
AGRIPPIAS CAESAREA. 19.
20.
/Female bust
JE.
r.,
in veil
and calathos
:
JE.
Li via as Aphrodite (?) dot-border. Bust of Livia veiled, stephane.
JE.
Dionysus
r.,
in ivy-wreath.
Helios
in
rayed crown.
\
:
/Sceptre: KAI-ZA; below, H; PE-fiN dot-border. \
Prow
1.,
ATPITT TTEriN, H
UNKNOWN. PHANAGORIA
;
dots.
e.
(?),
Bow-case and quiver.
^.
GORGIPPIA.
23-
363 617
r.,
16.
rOPflP.
JE.
As
17.
^-
Heracles hd
filleted
;
4 24.
:
/Stag running r. behind, a \ thyrsus: rOPrin-nEHN.
As
JR.
Cornucopia betw. two stars
As
17 but
rop-nn-nE-HN.
BM.
B. 2c.
O.
B.
O.
B. 7^-
B.
B.
B.
B. 5 d.
5 c.
SINDI. 25. 26. 27.
JR.
\
1-32 '4-2
I
92 I I9'i4 y^. / I '24 I
/Horse-head
in lion-skin
r.,
1
Griffin seated
r.,
before
Heracles kneeling
r.
him ear of corn.
stringing
bow
in
As 25. /Owl displayed /Owldi
(?).
t
incuse square: above,
IINAHN. in
incuse square
:
above.
IINAHN
I
d.
DIOSCURIAS 28.
Two
JE.
star-crowned caps of Dioscuri.
/Thyrsus vert^ah
OI-KOY-PIA-A-OI.
(BMC.p.S. ^ ^1p1.
I.
II.
COLCHI. 29.
^.
[ ^i= ]
Male head
r.;
dotted border.
Bull's
head
r.
;
line-border.
O-
IPl. 1.9.
SMAI.LI-.K STATICS C
K C
E-
M
I
1
T
I
S
"f
H
E.
O D O S
1
A
7
^,. p
IX
IM.Aii:
©•
(^^
1
^
^
AtNAGO^^^A
H
APOI-UONlA
NY
9]
P
tv»
HAt U
3\
/K
P
iv\
^
to
Ms
KAiNAGOPwiA
7
1
B-a^POKuS unknown
^
'^
1^,
5P Q
O
R.
C
I
P P
I
ao
/t
/t
/^^^r%
i#'' v^A
3
5JK
•
.
i
C^'
I
N D
I
^'
%
Cercinitis (pp. 491, 492), Theodosia (pp. 555. 559). Nvmi'H.veum (p. Apolloni-\ (pp. 20, 569, 628), Ph.vnagoria, etc. (pp. 628—632)
561).
INDIlX Roman Numbers refer lo llie pa^^es. llalics di^linguish those upon which a siibjeel is mainly many casual mentions of it. A Large Roman Number following a geographical name indicates the Map upon which it may most conveniently Arabic and Small
treated from
tiie
be found. If this indication is absent, it means that have not succeeded in exactly locating the place,- but its Ciovernment and District will be fouml in the Text. (Ireek words are inserted where they would come if transliterated into Latin, save that ot, o« appear as if ni, oi, (iteek words next each other arc put in the right Greek order. K as if A Inscriptions in the .\ppendix are not directly indexed, as references to them are given for names and facts of importance where these occur in the Text. The ("oin-plales are also not indexed as ilirecl inspection of them is quicker than the use of an index. Add. = Addenda (v. p. xxxvi) e.g. " 287 .Vdd.'' means that a subject not mentioned on p. 287 appears in the " 516 and .\dd.", that something is mentioned l)Oth on p. .s'6 and in the Addenda thereto. .-Vddenda thereto Modern Names are furnished with accents when know the pronunciation, but this is very dillkult to arrive al, geographical names being mostly non- Russian and surnames very irregular. I
:
;
I
Ababus Callistlienis, ^(n) Abakan Steppe, L 241
L
Abasgi,
24,
Abaza, Mme A/iC. XXX
.Vdobogionis, 589, 590
Adoes Delphi, 473, 486 Adraspus (Charaspes), coins Aea, 436, 437
29
1
Th.,
J.
177
.'\bercromby, J. on Finns, K. .?.? 1
14 n.
105 n.
_^,
106
n.
1,
257 n. 5
1
—
1
482 of, v.
Nereids; sarcophagus, 29S;
—287 Add. .•Vchillis
Cursus (Tendra),
Achillis Vicus,
Achuev, IX. Aciiiaics,
71,
;
4,
14
—
columns
III. 11; fishing,
at Scyros,
285
its analogies with '42 Aeginetic standard, 448, 483 Aelia, (,)ueen, 608 .Aelis, coins of, 119, 477
16,
Tripolje,
134,
—487, 559,
561,
.\eolians,
525
at,
n.
630—632
487
570
-Vepolium,
13
Asses Aeschines, 561 Aeschylus on Scyths, 50 Aesculapius, v. Asclepius Aetherius I, Bp of Chersonese, 531 ./(J
141
135,
i
:;ravi, v.
.\etherius II,
Hp
;
his island, 16 n. 3,
of Chersonese, 493 n.
531
I,
Africa, officer from, 525 Agaetes, 569 n. 10
Agarus, 579
(App.
17),
360, 495, 504, 517, 518,
541; crowned, 388 .Agate, bottle, 235; engraved, 411— 413 n. 8,
ff.
29S,
300;
lion,
405 Agathocles Agathoclis, 475 583,
.Agathodorus, S., 531 Agathon, on Scythic bow, 66
585 n. 4
Acra (Acrae), III. 20, 22, 23 Acropolis, .Athens, 350; Chersonese, 500, 502, 510, 520; Nymphaeum, 560; Olbia, 454, 456; Pantica|)aeum, 564; Phanagoria, 566, 588 Acrosandrus (Acrosas), 123, 487 Acroterium, painted, 300, 331; plaster, 373 terra-cotta, 364; wooden, 323, 324 f. 234 Actors, 35S, 367, 369 Adagi'mi, R., iX.. 216 Addenda, xxxvi xl Adders, 6 dSfX^oj (i(Tiron)T6s, 621, 623; iSios, 624 Admiral, 586, 587, 592, 604, 614, 616
—
lulius,
54O
465, 481 23
6 2,
.\elius
.Vgasicles Ctesiae,
86
Acis Paerisadis, 578 n. Acorn, 388, 400
M.
436, 437, 569 n. 10 Aegean, 436, 437; coasts harried by (joths, 126 .Aeetes,
culture,
.i
Abkhaziis, 24, -i 29 Aborace, 23 .Abu Sir (Egypt), coffins from, 322 n. 1, 323 n. Abydos (Hellespont), 536 .•Xcademy of Sciences of St 1'., Publications of, xxv Acanthus, 287 .Vdd., 289, 299, 300 f. 212, 324 326 ff. ^.U— 2.?6, 3?8, 353—35.=? ff. 259—361, 3S4. 390, 391 f. 287 Accipenser stellaltis. Huso, Stiino, 6 Aces, 581, 583—586 .Vchaei (Caucasian tribe), IX. 24, 28, 579, 588, 598 Achasa regio, VI. 114 n. 3 Achilles, cult and legend of at Leuce, 14 n. 2, 361, 463: at Olbia, 467; horse-races? 464; I'ontarches, 452 n. ". 45.?. 456, 468, 47.^ 474. 47'>^482, priest of, 472,
arms
123, 487
Aeaea, 437
.Miicht, .Vbii,
of,
f.
277;
'.\7a9As Aai/xwc,
478
Agathyrsi, I. 27, 28, 36, 43, lOJ, 440; vase, 54 Agathyrsus, eponymous hero, 43 Agelas Lagorini, 520 n. i Aggistis, .Agonistic
f.
8,
55
619
lists, 626 Agonothetes, 616, 626
Agoranomus, 473, 475, 477, 5-5. 541 Agri, 128 Agriculture, Siberian, 246 Agricultural Scythians, 27— 31, 36 sqq. legends apply to, 44 Agrigentum, coin-type of, 265
1
;
on amphoiue,
opposed
to
},y)
Nomads,
;
86
—
:
682
Inchex
Agiippa, Herod, 523, 598 Agrippa, M., 570, 593, 601 Agiippias Caesarea, 570, 593, 613, 628 and Nero, indicalion, Agrippina, coins, 599, 602 390 11. 6 Agrolas Dionysi, 462, 482 AigrcUc, 38S f. 286 Ainalov, on Cherson, xxix, 494 n. 6, 509 515 ai<}vixvi)jT)%, J40 Aivazovskij, 556 Aix, Persian at, 289 Aj Petri, IX. 19 Aj Todor, IX. 19, 523, ,^24, .S46 Aju Dagh, C, IX. 19 Ak-liurun, C, III.; cap from, 390, 391 f. 287 Akdcngis Linian, III. 22, 23, 24 Akhniini, sheet from, 316 n. 2 ;
—
Akiitaniz Liman, III. 22 Aklilani'zovka, III. si^ ff. 117, 118, 230, 295, 403, 624; neck-ring from, 63, 215 f. 118
Akkerman,
IX. 14, Tyras (town)
445
f.
329
— 449,
534
n.
6.
See
Ak
Mechet, IX. 17, 18; plates from, 267 ff. 183, 184 Ak-su, I. Ill, 114 n. 3 Alabastron, 152, 229, 340, 362 Alai, Mt, I. 114 n. 3 A-lan-na, IX. 107, 120, 122 Alanorsi, VI. 120 Alans, IX. jy, 103 n. 7, 107, 120 122, 232, 236, 281, ,^.39) 5551 cut in two by Huns, 41; interpreter for, 614 n. 2 Alazones, IX. 27, 31 Albanians (Caucasian), 587 Alcatnenes, Hermes of, 298 Alcathoe, 581, 583 Alcimus, "Catacomb of," 309, 310, ff. 220, 221 Aldoboly, sword from, 69 f. 18 Alector, IX. (Ochakov), 15, 455 Alexander the (jreat, coins of, 391, 429, 459, 462 n. 1, 586 631, 632; head on coins, 448, 584 conquests, effects on taste, 404", on commerce, 460; on gold, 631 Triballi and Getae defeated by, 12, 123, 459; Zopyrion
—
—
his governor, 4,S9
" .Alexander" Sarcophagus, 57 n. i, 58 n. 4 Alexander v. Severus Alexandria (Egypt), artwork from, 297, 382; influence of in frescoes, 307; ivories, 335; pots, 353 357 Alexandria (Kherson), IX. cauldron, 80 n. 5 Alexandropol Barrow, I.\. {Luirovdja Mogtla] iji /jj, ff. 40 42, 158 f. 45, 239 armour-scales, 74, 158 f. 45; boar, 260; bronze neckhoop, 63; car, 75; gold plaques, 62 n. 2, 266; horse's frontlet, 75 n. 8, 158 f. 45, 290; "standards," 77,
—
—
—
154
ff.
40, 41
Alexandropol, Long Alexej Michailovich, Ali Baba, 526 n. 5 Alibey lake, IX. 13 Aliobrix,
Altaic race, 46, 48 n. 90, 9' Altar, 481, 506, 619;
99; funeral ceremonies among,
1,
Hellenistic, 364, 457, 458;
470 Altyn Olia, 194, 195, 200, 562 Altyn Tagh, I. 114 n. 3 Altziagiri, 538 n. ; Alushta (' WovdTov), IX. 19
Amadoca, Amadoci,
A mage,
II. II.
345
16
518 Ollus), 340 v.
Add.
Amastris, 437, 516, 524, 605, 607, 627 Amazons, 36, 39, 52 n. 2, 84, 378; dress, on Greek vases, myth in 55, 56, 287, 340, 343 f. 249, 348 f. 253 Caucasus, 39; on textile, 336, 337, f. 244, ill. i Ambatia Ilerodoti, 491 n. i Amber, 78, 132, 193 f. 85, 206, 222, 440; found near Kiev, 7 ;
Amethyst, 233 f. 138, 407 f. 295 Amhata R. church on, 513 n. 2 Aniisus, I. 627; coins 464, 470, 477, 490, 516, restruck, 593, 630 Ammianus Marcellinus, on the Alans, 37, their sword-
worship, 71, armour, 73; im'Scythic bow, 66
Amnion, 602; horn, 5S5 Amometus, 122 Amphitrite, 364, 386, 479 Add. Amphora, wine jar, jj8 jbo, 453, 475, 491, 495; kiln for, 506: found in Sc. tombs, 49, 82, 152,
—
182, 187, 196/, 2m, 153. 161, 173, 176, 179, 216, 219; in Greek tombs, 425, as roof, 360, 417 decorative, a co/oiiiiei/e, 340; bronze, 173, 380; glass, 362 polychrome, 353 355, ff. 259 261 pendants, 395, 396 f. 290, 408, 409 f. 296
—
—
;
cLjxtpopiwv opuos,
n.
11.
I.
125 2
;
Cherson, 527, ;38
399 Ampyx, 392 Amulets, Christian, 320 n. 4 Greek, 399, 405, 430 Scythic, 64, 179, 208 f. 106, 210, 223, 236 Anacharsis, 116; attracted by Greece, 84, 90; death of, 84 Anacia, 380, 516 Anadol hoard, 585 Anaitis, 218 Add., 411 f. 298 Ananjino, 105 n. 3, 2jy, 2^8 ff. 178 180; beast from, 258 f. 180, 274; swords from, 70, 2,s8 f. 179 Anapa, IX. 22 24, 295, 566; v. Gorgippia coffin from tomb near, 422 n. 4, 324 328, ff. 235 239; cylinder and prism in, 410, 41 1 f. 298; stlengis in, 392 n. 5 ;
;
—
—
—
'Avdpui, 39, 45 Anastasius Bibliothecarius, 532 n. 10 Anastasius Chersonita, 535 537 Ancestry of Bosporan kings, 597, 603, 604, 616, 617,
—
S. 530; on vapour baths, 84 n. 2 vase-painter, 341 n. 3
Andronicus, oath of, 87 Androphagi, I. 27, /oj Angara, R. I. 245 f. 156, 247 Anglo-Saxon fibulae, 282 Animals, v. beasts Anise, 87
Alopecia, I.X. 21, 567 Alopen, 1 14 Alphabet, 323, 328, 336, j6i, 370 Add., 380, 420, 466,
ay Kv\o/j.axio., 547 Anna, Princess, 535 537 Annexations by Rome, 599
556, 560, App. 4^ 25 13 n. 3
"AXcros 'E/cdT?jj, IX. 4, 16, 479, 481, 531 Altai, I. J08, log, 114 n. 3, 150; burial
place
of of
Mongols, 88; home of Turks, may be home Scyths, 97, 113: civilizations in, 241 253; gold of, 7, 113, 241, importance exaggerated, 441, 631 ; mines in, 241
—
;
6
Alope, 284
1
343
b,
104'
Amasis H. (should be
Andrew, Andron,
(Dolgaja Mogila], 151 II., 584, 661
Allowance to Bosporus, 6o,s, 608 n. Almandines (cf garnet) 282, 290
Alps,
ff.
633
Tomb
Roman,
-
f.
161
—
Annibi Mtes, VI. 114 Annovka, 377 f. 281
n. 3
'An-si(k) (Parthia),
121
I.
Ant, coins, 628; gold-giving, 113 avTaKatoi, 6 Antandrus under Cimmcrii, 42, 115 Antelope, 376, 402 Anthemion, 299, 300 f. 212
—
Indi 'X Anlhesleria,
477-,
478
Antliestcrius, calacoml) of, .512, ^ij f. 223; 121 n. 7, 316; tent in, 51 spear, 68 Anthropophagi, VI. 11411..? Ii-
Sarmalac,
.^84,
Aiiliocluis,
584, 4_?,i rd, l.\.
'AvT-ii^iXoi',
Aiilisstasis,
AN TUB, Aiiloiiia
Archaic Greek woik, 150, 173, 2c/>, 208 f. 106, 232, ij6, 260, 263, ^64—^67 and .\(ld., 290, 291, J96, 364, 374
— 37». 3«»— 3«3.
.194. .?9.«. 400. 4"3. 4' 7 <" 3"«. 45 J. 455i iif>'i inscriptions, 361, 447, jjH, ^56, 560, 6IX Archaistic woik, 204 I), f. 103, 297 I. 210, 198, 330 n. 7,
;
.Vnlij;niuis,
6H1;
334. .566, 367
4.?_5
I
,?
,77
384 Antnni, 590, 594
f.
Anlonia Tryphacua, 590, 595, 597, 604 Antoninus I'iiis, 469, 605 Antonius, .M. Ill vir, 590, 592 594 .Viitonius \'alens, .M., 525 n. i, 545 AiUonovich, V. H., xxvi, xxix, excavates, cist-graves,
—
145; palaeolithic finds, 131; Scythic, 177 Ani'ichin, I). N., on Sc. horses, 49; swords, 70 on Stone -Age, i.?on.
12;
612
d/)X07"*'"A""'f''5.
dpx""'"''^'''"''/'. '''3
Architect, 470, 615, 625 Architecture, jg^ -'
—
.
n.
297. ^so. 414
(.
.Archbishop, 53,1, 539 Archelaus Cappail. 590, 595" Archernius, 173, 374, 413 Archers, contest
stelae,
300;
299,
cofTins,
^322, 319—333
\^,
48'''
473.
1
Aorsi,
W'
[.
I. lOT, 120, 121, 47.^ 477. 4«6
128,
281,
441,
.Xichon,
O12;
—
;
617, 618 Apature, 479, 618, 619 Apaluria, 618 aTrdrjj,
Arctinus, 14 "Ap5o/35o = Theodosia, 39, 101, 555 Ardys, 42 Ardzhish (Ordcssus), I. 28
.Vpaturis, stele of, _?66 Apaturiini, II. 23, 618
Ape, 173
—
Aphrodite, cult, 479, 545, 616 619; temple of, 506, 619,621,624; temple 525, 541; Apature, 479, 617 of, 566; Euploea, 463, 479, 619; Nauarchis, 566, 614, 619; Stralonicis, 516 n. 6; Urania, 606, 607, 618, 619, 621, 624; = Argimpasa, 85; vengeance of on Scyths, 42 representations, 195 f. 88, 204 li f. 101; 217 f. 119, 218 Add., 298, 334, 345 f. 2ji, 351 n. I, 355, 367, 376—379- .^y^' 39.'i. 40.S. 407 295. 4'o. 4'4. 420, 424 f- .?'4. 4.?°' 433 coins, J47, 606, 607 Apia (Ge), 85 Apollo, cult, dTfX^s, 616; Delphinius, 176, 361, 462, 4J7\ (loetosyrus, 85; llegemon, 232; Hietros, 176, 361, 477, -iSi, bib; in I'andis, 516 n. 6; in I'hasi, 232, 361; I'hoehiis, 474 n. 3, 476 n. 11, 577, 616; ''•
Prostates,
296,
4J7, 482;
I'ythius,
298,
456,
468,
473,
474,
476,
318 f. 229, 328, 381; archaic, 377; archaistic, 414; Citharoedus, 414; Daphnephoros, 298 coins, 485 630 487, 544, 547 549, 602, 628 'ATTiXXuv KvWi'ios, 616 n. 13 ApoUonia Thraciae, I. 123, 447, 464, 477 Apollonia— Panticapaeuni, 20, 569 n. 10, 616, 628 Apollonius, 548 Apollonius Leuconis, 571, 573 n. 4, 577, 583 dTTOT-piTraia, 428 Apphe, stele of 306 f. 219
—
595, 601
—
— 603,
"Areas"
—
611
Apsilae, 24
133 142, flf. 28, 31 486, 516 n. 6, 602, 616, 617; Scythians, 85, 86
among
wor-.hippeil
Arete, 417, 420
Arethusa, 479 Argali, 248, 249 (T. 166 168, v. iliex Argimpasa (Aphrodite Urania) 85, 218 Add.
—
.'\igippaei,
I.
loS, log,
98,
113
—
Argonauts, 436 439 Argotes, 581 583, 621 Ariadne, 378, 545 .Ariaiitas, Sc. king, 116; his cauldron, 80 .Ariapilhes, 86, 116; name, 39; his wife Opoea, 95 Ariarathes \', 518
—
.\riaspi,
1
APIXO, Arii,
r
^
n. 3
4'83-485
dress of, 61 I.
44, ///
425
— //j,
441; name, 39, too;
in art,
315 Aripharnes, 578, 579 56, 392,
f.
Aristagoras Demagorae, 465, cf. 66 n. 10 Aristeas, 106, 110 //j, 264, 44! Aristocracy, 470, 471, 480 Ariston Attinae, Ap]>. 19, 295 n. 12, 524, 542, 605 Aristonicus Olyniliius, 626 dpiOTOTiiXeirat, 6 2 Arkas, Z. xxix Armavir, L\. 232 n. 4, 408; red skeletons, 143 Armenia, 518, 587 Armenia, Little, 590, 594 Armeniac Thcine, 538
—
1
AfisH,
410 Apulian vases, 347, 349 Aquamarine, 408 Arabat spit, IX. 3, 19 Arabes(|ues, 289 Aramaic script, 280
Armenian,
Ararat, 42 Ararus, V. 28=Buzeo = Oarus, 28 n. 3, 117 Aras (Araxes), I. 30 Araxes (Aras, N'olga, Oxus ?), jo, 44, iii, ii3n. 3 Arcadians, 576 Arch and Architrave, 300, H}, Aichaeanactids, 570, 571 Archaeological Coniniission, St 1'., Publications of, x\v,
Army,
.x.xvi
—
(Tripolje),
Arei, 478,
Arimaspi,
517
representations,
I
Alliens,
570; IJos|)orus, 573, 576, 580, 581, Asander, 592, 593; Chersonese, 507, 526, Olbia, 461, 465, ./70 777, 481, names on 541 coins, 473, 486; Plianagoria, 613; TanaiN, 615; Tyras, 446
597, 598
inscription, 512; troops, 464 -Armlets, 63, 64, 402 ; v. bracelets Armour, jj, 74, 152, ij-;, 158 f. 45, 174 f. 70, 175, 176, 182, 187, 206, 210, 213 f. 114, 224, 228, 229, 231 f. 134, 250, 269, 304 f. 218, 312, 313 f. 223, 314 f. 124,
316, 317
f.
227, 379; bone, 187, 188
l{i>s|)oran,
Aroteres, Scythae,
f.
80
614 IX.
27—31
;
raise
corn for export.
442 Arretine ware, 3^?, 3-;8 Arrhechi. II. 128 Arrian legate of Cappadocia, 24, 524; probably author of latter part of Periplus, 24, ^i.^,, 605 accuracy, 10; on dragon standards, 78; on tactics, 83 n. 3 cS6
-2
not ;
its .Sc.
—
:
684
litdex
Arrows, 6S\
licads, 68, 142, 147, 158 f. 45, 161, 165, 170. i73i i75i '76. 177, 182, igof. 82, 204, 221, 222, 226, 257, 261, 415, 453; bone, 158 f. 45, 246, 248; iron, 187, 229, 232, 248, 287 Add.; Siberia, 242 f. ipo, 246; shafts, 157 Arsaces, 61 f. 14, 66, 121
—
Art, Aegean, 134 142; Asia Minor, 56, 284—287 and Add., 386, 387, 394, 403, 477, 480, 587, 603; Assyrian, 263, 270; Babylonian, 410, 411 f. 298;
—
Chinese, 280; "(iolhic," 280 282; Greek (v. sub Attic, Archaic, Hellenistic, Ionian), in the Scythian colonies, 281, 282, 292 435, in Scythian service, 264 266, 283—291 and 287 Add.; Hittite, 263; Iranian, 263, 270,271, 280; Keltic, 282 ; Minusinsk, 248, 2bi 264; Roman, q. v.; Sassanian, 257; Scythic, 252, 261 2Sj, subjects of, 268, materials, 188 204; Syrian, 269; Siberian, 261,268 282 North, 263; Urartu, 144 Add. Artabanus, 122 Artaxerxes Mnemon, 411 Artaxias, 518 Artemidorus, 24, 128 Artemis, cults, 479, 619; Agrotera, 22, 295, 566, 619; Chersonesia, 541 550, v. Maiden; Ephesia, 619; Hymnia, 549; Strophaea, 620; Taurica, loi, 543 representations, 298, 318 f. 229, 390 n. 10; archaistic, 414; with beasts, 222, 334; Ephesia, 400, 401 f. 294; Selene, 397, 4275. 318 coins (547 550), 629 Articon, 466 Articulated dolls, 369, 370 f. 268 and Add.
—
—
—
—
—
—
ft'.
—
—
Artillery,
—
— 43^
321
fif.
— 324;
general style of contents, 404 40b ; bracelet, 402 cameo, 404, 405, 4I4, 431 f. 321 coins in, 430, 433, diadem, 393, 399, 432 f. 322 earrings, 584, 585 397' 4,^' f- ,S2i; lamp, 381; niirror-liox, 378; neckring, 399, 431 f. 321 necklaces, 405, 431 f. 321; oak-crown, 388; pin, 405, 431 f. 321; plate from, pots, 351 .SS'i .^85, 431 f. 321 ; porringer, 351, 362 n. i; ring, 431 f. 321; roundel, 406, 431 f. 321; snake- ring, 410 n. 7 Aryballus, 338, 343 f. 249, 347 f. 252, 434 n. i As name for Alans, 37 n. 2 Asander, 561, 589, 591 594, i;96, 604, 611, 614, 616; wall of, 16 n. 6, 592 n. 4; coins, 628, 630, 632 Asander (Gycia), 528 530 ;
;
;
;
;
;
—
—
'Atrai'Spixov,
596 Ascalon, Scyths at, 42, 45 Aschy, 108, 109 Asclepius, 447, 478, 478 Add., 545 547, 550, 617; altar to, 506; statues of, 296, 297, [304 n. 2,] 457 temple of at I'anticapaeum, 5, 617
—
;
As-gu-za-ai (Scyths), 42, 115 A-she-na, 93 Ashik, A., xxix, 295, 308 n. catacomb, 314 f. 224
328,
323,
4,
433,
564
;
—
—
—
;
by Goths, 608 Art of, 144 Add., 284 290; coin types, 477, 480, 583, 603; jewelry, 386, 387, 394, 403, cf. Cyme: connexions with N. coast of Euxine, 56, 194, 307, 350,
—
35>. 363. 368, 537, 538, 582,
A.siani,
Asiatic
585—608, 620, 626,
1
1
—
—
t
—
Asses, 5 Assimilation of Bosporans and Barbarians, 316 Asshur, &c., .symbol of, 61 f. 13, 193 f. 85, 208 f. 106, 411 f. 298 Assyrians, contact with Scyths, 36, 42, 115, 270; style, 70, 71, 171, 172, 222, 259, 263, 270 Astara, 296, 617, 619 Astarte, 617 Astrakhan, govt, barrenness of, 3; Sc. finds in, 173 Asturicani, II. 128 n. 12
Astynonius, 457, 473, 475, 541 ; on amphorae, 359, 360 Atheas (Ateas), ri8, 123 Athena, cults, 351 n. 1, 479, 558; Areia, 516 n. 6; Lindia, 463, 476, 479 Parthenos, 195 f. 88, 296, 393. 394. 479; I'ronaos, 517; Soteira, 516, 545 representations, 157, 158 f. 45, 195 f. 88, 202, 204 B f. loi, 208 f. 106, 212 f. 113, 296, 336, 342, 355, 364, 365 f. 265 I. 4, 379, 384, 385, 410, 414, 479: coins, 447, 448 f. 329 /»'s, 453, 479, 484 486 and Add., ."^47. 559. ,^84, 602, 620, 630 Athenades, s6, 412, 414 212 f. 113- 3.36 ;
:
AGHNAIH,
Adrjvaiwv \i/j.rii>, IX. 19 Athens, archondates, 570 '
Add., 368, 619
22
Nomads, representations
255 ff. 173, 174, 278, 279 Asiatic origin of Scyths, 44 Asiatic coin -standard, 631
of,
286,
;
—
:
at
Nymphaeum,
560, 561 prize-vases from, 347, 380, 46s,
ff.
— 61 — 203
ff.
12
—
:
626: sacked by Goths, 126: terra-cottas, 363:
m6, and Add.,
— 341,
vases, variations in, 339 Hellenistic vases, 351 in corn
trade, in
;
.';73— 577, 580 Athletes, figures of, 369 Athletics, 465, 473, 474, 546, Atilius Primianus, 525 1
&c.,
442, 441,
556; 442,
626
20
—
;
347—349.
4'5. 416:
names, 560: standard for coins, 448, 631, 632 mourning for, 91 sword, 71 Angerischalen, 264 Augusti, v. Emperor Augustus, 123, 335, 447, 449, 521, 592—595, Attila, his
;
of,
595 302 f. 215, 613, 625 Aurelia Tyche, 525 n. Aurelian, 126 Aurelius, M. Imp., 446; indication, 390 Aurelius Hermocrates, 525, 541 Aurelius Jason, M., 525 n. 6
fTTi
TTj's,
i
14,
567,
Attains, 289 Attic, cf. Athens artistic and industrial products in Scythia, 284, 295 300, 556; gold-work, 387, 393, 403; grave-relief, stele, 480; silver, 383; vases, 338 296, 411 343,
ai'/X^s,
58 201
:
386, 403, V. Attic on Bosporus Cim., 560, 561, 572 Bosporan rulers complimented &c., 571, 573 577, 580, App. 28, 34; coins, 470; coin-types, 479, 484: IJelphinius at, 477 jewelry, 386, 387, 395, 403 art of,
horoscope
:
religions of, 218
Barbarian
v.
56,
Askold, 537 Asmiraei Altes, VI. 114 n. 3 Aspacarae, VI. 14 n. 3 Aspelin, J. 257 n. 2, 258 f. 179, 260 n. 3 Aspurgiani, 128, 594, 595; 6 eVi tQiv 'A. 594, 595, 608, 613, 615, 625 Aspurgus, 128, 522, 590, 591, 594 596, 599 601, 604, 611, 613 iVspurgus Biomasi, 613 n. 12, 614 n. Asses, Olbian, 15, 415, 451, 453, 479, 4S2 4SJ, PI. II.
Atmoni,
Asia, Central, i, 30, 43, 44, 46, 52, 58 100, 61, 78 107 art of, 115, 121, 122, 129 n. 4, 145, 149, 443 232, 235, 262, 268, 271, 277, 280 — 282 Asia Minor, invaded by Cimmerians and Scyths, 41, 115;
627
55,
—
526, 527, 531
Artimpasa (Aphrodite Urania), 85 Artjukhov's Barrow, III. 423, 4J0
:
Asiatics on Greek Vases, Asii, 122 Askenaz (Scyths), 42
i
n.
6
601;
—
;
—
:
6S5
huli 71(1 ex Aurelius Saluinnus, 525 11. i Aureliiis Sccuiulus Ravenna, T., 525 Aurelius Valens, 525 n. i Aurelius Viator, 305, 525 n. Aurelius Victor, 305, 525 n. Aureus, 549; Bosporan, 592, 595 611, 632, ''>33 Chcrsonesan, 523, 549; Koiiian, 592, 632 Auxiliaries, Roman, 470, 525, 6[4 Auzacia, Auzacii Mtcs, VI. 14 n. 3 Avars, 93 95 ; liorse-liurial, yi liarbarians' on (ireek Axe, 187, 222; Ananjino, 2-;7 vases, 55, 42 ; f. 315; co|)per, 136 f. 30; ilouMe, 3^4; horn, 134 Koban, 41 and Add., 143 n. 4, 260; models, 178^73, 206, 210, 214 f. 115, 244; n\oul(ls, double132, 245 f. (•;7 ; Scythian, 42, 61 f. 13, 72 looped, 143 n. 4, l9of.82,243 245(T.i5i, 156, 261; 1
1
—
1
—
Barbarians in Crock
Scylhinnx, xxxvii
art, v.
560. 8—10. 284— 18K, 162 -27. 230. 32^'
425
f-
49,
r.
136, 3'>9. 392, 411
f-
f.
53—
o.
312—3190". 223— 29K, 411, 414.
f.
},^}'
Barbaro, Josafa calls Alans lui)holi)i(. 357 f. 263 Bardanes, 532 Bardas I'hoc.ns, 536, 537 >, 596, 599 603, 611
.As,
37 n.
2
—
;
;
—
—
158,
247
160,
f.
Axiaces, I.\. 14 Axjutintsy, IX. larijc barrow, 180 182; bits, 76; bone cauldron, 80 n. 5 Greek j)ottcry, psalia, 189, f. 81 82 n. 4 neck-ring, 63; quiver with deer, 66, (not shield, 73), 187 f. 75, 257, 266; sword, 70: Small barrow, 182; armlet, 64; belt-plate, 182 f. strips, 62 n. 2 7.^7 "• ' ^'7) 7.^ ''"s Awning, 144 Add. Azagarion, II. 16 Azov, IX. 21, 567
—
;
;
;
!
Azov, Sea
Maeotis
v.
of,
Baha AVniiemiuJd, 239 f. Habadagh lake, IX. "12, Haby barrow, 380
149, 13
240
298
f.
1
;
'
Yf^
;
K. E. vcm, places Odyssey in Crimea, on skulls from Chcrlomlyk, 46
liaer,
= God, Iranian loan word Bagaevskaja, phalerae from, 76 Bagator (Maotun), 92 n. 595, 596, 599, 601, 611
/)Vfa
.Slavonic,
in n.
i,
18,
43
38
173 n. 3
n^r.
—
—
:S, .S6, 255 f. 174 Barsov, N. 1'., place names, 103 n. Bartatua, 42, 16 HastilyI; , v. hood, 57 61 ff. 12 14 Ba.shkirs, I. 105, 109, 113 n. 3
Jiorsoiii,
2
1
—
Ch.
Basil, S.,
of,
—
535
—
Basil II, 532, 535 537 paaiXelat, 6 iwl rrjs, 318, 612, 613, 625 Basileus, S., 531, 544 /3a
1
— 305
213—217
Bastarnae, IX. 13, 101, 103, 120, /^^, /^j, 259, 586 Bata, II. (Novorossijsk), 23, 128 harbour of, fiora at, 4 Bath, Thermae, 295, 306, 468, 502, 505 f. 338, 506, 523 n. 7, 564, 565 f. 345; vapour among Scythians and Russians, 84 Bathyllus Dercidis, 619 Batteni, I. 244 f. 152, 262 Battlements, 504 Batu, colouring of, 45 Batum, E. point of Euxine, 8; intaglio, L. N'erus, fioni, ;
*' + 1
,
Hailhik,
red skeletons, 142— 145: Scylhic, 149 240; distribution of, 150; classes of, 151; twins, 151, 152; Big, i52S(|i|.; size of, 153; plundered, 153, 154, 155 and Aild. Siberian, 240 253
Bautac, \ 1. 14 n. 3 Bautisus R., \T. 114 n. 3
i
Baghchi Sarai, Church near,
;
:
fl".
Bactria, 1. 110, in, 121, 122, 129 n. 4 Bactrians, 92; native dress of, 61 coins, 590, 600, 6o2u. O 596, 602, 603, 61 —fi'^o, (^h indications, 336, 388 f. 285, .^90 I
286
f.
Barrows, (ireek, 415, 435, 455, 490, 4^1 abundance of, 435. 5^>'>i 567 raised by .Scyths, 88; Mongols, 89; ("umans, 89, 91:
—
Babylonian cylinder, 410, 411 Bacchus, V. I)i<)nysus
,
248, 250; layer of, 248, 250: wrappings,
in,
"45 Barley, 388, 3S9 Bar(H|ue, 385
;
243 245 ff. 151, 152, 251 f. 172; stone, 134, 380 Axenos, 438 Siberian,
Bark, tigures
I.\.
513
Bay, 5, 615; Baye, Baron
n. 2
BCA.
113 595. 596. 598—603, 6^5, 611 6,
388
leaves, J. de,
n.
257
n. 3
259
2,
xxvi
Beads, gla.ss, 64, 362 gold, necklace, 399, 405, 426 precious stone, 404, 405, 428 f. 318, 430, 431 f. 321 420, 431 f. 321 in Scythic tombs, 67, 65 f. 16, 147, 157, 175, 177, 179, 188 f. 80, 206, 20S f. 106, 210," 216," 226, 232; Siberian, 244, 248 Beak-heads, Scylhic motive (Creek v. Add. 266), 66, 70, 178 f. 73, i8i f. 75. 186 f. 79, iS8f. 80. 191 ;
;
Baku. 386
:
BalakK-iva, IX. 18
f.
1,
Ballistarii,
A,
n.
539, 558
1
f.83, 206,
531
Baltic, pottery,
Q
496—498,
127, 381, 437.
Balakhny, neolithic statinn, 132 Balaustion, 629, 630 Halbal, 240 Balfour, II., on bows, 66 n. 10
A[\.
.S96,
Baiuikcraiiiik,
—
132 60.?,
132,
603, 611, 616, 617, 633
142
Anon. 535 n. i Banishment to Cher.son, 530 533 Bank round barrow, 151 n. 3, 153, 173, 182 Baptism of Chersonites, 530,531; Russians, 537, 538; Bandurii,
—
—
\'ladimii, 535 538 Baptistery, 509 511 f. 340.
—
~ Bar
595i at
59'''
599
Kerch 4;
at
I\.
14
li.nraboi.
R.,
— 603,
2
611, 617, 633
mouths of
livers,
4
208— ii.sff.
—
106, 109,
1
1
1,
—
1
15,
1
16; .Siberia,
—
242 152, 155, 249 252 ff. 169 245 ff. 150 172, 262, 266 2bS i. 183, 274, 275 ff. 193, i. mi;: " Gothic," 260, 282 Beans, 49 Bear, 242 f. 150, 244 f. 152, 247 f. 165, 248 Beard, absent among Scyths of Hippocrates, and Iluns of .\mmianus, 46; present, in modern mixed races, ib., n. 2, cf. 44 .\ 57> 59 ^- '-' ''O- '•' > \*orn by Olbians, 467 Beast, curle
237
157
f.
— 2^9
44, 164 14?
ff.
f.
^}^,
— 147.
198 f. 91, :oi f. 95. 203 284, 2S5 f. :o''i, 2.SS:
f.
98,
—
—
686
hidiex
Beast (contd) liandles
:
and loops, 231, 235
242
144,
f.
f.
150, 244
f. 152, 246, 262, 265 n. 2: sculptures, 298:
—
—
—
:
346
Beaver, 5, 105 Becker, P., 13 Bees, 6
Bejkush
n.
1
Birisades (Paerisades), 575 Bishop, of Bosporus, 610; of Chersonese, 493 n. 5.?9 liison (Colus),
Map
IX.), 4=^. 4=^4.
i,
531,
5
Bisutun, reliefs at, 57, 59 f. 12, Co, Bithynia, 518, 590, 591, 605 607 Bits, 7S—77, 88, 165, 174 f. 70, 175, 206, 209 f. 109, 2 10, 214 f. [5, 229, 231 f. 135, 247 f. 163, 248,
112,
—
I
m. n\v. of Ocliakov,
(2
Bion, 465 Birds (cf. beak-heads, eagle, &c.), skeleton, 415: represented on frescoes, 309, 310, 312, 314, 315 ff. 224, 321; in plaster, 372 f. 271; gold, &c., 225, 318 222, 233 f. 138, 234 f. 139, 250, 253, 268 f. 185, 275 f. 197, 280, 289, 382, 397, 398 f. 291, 431 f. 321 ; vase, 346; human-headed, 258 f. 182 and Add., 376, 378
—
Byzantine, 335, 357, -lis; Keltic, 282; Scandinavian, 282; Scythic, 167, 187, 206, 208 f. 106, 210, 214 f. 115, 223 f. 126, 233—235, 32g—2S2; Siberian, 242 f. 150, 244 f. 152, 246 253 ff. 165 282; Teutonic, 259, 267, 172, 261, 262, 267, 268 2S0 282; Tripolje, 138 f. 32, 140^34, [41: upon beasts, 181 f. 75, 203 f. 1)8, 238 f. 146, 260, 264, 266, 275 f. 197 style,
vases,
—
;
410
176, 182, 191 f. 83, 216, 222, 226, 228,
250
Bituitus, 589
Black Sea, tish, 6 v. Euxine Blahoveshchenskaja, III. 324
48, Bejsug R., IX. 21 Belaja K., I. 104, 113 n. 3 Belashevskij, N. Th., 130 n. Belgorod, 14, 446 Bell, J., of Antermony, 253 n. Bellerophon, 206, 382 Bells, 77, 154 f. 4f, 165, 186 f. 79, 282
;
Blakesley, J. W., 7,7, Bliznitsa (twin), Great, III. barrow,
1
320, 6r9: bracelet, 402, 426
42J
—42g
ff.
312
317; calathi, 391, 392, 425
Belozerka, IX., "standards" from, 77 f. 20, 78 Belsk, IX., gorodiskc/if at, 52 n. 3, 105 n. 4, 147 Belts, 43, 53, 57, 161, 179, 182 f. 75 bis, 222, 230, 244; cups on, 43, 81 n. 6 Bendis, 619 n. 20
f. 315, 294, paintings of, .307. 423 ff- 3'^. 313; coffins, 331, 424 f. 314; earrings, 397; gem, 412, 427 f. 31.S; griffin-heads, 393 n. 8, 427^318; grotesques, 369; helmet, 379, 429; mirror boxes, 378; necklaces, 399, 400, 427 f. 318; necklet, 400, 402, 429 f. 320; phalerae, 378 plates, 403, 427 f. 318; shoe, 336 n. i snake-ring, 410 n. 7,
Beneficiarii,
427
i
n.
523 Berard, V. 4^7
—
;
:
;
Tripolje areas, 133, 134
n.
i,
140,
in,
Bliznitsy,
318
statuette, 392 ; stlengis, 392, ; Little, III. 422 n. 4 twin class of barrows, 152
428
f.
319
Blochet, E., Orkhon Inscr., 90 n. 4 P.oar (sow, swine, hog), 5, 49, 182: representations, 198 f. 91, 214 f. 115, 217 f. 119, 237 f. 145, 239 f. 147, 260 f. 182 bis, 268, 270 f. 186, 274, 275, f. 195, 277 f. 200, 278 f. 201; brooch, •75 S^P '" mane, 208 f. 106, 239 f. 137, 265, 270; winged, 197 f. 90, 206, 208 f. 106 ;
Boat on
stele, 304 Bobrik, IL, 33 Bobrinskoj (Ct A. A.), xxix. 48, 775 ;/. /; on Bunchuki, 78 n. 8 Miscellany, xxix Bobritsa, IX., bits from, 76; Greek pot, 82 n. 4, 348; looped mirror, 193 f. 85 Bodini, II., 105 :
Boeckh, A., 98
142
chamber
;
f.
Bliznitsa,
Berda R., IX. i, 30 Berel R., I. 250 Berestnjagi, IX.; horses' cheek ornament, 75 n. 8, 191 f. 83, 267, 269 Berezan Island, IX. 14, 15, ^587, 4JI 4jj, 480, 481, 48.V pots from, 338, 339, 346 n. 10; graffi/t, 361, 477—479, 618; lamp, 361; necropolis, 415, 416; terra-cotta, 364 Berezdn Liman, IX. 15, 454 Bergeron, P., Voyages, Paris, 1634, la Ilaye, 1735- Text of Rubruck and de Piano Carpiui translated from Hakluyt, 89 n. 3 Berlin, coffin at, 331 distemper vase at, 348 Bessarabia, IX. corn, 444, 447 wine, 360, 447
;
;
7
;
f.
Arimasp upon, 56
n. 5
Beth-Shean (Scythopolis), 42, 99 n. 10 Bevan, A. A., 617 n. 16 Bertierde-la-Garde, A. L., xxix. on Akkerman, 446, 604; Cave-towns, 449; Bosporan monograms, 591 295 n. 3; on Chersonese, 494 515, 521 522, 532, 5.^5— 537.. 545. 547—550. 552, S.S3; Jalta "find, "523 n. 7 Olbian coins, 459, 462, 482 485, 486 Add. walls, 461 Bosporan coins, 630 633; Theodosia, 340, 555 559 Bes, 367 and Add., 404, 428 Besleneevskaja Stanitsa, tiara from, 58 f. ir, 290; beads
Boehlau, J., 338, 339 n. G, 342 n. 2 Boeotian vases, 338 Boethus, 297 Bogas, 534 Bogdanov, A., on Scythic Skulls, 47 Bogli, God, from Baga, 38
from, 65 f. 16 Bezschastnaja Mogila, IX. 142
Bone, from food, 49, 132, 165, 176, 177, 182, 192, 196,^, 216; as fuel, 80: objects of, mostly from about Smela, i75sqq.; armourscales, 74, 188 f. 80; arrow-heads, 158 f. 45, 190 f. 82, 287 Add.; bodkins, 180; carved, 269, 335; knobs, 177; neolithic, 132 palaeolithic, 131 psalia, 77, 182, 188, 189 ff. 80, 81, from Kubaii, 77 n. i, 223 spoons, 177 Bonnell, E., xxix, 34; on Scyths, 99 n. 2 Book-chest on stele, 304 BoifTTTopos, 569 n. 9, 598 n. 7, 613 n. 12 Boots, 57, 210, 426 Borani, 569, 608 Boread, 330 Boreon stoma, IX. 13
;
—
—
—
——
;
;
—
n. 6, 151
;
armour-scales,
74 1 14 n. 3 Bibliographies Bosporus, 634 638 ; Cercinitis, 492 ; Chersonese, 550 Colonization and Trade, ^^}, 100; Olbia, 488, 444; Ethnology of Scythians, 97 489; Russian Pulilications, xxiV xxxiii Scythia of Herodotus, Geography, 33 34; Survey of Coast, 25; Theodosia, 559, 560 Tyras, 449
Bhotan,
—
:
;
—
—
—
;
Bienkowski, Bier,
157,
P.,
on
carts,
50
161
Btga, 216, 218 f. 120, 343, 374 Bijsk, I. 244 f. I j2, 262, 282 Bilga Khan, 90
;
Boii,
123 Bolgars (Volga), 534, 535, 539; horse-burial, 91 worship, 71 split, 103 n. 7: cf. Bulgarians Bolgary, town, I. 104, 105, n. 3 Hologoe, neolithic station, 132 n. r
;
sword-
;
;
;
;
—
1
—
—
7
•
Index Boris
^\i,
lUil^'ari.i,
i>f
lion's iiiul
CIOI),
C."
2
11.
Vll.
Boryslhenes 43
;
1\.
(liver),
1
B/i6/i(0f,
:;
liorshcv, palaeolithic funis, 1,
i_\o
15,
479; ancestor of Scyllii;ins,
Dnipr
V.
ISorysllienes (town), 1\. 15, 2,s, 4^1 n. 1, 470; v. Olbia liory.slhcnis Island, 1\. 452 ; v. liere^an
lioryslhcnitae, 451
n.
1
;
—
—
—
223, 224, 227, 230, 369; exiles, 572, 573; at Olhia, 470, 4«i liosporichus. 556 Hosporus, Cimmerian (kingdom), j6_' OjS; Athenian tr.
connexion, 441, 516, 571 s(|(|.; Bishop of, 610; coins, 627 ii},},\ connexion with Chersonese, 516, Diopliantiis in, 519, 524, 526 530, 5
— —
—
;
,
319,604, 625; name, 569; ;
religious societies in,
— 614; par— 609; polity, — 625; rulers,
6
oflicials,
tition of, 573, 576, 577, J79, 597,
579"?^'
607 620
1
2
218 A
—
—
—
1
IT".
;
Manchu, 66
Tartar,
—
10: on coins, 629 8, 12, 13, 66— 6S, 244 f. 152,
f-
277,
10,
424
—
Box-setting, 406 408 f. 295, 431 f. 321 Boy-earring, 398 f. 292 Bt)yer, P., [06 n. Bracarauguslanoruiii Coll., 525 n. Braccae, 102 . Bracelets, 59 f. 12, 60, 63, 64 f. 15, i6i, 170, 179, 197 f. 90, 199 f. 92, 202, 208 f. 106, 210, 230, 232, 235, 236, 254, 256 f. 177, 257, 271 f. 187, 280, 291, 293, 382, 401 f. 294, 402, 408, 409, 426 f. 317, 430, 433, i
i
f-
.527
liralimapulra R.,
114 n. 3
Branchidae, 581 Brandenbourg, (jen., 287 and Add.
Branding as a tonic, 45 Brassarts,
74 Braun, F. (Th. A.), xxix. 11^14, 34, 98
— 126,
^n
Breaking on purpose, 226 Breast-bands, 406 Bribe, 466
—
Britannicus, 599, 602
IX. 125, 460 Brockhaus-Iefron, xxix
274 f. 193, 507 f. 339, Bucrania, 79f. Budini, I. 27, Bugas, 111. 17
Bugh, R.,
I.,
/hij^rai's/iihiki,
1
382, 401
191 f.
83, 224
f.
515; with tanti^, 318
f.
127, 253,
f.
294, 409, 435
f.
273, 328, 506 n. 9,
228
n.
290, 332, 374, 518, 545 100, 105, /()./ 106, 5 n. \,
n.
4
1
21,
1
1
name, 38;
v.
116
Ilypanis
253
Bukhtarma, R., I.; graves on, 241, 250 Bukhlarminsk, 108 ISiikovina, I. neolithic pottery, IhiUivy, 78; v. liuiichuki Bulbs eaten, 49 ;
133
Bulganak, III. 399 Scythic tombs
in, 118 n. 8, 150; neolithic, 134 n. 1 Bulgarians, 532, 534, 535 n. 2, 537: cf. Bolgars Bull, 228, cf. ox; Coins, 547, 548; golden, 143, 144^35 and Add.; head, 208 f. 106, 217 f. 119, 398, 401 vase, 346; winged, 411 f. 298, 412 f. 294; Bulunggir, R., I. 111, ii4n. 3; basin, 110 Bunbury, E. 11., 34, 99 n. 5 lUiiuhiiki (Maces), 78, 186 f. 79, 187, 248 n. v.
Bulgaria,
r
;
standards l!urachk(')v,
1'.
O.,
xxix.
15
n.
2,
33,
240,
490-492,
497 i,
444
Burdas, 113 n. 3 Scythian, according to Herodotus, S7, SS, of Mongols, 88—90, Turks, 90, Ugrians, 91
103,
1:4
:
l)arial-plaees, 87, neolithic, 140;
90;
Greek, 415—435 (and Add.); burial-clubs,
620—625
cooking, 80; sacrifices, 86 Burrows, R. M., neolithic culture, 134 n. 1. 14 n. Bury, J. B., 526, 532, 533, 543; on Cimmerians, 436; on invasion of Darius, 28 n. 3, 117 Butmir, I. 134, 142 Buriats,
I.,
i
1
Butter, 49 Butterfly, 331, 397, 398, 405 408 f. 295, 420, 424 430> 431 f- 321 Buttons, 157, 161, 165, 173 Buzeo, R., I.^Aranis? 28 n. 3, 117 Byrebisla (Burvista), 123, 464
—
f.
314,
Byscus Su|)<>lichi, 527 Byzance, 527, v. Constantinople; relations with X'ladimir, 534 537, with Barbarians, 539; treaties with Russians, 534 Byzantine, antiquities, 514, 515; buildings, 295, 508 513; coins, 470, of Cherson, 532 ; decoration anticipated, 308; dishes, 386 and .-Xdd. fleet, 531; headdresses, 392 ; in.scriptions, 303 f. 2 7, 381 magistrates of Chersonese, 541 543; jjots, 357, 515; seaLs, 541, 543 textiles, 336 Byzantium (ancient), 579; coins, 516, goddesses on, 542 n. 2, of Lysimachus, 351, 585; decree of, 469; founding of, 438, 439 ; kalendar, 546 ; latitude of, ;
481
Britolagae,
13,
Buces, lake and river, Buckles, 165, 184 f. 77,
1
Brick, cnide, 454, 460, 499 Bridles, 75 77 ; v. bits, psalia Brisais,
n.
Brunnhofer, II., on Tluinni, 122 n. 3 Brmin, xxix, },},\ makes Tanais = Molochnaja, 30, 32 Biyaxis, 297 Bucellarii. 538
—
168,460—463
Brauronia, 543, 544 Bravlin,
278—281
173. 2 10, 165, 374—378 fl. f. 117, 229; V. fibula Briiekner, A., 533 n. 10, 534 n. 1
Brooch, 215
Burials,
.^'4. 4.?o. 43.i
4,H
;
Biirchner, L.,
n.
Bow-case, -,}^ 6t fl. 279 f. 202, 284 287 and Add.; v. Gorytus Box, 157, 234 f. 140, 235, 280, 334, iy., 409 n.
—
561 Broniovius, 494 Bron/.e ,\ge, Russian, 257; Siberian, 141 248 Bron/e, for servants' jewels, 6j, 63, 382 nut put in tombs of Scyths (Her.), 88, but universally found, i49M|i|.; Scythic work in, 160 Bronzes, Greek, 374—383, 569, from Scythic tombs, '."io,
:o4 I), f. 103, 3.50 Hosco Kcalc, 350, 354 n. 4, 1,^1 nos|)oran era, 304, 320, ji)o, ^()i Uosporans, abroad. 444; ac(|uire Tanais, 1167; capliue Roman standards, 5S6 n. 4 character of, J93, 294, 304 fT. 213 218, 313 563; dress of, 56 f. 10, 301
Hor/.oi,
319
687
—
;
14
;
—
;
688
hide.'X " Catacombs " (contd) Alcimus (1868), 309, 310
620 n. Cadmus, Hp of I5os|)()ras, 610 Cabiri, 478,
i
—
1
1
Caligula, 596s
;
of,
Pygmies, 309;
—
Soracus, 319 321 f. 231; Stasov's (1872), 314 317 unpainted, 320;
448 n. i, 4,S9, 470, 570, 379 Callinicus, 459, 485 Callippidae, IX. 27, 31, 124 n. 4 Calocyrus, 534 Calon stoma, IX. 13 Calos Limen, IX. 17, i8, 496, 516 520 Calypso, 309 310, 616 Camarae, 24 Caniasarye Pliilotecnos, 581 583, 621 Cambridge, gem at, 413 coins, 484, 662 inscriptions,
—
—
;
Cameo,
of,
;
70
387, 404, 40,^, 414, 430, 431
f.
321
Cancytus, 461
Candelabrum, 210, 232, 330, 378, 381, 569; church, 514
Candy s,
53, 316 f. 119, 123,
226
448, 487 Cannabis, Scythic word, 85 Canopy, 144 Add. in glass Cantharos, 82, 165 Add., 180, 349 f. 254, 351 and silver, 362, 383 f. 284, 421 Capha, 527, 558; V. Theodosia Capito, S., 509, 510, 531 Caps, pointed, 53, 59 f. 12, 60, 61 ff. 13, 14, 210, 223 f. 126, 277, 279 f. 202; flat, 411 f. 298; gold, 390, 391 f. 287 Caracalla, 446, 469, 606 Carambis, C., I. 8, 19 Carcine, 17, 490 n. i, 492 Carcinites gulf, IX. 16, 17, 18, 490 n. 1, 496, 592 n. 4 Carcinitis, 17, 490; v. Cercinitis Carians, 437, 567 Caricature, 44 Add. f. o, 355, 369, 370, 428 ;
Cariscus, 105 Carnelian, 179, f.
290, 405,
215,
223,
411— 414
244, 248, 393, 396 298, 301, 430—432 ir. 321,
229,
ff.
322 Carnivore, 268, 274, 27.^ ff. 196, 197, 276 f. 198, 277 126 Carpathian Mts, 1, 103, 124 Carpentry, 322 335; v. woodwork Carpet, 157, 269 Carpi, IX. 124, 126, 470 Carpidae, 124 n. 4 Carpodacae, 124 Cars, Carts, 50 52 fif. 5, 6 and Add., 75, 153, 165, 216; v. Waggons, 106 Gary on Bosporan era, 591 n. " Cash "-knife, 246, v. knife Zhurovka, 72 Casii Mtes, VI. 14 n. 3 Caspian, ancient knowledge of, 10 ; confused with Maeotis, 30; rivers running into, 30, 31; steppe N. of, 107 Casting technique, 222, 226 f. 129, 241, 244, 288 "Catacombs," at Chersonese, 320, 421 ff. 310, 311, 508; Olbia, 320; Panticapaeum (v. 562 f. 344), xxxii, 303, jo"/ J2i ff. 220 231, 417, 422, 606, 609, 610;
—
—
—
1
;
1
—
—
235-^227;
;
Catiari, 43, Cattle, lose
44
—
,
coins
horns
their
waggons, 49
Cau
of,
trade
;
through cold,
49
5,
;
draw
440
in,
119, 448, 486,
^Sy
Caucasus, i, 8: archaeology of, 259 n. 4; cave-cities, 129; dolmens, 146; "Gothic" things, 260, 282; mirrors, 246; red skeleton.s, 142, 143; Scythic objects, 259, 260; coast tribes of, 24, 25, 127 129, 577, 587, 588; dress of, ^516; tamgi among, 316; languages, 25, 38, 127; impassable along Black Sea, 41, 569; Pass of Darial, 41, crossed by Scyths and Cimmerians,
—
Campania, 437 Canachus, 414
Canites,
ft.
1873, 319 f. 230; 1875, 318 f. 229, 319; 1 89 1, 310, 311 f 222, 606 n. 10; '902. 315. .V9; 1908, 312 coins in, 312, 319, 320
Cailatis, II. 437,
App. 67—69 Cambyses, death
—
Zaitsev's (1895), 310; i8j2, 312; i860, 318;
81, 385
—
;
224;
f.
Macl'herson's, 309
Gaius
v.
220, 221
Christian, 320, 615; Feldstein's (1906), 318;
620, 630
Cales ware, 349, 350, 384 Calf's head, vase in form
ff.
313^223;
Anthcsterius (1877), 312, Ashik's (1841), 312, 314
n. 1 Caesar (C. Julius), 123, 589 593; aiae, Caesarium, 566 Caffa, name, 527; trade, 443, 5,^9, 558, 559; v. Theodosia Caius Eutychianus, 524 Cake, funeral, 415 Calamis, 454 n. 6 Calatlids, from (ir. Bliznilsa, 56, 291, 425^.^15, 426, 427 f. 318: Goddess wearing, on coins, 597, 600, 604, 606, 619,
4^> '15
Cauldron, of Ariantas, 68; Scythic, 49, 79, So
ff. 21, 22, 157, 162 f. 50, 165, 173, 187, 197^', 210, 219, 228, 230 f. 133, 231, 290; .Siberia, 244, 246, 250, 261 Cave-churches, 295; cities, 129; houses, 132
Cazeca, IX. 20, 555 Ceiling-coffer, 295 Celsus, mentions Scythian gods, 85 Celt, socketed, 261, 262 stopped, 41 and Add. v. axe v. Balaklava Cembalo, 539, 558 Cemetery, Tartar, &c., 88 90; Christian, Bosporus, 610; Chersonese, 513; Greek, v. necropolis Censer, 514, 515 Centaur, 222, 332 Centenaresius Tower, 506 Centurion, 523 n. 4, 614 ;
;
;
—
Cephalonnesus
Isl.,
II.
17
Cephisodotus, 295 n. 12 Cepi, III. 23, 24, 430, 561, 570, 572, 574, 579, 610, 627 Ceramics, jjS j6i ; v. Pots Cercelae, IX. 24, 128, 129 Cercinitis, IX. 17, 33, 119, 381, 470, 4go 4g3, 496, 516 520; coins of, 491, 492, PI. IX. I 3, shew vases from, 339 bow-case, 66, axes, 72 Cersona, 533 Chabrias, 548 Chabum, 518 520 Chain, 172, 217 f. 119, 399 402 f. 294, 405 408 f. 295, 41 1 f. 298, 414, 427 f. 318, 430, 431 f, 321 net- work, 195 f. 88, 394 397, 400, 401 f. 294, 426 f. 316 Chalcedon, 438, 531, 546, 578, 623 n. 8 Chalcedony, 233, 401 f. 294, 405, 410 414 ff. 298, 299, 427 f. 318, 428, 430, 431 f. 321 ; cylinders, 193 f. 85, 41 1 f. 298 Chalcidian vases, 339
—
—
—
—
;
—
—
— ;
—
—
Chalcis, 352
Chamaecoetae, 129 Chamberlain, 613, 615 Chambers, grave, Greek, 294, 323, 417 425 ff. 308 3'3' 433 '' 3'^3' 3'24' ^- "catacombs," vault
—
—
—
—
;
hidex Cli'an^, 93
689
Chertomlyk Barrow (contd)
Ch'any-'an, 114 n. j Chanj; K'icn, 92, 121 n. 8 Chantrc, K., 259 n. 4 Chapels, 509 —5 i
43; plates, 157, 158 f. 45; ixillery, 165 .\d(l.; plundering a mistake, 155 Add.; (|uivers, 161, 165; f.
71, 164 f. 53, 3S6—JS7 f. 207; silver, 3HJ, 384; skulls, 46; standards, 78, 165; slrip.s, 157 f." 44, 283; swords, 70, 163 IT. 51, 52, 263, 270; i(ir(|ues, 63- '57. '58 f. 45, 161, 165; whetstone, 73, i6y; whips, 77, 161; women's dress, 61, 62, 158 f. 45, shealli,
1
XAPA, 410 Charas])es (Adrasjius, Chaiax, IX. 19, 523
Charchan Darya,
12,5),
114 n.
I.
4S7
161
5
C'harcoal foumlations, 4,S4 Charon's coin, 453, 4S_5
vase,
— 77
,
1
f.
1S5
60,
f.
78,
Psalia
v.
;
(T. 46—49, 2SS, 2S1P, dress on, 57; harness on, 75; horses on, 48 for kumys, 81 Che nth = gri fli n 113 Chigfrin, dist. of (Kiev govt), IX., Sc. tombs in, 177; early Creek pots from, 339; |)ins from, 191 f. 83 Chih-cliih, 92 Children, 368 ;
Chatyr Dagh, IX." 19 t 2 Chaurana, VI. 114 n. }, Chavaiines, E., on W. Turks, 114 n. Check-ornaments (horses), 75, 76, 169 287 Add., 291 Cheek-pieces, 75 Cheese, 49
:
159—162
China, 114, 121; v. Chinese: attraction for Turks, 90, 95 Mongol funerals in, S9 ofierings at Khan's tomb, 90; monsters not indigenous, 280; relations between nom.ads and, 9/ ^j, 246; trade with, 443, 558; visited by Vents'ai, 107 Chinese, account of nomads, yo <)4\ art, 262, 280; cauldrons, 79, 246; name for Creeks, 129 n. 4; on Khalkas, 113; knives (cash), 243 f. 151, 246, 261; mirror types, 66, 246, 261; perhaps Hyperboreans, 114; rattle, 78, 243 f. 151, 2480. 1; roundel, 280 11. 4; wall, 114 n. 3, 121, V. China Chingiz Khan, advice to his sons, 95 burial of, 88, 89 complexion of, 45 employs foreigners, 2,52 rise of, 44 Chios, 442, 627 Chisel, 228 Climyrt>va Barrow, IX. 152, ibS, 769 ff. 58 62: earring, 395 n. 5 horse trappings, 75, 76, 168, 169 ff. 58 61, 269, 290, 403; necklace, 400; plate, 168 .\dd., jSj\ wrestler plaque, 57 n. i, 169 f. 62 Cliobruchi, I.X. 446 Xai5[apfos ?], King, Ii9n. 5 Chophrasmus Phorgabaci, 615, 625 Chorasmians, dress of, 61 Chornyj Jar, I. 173 n. 5 Chou Dynasty, 91, 114, 121; annals, 113, 115 ;
;
IX.
Cheliiasi river,
Chenisci,
^H2,
21
—
383
XEI'X., 492 Chereniis, I. 104 Cherkcs (Cercctae, Circassian), I.\. 24, 39, 4S, 129 Chernaja, R., 497, 528 Chernigov, I., govt of, 104; eartliworks in, 146; gem from, 414 f. 301 ; Tripoljc areas in, 133
Chernjakhovo,
Xfpaovd(rov,
192
I.X.
Cherronesus, 493 Cherson, 493 n.
Nea, 497, Chersonese rds, 544, 546
n. i,
jio>/j.6i
i
v.
;
Chersonese
;
v.
;
Chersonese, ^gj —jjj;
plan and view, p. 493, Plan \II. f. 333; environs, Nlap X^III. p. 495: amphorae, 359, 360, I'anathcnaic, 516 Add.; art
—
products, 294 Bosporus, 516, 414, 514, 51,!;, ,H3S ."iji, 5 '7. 5-' .S56, 592, 596, 604, 608; l)uekle, Byzantine, buildings, 295, 508 ^73' 507 f- .539 ;
—
!
coins,
antiijuities,
514, 515, 538, Cercinitis, 490, 491 ; coins, 542, 543 550, dated, 522, 523, Byz. 532: deities, 361, 543—546; destruction, 494, .S39; Dorisni, 444, 493, 545; embkmala, 385; foundation, 515 and Add.; graffiti, 361; graves, 421, 422, 506, 507 f. 339, chamber, 421 ff. 310, 311, 508, painting, 320; stele, 5'3j 532, 541
538,
.small
officials,
:
—
67, 507
f.
339: history, 515
— 539;
institutions,
540
jewelry, 291, .^97—399, 402, 406—408 f. 29; ; magistrates, 540 543; Maiden, 475, 516 518, 520, 541 .^50; Medusa, 291 n. i; Mithridatcs, revolt from, 588, tribute to, 520 name, 493 n. 1 Olbia,
—543;
—
—
—
:
;
459. 470; "Old,'' 496—499, 513; i)ots, 339, 341, Milesian, 339 Add., glazed, 357 Rome, ,';22 526; safety from Goths,
—
:
trade, 440, 17, 18, 495 sqt). 498 506 ff. 334 338; tomb in, 499, Plan VII. inset, jewelry from, 291, 397 402, 410 n. I, urns, 380: war with Scilurus, 518 520, with later Sc 469, 523 Chersonese, Cape, IX. 18, 495, 496 Chersonesite at Olbia, 421; on Bosporus, 627 Chersonesus in Crete, 493 n. i Chersonesus Minor, VIII. 18, 493, 495, 517, 518 Chersonesus Taurica, 493 n. i Chersonesus Thracia, 117, 493 n. Chersonesus Trachea, 8 Chertomlyk Barrow, IX. 88, 152, 153, /JJ i6j ff.
53
'>
539;
wall,
site, 4,
;
—
295,
—
—
538; 422,
— 399, 119,
,
43
—
;
162 f. 50, 165, 268; date, 287 .\dd.; dish, 161, 384; gorytus, 67, earrings, 62, i6i fingerrings, 64, 161 164 f. 53, 284 2Sb f. 206, 287 .Vdd.; greaves, 74, 161; grooms, i,S3; horses' trappings, 16,?, 290; plan, 156 knives, 72, 157, 161 mirrors, 157, 161
—
;
M.
;
% =Xp\}aov, 1^6: =eKaTovTdpx''i^, App. 21 .stele of, 301 f. 213, 627 n. 3 Chrestus Papiae, 526 Christ, representations of, 514 Christian, amulet, 320 n. 4; burials, 610; "catacombs," 320, 610; inscriptions, 303 f. 217, 381, 610 Christianity, on Bosporus, 610; at Cherson, 530 531; and Russia, 534 sqq. Chrysopolis, 536, 537 Chthonian deities, 606 n. 10, 619, 620 Child, 257 n. 3; mines, 7, 244 Chufut Kale, 494 Chuni (Huns), 122 n. 2 Cfiurches, basilican, 509 511 f. 340; Caucasus and Crimea, 513 n. 2 cave, 295, ,113 n. 2 Chersonese, 509 515 f. 340; cruciform, 511 f. 340 515; Kerch, 564: objects from, 514, 515 Churubash lake. III. 20, 329 Chreste,
—
;
—
—
53:
;
—
—
amphorae, 161 arrows, 157, 161 bits, 165; cantharos, 165 Add., 349; car, 75, 165; cauldrons, 80, 157, ;
—
;
;
i
;
;
Chu.ssovaja R., I. 107 Chuvash, I. soul waits forty days, 91 ; stuff horses, 9> Chvojka, V. v., on early stone age, 131 ; on neolithic station, 132; on Tripolje culture, 134 142; on later graves, 192 ;
—
Cilicia, 8, 590, 596, 599 Cilicum Coh., 525 n. 1
Cimbri, 40, 436 Assyrian conflict, 42, 115; cut in Cimmerians, 40 s(|q. two by Scylhs, 41 ; earthworks, &c., 40; Homeric, ;
^7
;
—
:
Coins (contd)
Cimmerians (conld) kings' lonib on Tyras, 41; Lydia, 42; of, 100; nationality of, 40 sqq., not Kelts,
436, 437;
Spartocid, 581
meaning
taiiigi on,
436, not red skeleton folk, 14.S ; not on sarcophagus from Clazomenae, 53; not Thracian, 41 pass Caucasus, 42 ; raids made together with Thracian Treres, 41, 115 ;
Cimmerice, III. 21, 570 Cinnnericum (Opuk), III. Cimmeris, III. 21, 570 Cios, 437
20,
Circeii,
Cold, effects
i
;
;
495 Climate, 4 sqq. Cloisonne, enamel, 387, 404, 405, 430 431 f. 321 ; inlay, 222, 271, 273, 283; mosaic, 430, 431 f. 321 Club, V. Heracles Cnidos, amphorae, 359, 441 Cniva, 126 Cnossus, pots, 141, 142 n. 3 fairly Coastline, general shape of compared to bow, 9 well known to ancients, 1 1 ; detailed survey of,
—
;
shoals, 3
—
Coat, .Scythic, 57 61 ff. 12, 13; tail-coat, 59 f. 12, 60, 248 Cocceius, 446; crowned, 388 Cock, 208 f. 106; fight, 411 f. 298 Coffins, stone, v. sarcophagi wooden, 202, 210, 214 f. 115, J32 333, ff. 232 242, 422, 424^314, 429; inner, 202, 323, 329; Kul Oba, King, 196, 202, 329, Queen, 202 205 ff. 100 104, 305, 329: Nymphaeum, 210, 214 f. 115, 329; plaster and terra-cotta decorations, 332 334 ff. 241 374 ff. 269 277; Olbia, 322 f. 232, 243, 370 420; other Scythic tombs, 157, 216 Cohors, I. Cilicum, II. Lucensium, I. Bracaraugustanorum, 525 n. 1; IV. Cypria, 614; Thracum, 470, 614; I. Bosporiana, 614 Coins, (v. 661 sqq.), artistic merit of, 414: Bosporan, 581— 611, 627—633; Pis. V.— VIII., IX.
—
—
—
—
—
—
— 24
—
PI. IX. i 3; Chersonesan, 547 550; PI. IV.; Byzantine at Chersonese, 532: collections of, 661 dating graves &c., 187, 253, 312, 319, 320, 329 n. 4, 408 n. 3, 420, 429, 430, 433, 434, '470, 502, 585
Cercinitis, 491, 492;
— :
;
Lysimachus
:
foreign at Chersonese, 516; Man in Siberia, 253:
Nymphaeum, i;6i Olbia, 482—487; Roman,
;
IX.
PI. PI.
II.,
Olljia,
470:
set in rings, PI.
587
— 589,
594,
IX. 29
PI.
45
—
IX. 25
64,
— 27:
180, 291
Coins, 5 Comb, 335, 399 Combat represented, of animals, 159 f. 46, 164 f. ^}„ 198, 199
209 277
— 214 ff.
archers,
314
f.
ff.
108,
112,
— 200,
114,
155
f.
91,
ff.
115,
157 203
42, 92,
270
f.
186,
:
44, 98,
f.
f.
275-
424, 425 ff. 314, 315, V. beasts 55 ff. 8, 9, 61 f. 13, 255 f. 173; cavalry, 224, 315 f. 225, 316, 319 f. 230; infantry, 195
54,
f. 227: king and beast, 411
316, 317
Comma 279
f.
298, 412, 427
and point pattern, 255, 256 ff.
Commerce,
— 192, 196, 198 — 200 trade 439 — 444,
ff.
f.
318
175
— 177,
272
188
v.
Commerciarii, 543 Commodus, 446, 525
Communications
;
indication,
in Asia,
Communion, 218 Add.
390
n.
6
114 158
cf. f. 45, 203 f. 98 Comontorius, 125 Comosarye Gorgippi f., 571 n. 1, 573, 578, 617; monument of, 22, 296 Complimentary decrees, 468 471, 524, 571, ^74 577, 580 Composite order, 315 Concubine, buried with king, 88, 89 Cone-earring, 191 f. 83, 395 Constans (526) Constantine I., 526, 527, 531 Constantine Manasses, 533 Constantine the Philosopher, 513, 533, 534, =Cyril Constantine IX., Porphyrogenitus, 532, 535 537; on Dnepr rapids, 28 river names, 28, 38, 122 n. 5 on Capha, 558; Cherson, 440, 441, 493 n. 1, 526—538 commerce with Cherson, 538 Constantinople, 527 councils of, 493 n. I, 531 cf. Byzance Constantinovo, bit, 76 f. 19 pots, 82 ff. 24, 25 Constantius, 385, 470, 526, 610
—
—
—
;
;
;
;
;
Constitution, v. Institutions Contests, gynniastic, 66 n. 10, 465, 473, 474, 546, 547, 626 ; lyre-players and flautists, 626 trumpeters and heralds, 547 Conti, long spears, 68 Contracted burials, 142, 177 f. 72, 187, 228, 229 f. ,31 Contractors, 461, 472, 475 ;
Convolvulus, 430 Cook, A. B., 85 Add., 289 n. 2 Cook, S. A., 6^7 Cook buried with king, 88 Cooking, 49, 80 Copper: in Altai, 7; workings, 241: age, 132 n. 4, 228, 370 n. 3; in Siberia, 241 248; arrow-heads, 142; axe, 136^30, /43, 228, 247 f. 160, 257 n. 3; coins {i.e. bronze) exchange of, 461 ; emblema, 232 n. 5, 381 knife, 242 f. 150, 245 f. 154, 247 f. 164, 248; scales mixed with iron, 224, 229;
—
8, 9: III.:
187, 253:
Ryzhanovka, Sindi, 632;
39, 100 24, 128, 436, 437,
—
vases, 338, 570 Clement, S. of Rome, 497, 513, 530—534, 536 Cleombrotus Pantaclis, 462, 463 Cleomenes, 117, 626 Cleopatra Selene, 603 Client Princes, 594, 595, 603, 604, 612 west of Dnepr, 2 Chersimese, Cliffs at Taganrog,
cf.
480
Colophon, 627 Colour with skeletons, 143 /^j and Add., 151, 175, 223, 228, 229 f. 131, 370 n. 3 " Colouristic " fashion, 281, 387, 404 Columbaria, 422, 503 f. 337
masonry, 169, 499
—
5,
:
288
coins, 632,
of,
7
—
Clarke, Dr E. I)., 194, 494, 497, 508, 521 n. 3, 566 Clasp, 224 f. 127, 402 Claudius Imp., 522, 524 n. i, 596, 598, 599, 602 Claudius Gothicus, 126 Clazomenae, sarcophagus from, 53; men of, 567, 570;
;
—
for cults, 476, 329 his, PI. I.
215, 234 f. 139, 235, 253, 280, 402, 429^320 Colleges of magistrates, 471 542 and Add. 475, 540 Colonization, 438, 439
dress of, 61 Cistern, 457, 508 Cists, 142, 145, 422 Civil war, 578, 579
sqq.
604;
f. 227: IX. 4
Collar,
Cissii,
in
317 PI.
;
,S98,
437
Clamps
— 586:
47 n. 5, Theodosian, 559 types no evidence Tyras, 447, 448 f. Colander, 206, 221, Colaxais, 43; name, Colchi, Colchis, II.
561, 572, 621
Circassians, 24, 128 Circe, 437
10
;
hidtex
690
1 1
—
;
;
7
1
——
—
:
1
In (Itex Copper (contd) f.
1
162; tools,
I.
201
;
—
—
490
n.
—
i
Coroplasts shop, 363, 364 Cos, 463 wine of, 442 Cosmetics, Scythic, 84, 232 Cossack Hay, VIII. 496 498, 513 Cossacks, dress of, borrowed from Tartars, «.*v:c. 46, 316; waterways used by, 30; whips, 77 Cotieri, 44 n. Cotta, 521, 587 Cotys I. (Bosporus), 522 524, 590,^95 604, 61 r, 613, ;
—
,
t
—
('otys II., 24, 304, i2^, type, 304; coin in
604— 606,
611, 614, 632; coin
of,
"catacomb," 319 Cotys III., 607, 611, 632 of Cotys V. Sapaeus Tbiace, 590, 595, 604 Cotys of Lesser Armenia, 590, 604 Couch, bronze mounting, 378, 379 f. 282; fool, 172 f. 69, 420 Council, V. Senate Count, 532, 610, 614 Countermarks, 485 487, 548, i;49, 576, 629* 630, 633 Court, Bosporan, 612, 613; Imperial, 469 n. 2, 60S
—
Cousinery, 521 n. 3 Cowrieshells, 64 CK., account of, xxv Crater, bronze, 375 Craterus, 56 Cremation, among Oreeks, 41
^
and Add., 420, 422
— 42^,
428: traces
16 n.
\
Chersonese, 543—546; Ad.!.; Scythic. 85, 86 'and
••>"
Add. Tyras, 446 Cumae, 439
Cumans
(Tolovtses),
J.
C,
4.?.
.^9
Cuno, <-'"l'.
98
288
.iml
f.
italhs, n.
'40:
natural
87
1
I
60, Si, Sjtt. 24,
12,
'•
187, 200
n.
89—91,
burials,
boundaries, «7, 240; Cunningham, Sir A., 254
180,
25,
93 and Add., 218 Add., 215
f.
186
f. 79, 144, 2X7.
.A.l.l.:
**
'
inscribe.1,
235. 361, 507 f. 339; from I'avlovka, 80 f. buried with kings, 88 23, 81 drunk from in pairs, silver from M.ijkop, 144 f. 36 and Add.; skull 83; cup, 81, 83 f. 26; Uvarov, 235 and Adil., 409 n. 10; worn at belt, 43, 81 n. 6; v. cylix, scyphus, canlharos Cup-bearer, buried with king, 88 ;
;
Currency, 459, 461, 472, 473, 576, 632, 633 Curses, 466, 516, 620 and Add. Customs of Scythians, 47—88;
;
to protect grave,
among
foreign,
319
.Sc.,
84
Customs-duty, 473, 576, 624 n. Cyathus, 430 Cybele, 298, 377, 458, 479 and Add., (619) Cylinder, engraved, Oriental, 410—412 f. 1
in 298; Scythic tond), 64, 193^85, 270, 412; Persian, with nomads, 6i f. 13; Perso Creek, 263, 265, 410 412 f. 298; as a die, 393 Cylix, 350 f. 256, 351 n. I, 361, '382 384, 452 n. I, 477, 478, 479; in Scythic use, 81, 176, 182, 196,
—
—
206, 210, 221, 348, 383 Cynia, Cyniation, 287 .\dd 294, 306, 328 f. 239, 331, 424 f. 314 Cymbals, 331, 428, 515 Cyme, jewelry from, 392 n. 6, 395 n. 12, 397 11. 4, 399 n. 6, 403, 406 n. 3 ; foundation of, 439 C^ymry not = C;inmierii, 40 Cypress, 84, 87 Cyprian, citizen, 627; cohort, 614; jewelry, 386, 387, 395; mouth-plates, 422; vases, 338 Cypro- Phoenician style, 299, 382 Cyr/iasia, 44 Add. f. o, 59 f. 12, 60, 112 Cyrene, frescoes at, 308 vases exported to, 341 Cyril, .S. (Constanlinus Pliilosophus), 513, ^i,},, 534 Cyril Street, Kiev, neolithic station, 132, 137 f. 31, 140; ,
;
among
Scylhs, 177, 226; in later graves,
252;
in Siberia,
Tripolje,
at
140,
187;
141
Crematoria, 415
Cremni, IX.
palaeolithic station,
Crichiniri,
490
n.
f.
n.
1,
494, 558, 559 steep to, 3, 4
Crimea, coast range, 5 n. 4; long unoccupied dolmens, 146: i
tribes of,
loi,
602, 603, 617, 629, 633
34'7,
1
Crim Tartars, 317
;
b)-
495
I. 518, 587 coins, 459, 462 n. i, 470, 485, 627, 631 :
ty|)cs of, 284,
;
: .
;
Oreeks,
vegetation ;
n. 4,
of,
foundation, 439;
months, 472
495:
127
— 498
Crisconorus, 526, 527, 604 n. 5 Criu Metopon, I.\. 8, 19 Croats, 1 24 Cross, 303 f. 217, 308, 320, 514, 538, 610; chuiches, 511 f. 340-5'.? Crown, 233—235 f. 138, 280, 283, 333, 336, 384, jif.? jgo ff. 285," 286, 404, 405, 420, 430, 432 f. 322, 433, 434 f. 325, 624 as reward, 388, 459, 464, 468, 470, 472, ;20, 57.^; kingly, 218 Add., 586, 589 Crozier, 515 Crystal, 177, 208 f. 106, 265, 406, 408, 413, 414, 430 Csengery, \. on Scyths, 99 n. 6 Ctenus, \III. 496—498 ;
Cyzicus, .394
coins of its Khans, 317 n. 1: palaeolithic finds, 131 n. 5: part,
131
Cyrus river, I. 30 Cytae (Cylaea), III. 20 Cytais, 436
52
21,
Cremnisci, 13 Crepe, 336, 390 Crescent and star, 592
S.W.
1
;
1
17,
475— 4«i
Olhia,
n. 2
Coretus sinus, Core, V. Persephone Corinthian order, 331, 456 Corinthian vases, 338, },},<.) Corn, gift of, 575, 580; price of, 460—462 trade, 440 578; tribute, 520, 586 444, 517, 556, 574 Cornelius I'udens, 522 Cornucopiae, 630 Corocondanie, III. 22 24 Corocondaniilis, I,., III. 22 24 Coronitis,
D.irm.i,
Cuculeni, IX. 134 Cuirass, 74, v. armour Cults, Bosporus, 615—620;
;
12
on Sc. invasion of
("lesias,
scythes or sickles, 242 f. 150, 246, 247 242 f. 150; V. Ijroii/.c Coptic textiles, 31611. 2, 336 Coral, in Sc. tombs, 65 inlay, 26s, 27S Coralli,
691
Daci,
102, /3j, 126, standar
Dadicae, dress
ol',
464;
Komaii
wars
with,
523;
61
Dado, 307, 309
Dadus Satyri, 473, 486 Dadus Tund)agi, 468
—
Scythic, 58, 59 f. 12, 60, 6S J3, 158 f. 45, 172 f. 66, 229, 236, 261, 261; Siberian, 242 250 tT. 150, 151, 169 171, 257, 258 f. 179 Dahae, I. niit = Ta-hia, 129 n. 4 Daix (Ural K.), I. 122
Dagger, 385 171
f.
—
;
65,
—
Dalton, O. M., 63, 172, 136, 2J4, 260, 265, 268, 271, 273, 282 n. 2, 411, 512 n. 3, 514 n. 1, 515 n. 4 Damiorgus, 516, 517, 540, 54 Dancers, 197 f. 90, 320, a^, ^ffi, 427 f. ?i8; vases. 346. .?68
Dandace,
I.X.
Dandarii, IX.
498
n.
1
128, 576, 589, 597,
598
87—2
1
Inde.X
692 Danulje,
I.
—
120; mouths, 11 116;
27,
i,
27, 28; Darius crosses, 126 tribes about, 120
—
Daphnus,
302
stele of,
f.
13, 27; tributaries, Scyths cross, 118;
People Demosthenes, on Pontic trade, 441
215, 625
178 f. 73: griffins, with temple-ornaments, 62, 394 178 f. 73, 283; sword, 70 Darius, desecrates Scyths' tombs, 92; epitaph, 112; and invades Scythia, 27, 116, i ly, 237, 340, 458 Gaumata, 410, 411 f. 298 ;
;
:
Xenophantus 197 f. qo top
Datames, 56, 412 Dated coins, Bosporus, 590
— 61
r
Chersonese, 522, 523,
;
549 Date-palm 343 f. 249 Daulis, 425 n. i
—442,
555, SS7'J74t
181
surface,
—
98,
238
f.
146,
—
615—619
Scythic, 77 f. 20, 78, representations, 157^44, 171 188 f. 80, 191 193 ff. 83
260,
264
—268:
6$, 181 f. 75, 186 f. 79, 85, 198, 199 ff. 9r, 92, 105, 208 f. 106, 213 f. 114, 226 f. 129, 228, 233 f. 138,
—
f.
—
203 f 98, 205, 207 f. 214 ff. 115, 219, 222, 234, 236, 238, 239 ff. 146, 147, 247 f. 165, 248, 251 f. 172, 256 f. 177, 257, 258 f. 182, 267 f. 183, 272 f. 190, 275 f. 197, 285 f. 206, 286 f. 207, 288, 290; on gem, 41 1 f 298 heads, 232 at .Sindzherli, 263 n. 7 coins, 544, 547 549, 629, 630 Deev Barrow, IX. ijo, 180, 266, 283 n. 5, 382, 393, .^97. 400 Defixiones, 466, 620 and Add. Degradation, decorative, 77 f 20, 150, 155 f 42, 157^44, 58 f. 45, 166— 168 54— 57,'i8o, "184— i86ff. 77— 79, 191 f. 83, 201 f. 95, 219 f. 123, 2j6 f. 177, 257 and Add., 258 ff. 180—182, 2b-j ff.'i83," 184, 283, 299 Deidaniia, 285 Deified, dead, 304, 606 n. 10; kings, 577, 606, 620 Deissmann, 469 n. 2, 622 Delius Apollae, 544 n. 1 Deles, confederation of, 447, 458, 561 houses at, 307 n. 3, 456; joins in founding Chersonese, 515; proxeny, 462 Delphi, 477; attacked by Kelts, 125; dedications by Paerisades II, 580, III(?) 58*1, 582; griffins, inscriptions mentioning Pontic Greeks, 264 n. I 444; joins in founding Chersonese, 515 proxenies, &c., 517; standards, [87 n. AeX(yios, 176, 361, 477 SeX^us, 477 Delta of Danube, IX. 11 13; of Don, I.X. 21, 567 Demerdzhi, Church at, 513 n. 2 Demeter, 393, 454, 479, 619 Chthonia, 620; Thesmophoros, 619; priestess of, 619, tomb of, v. Bliznitsa, Gt, 423 bust of, 300; head of, Ijronze, 378, painted, 310; terra-cottas, 367 coins, 352 n. 5, 447, 448, 484, 486, 487, 602 Demetria and Pampliile, 296 Demetrius, S., 514 Demetrius Callatianus, 118 Demetrius (coin), 548 Demetrius Poliorcetes, 580 Demetrius, potter, 352 Demidov, P., 253 n. r ;
;
:
—
fir.
1
;
;
;
i
—
;
:
:
— 361,
Dialect, f.
260 f. 182 his, 275 f. 197 Decrees, procedure for, 446, 471, 472, 540, 580 Dedications, 176, 232, 304 f. 218, j6i, 446, 462, 468, 482 and Add., 544 546 and Add., 581, 469, 473 Deer, 5;
Denarii, 525, 548 Derevitskij, A. A., 363 n. i, 375 n. 2 Dergavs, 259 n. 6 Desiccation of steppe, 3 Deserts in Herodotus, 27, 105, 106 Desna, R., I. 103 Dexamenus, 410, 413 fif. 299, 300, 414 Dhimini, 134 n. 1 and Add. Dia, III. 20, 561 Dia... Heracleota, App. i8(?, 524 DiaconiciiiH, 512, 513 Diadems, 170, 172, 179, 182, 202, 222, 233 235 ff. 138, '39- .^92 ff- 288, 289, 393, 404, 430, 432 f. 322
Diadochus, 615 203
75,
f.
Demoteles Theophili, 545
—
—
Decoration,
v.
575, 578, 580. 631
frontlets
vase, V.
averted, 422
Demos,
Darial pass, I. 41 Darievka, IX. 777,
Darts, 68,
Democrates Aristogenis, 526
Demons
319, 336, 359 493, 524, 541, 560
Diana, 54-t Didius Gallus,
Didyma,
383, 466, 469, 480, 491,
1^97
style of
temple
Dies, survival of 266, Add. ; coin-dies,
Dieulafoy, M., 257
n.
v.
287 Add.
at,
plates, use of,
284,
287 but
v.
600 i
on coins, 633 hiKwv irpaKTup, 319, 613 Dinarchus, 573 57,1, 578 Dio Chrysostom, visited Olbia, 9, 15, 123, 447, 453, 454, 464, 466 470, 472, 476, 480 Dioclea, 616 Diocletian, 526, 531, 609 Diodorus Siculus, on Bosporus, 563, 570 572, 578 580, 626 early history of Scythians, 36 contaminated account
Diffi'rcnts
—
—
—
—
:
;
of their origin, 44 Diodotus of Bactria, 122 n.
i
Diogenes, Count, 532 Diogenes Diogenis, 526 &c., 473, 542 and
dLOLKcTv,
Add.
Diomede, 285 Dionysia, 459, 465, 478 Dionysius (month), 546 Dionysius Diophanti, stele
of, 303 f. 216 Dionysius Nicodromi, 465 Dionysius OlBianus, 46=; Dionysius Periegetes, 25, 465 n. 8 Dionysopolis, 123 n. 9 Dionysus, cults, 458, 478, 518, 545, 616; 'ApeTos, 616: represented, 210 n. 3, 340 341 f. 247, 346, 351 n. i, 364, 366, 367
—
:
—
447, 602, 603, 616, 628 630 Diophantus Asclepiodori, inscr. in honour of, (App. 18), 119, 121 n. 2, 463, 490, 491, 496 520, 540 498, 518 542, ^-,8 ; receives crown, :;88 subdues Bosporus, coins,
—
—
—
;
.S82
Diophantus Cosi,
stele of,
303
216
f.
Dioscuri, 478, 486, 546, 585, 618, 630 Dioscurias (Sukhum Kale), I. 587 regarded as E. point of Euxine, 9; trade of, 443; tribes about, 24, 127 ;
n. 4, 587 ; coin, 632 Diotimus, 548
Discos, 465, 473, 474; (paten) 514 Disease, Sacred," among Scyths, 45 Dish, bronze, 196, 381; silver, 161, 384 386; Rhescuporis, 280, 384, 434 f. 325; stone, 82, 175 Disk, in earring, 195 f. 88, 217 f. 119, 395 398 ff. 290, 291, 408, 427 f. 3r8, 431 f. 321: winged, 61 f. 13, 208 f. 106, 411 f. 298, 412
—
—
Distemper vases, Ditch,
v.
xxxiii,
347, 348
valhmi, slaves', 31
f.
2.S3
—
—
Index among
Diviiiiition
Scythians, 86, 87
DUmmler,
Dncpi, R. (HorystliLMifs), IX. 11, 15, 27, 2S, 2i), 1:0, ^41, 534; bend of, 2; rapids, 11, 28; fishing, 6, 440; mouth of N. point of Kiixinc, 8, position, 14 16; name, 38 salt at mouth of, 7, 534 liman, 15, 440 Dnestr, K. (Tyias), IX. 27, jS, 441, 445, 447; har of, 4 n\()uth, 13, 14; name, 38; not crossed l)y Darius, 116; tombs of Cimmerian kings upon, 41; tribes
—
;
;
;
about,
122 Dobrud/.lia, _IX. 12;
Little Scytliia,
iiS
;
;
;
Donets, R., IX. i, 17, 30; l)end of, 2 Donets, R. Dead, IX. 21, 567 Dongusldv Liman, IX. 17, 18, i^^^ Doric, dialect, 359, 361, 469, 491, 493, 495, •,2^n.f<, 526, 541 :
491, 493, 545, 570
fAy
.^94.
(toi,
^>oi,
.";<;,'.
n.
10
(t\\
—
:
— —
—
—
—
:
—
—
—
—
103
Dromichaetes, 123 Dromos of vault, 417 Ap6/ios .\xO<\iiji%, IX. t>'"k'S 7. 440 Drusus, 601 Dryopians, 85 Add.
— 420
'
V.
ff.
308, 309
1
1,
613
;
coin, ^9^
f.
347,
Tamyrace
v.
29 n. 4
Eagle, 207
f. 105, 211 f. 112, 238 f. 146, 253 n. i, 257, 182, 265, 268 f. 185, 273 f. 192," 276 f. 199, 290, 346, 405, 432 f. 322, 622; double headed, 178 f. 73, 268; and dolphin, 360, 484, 485 coins, 484
258
f.
:
487, 629, 630
—
tombs, 62, 157, 161, 170, 177 180 83, 195 f. 88, 202, 208 f. 106, 210, 216, f. 119, 232, 236, 259 148; Siberian, 244,
EarrJTigs, in Scythic f.
73, 191
217 248:
f.
f.
Greek, 384, 393, 3g4—3gS 290—293, 395 Add., 404 409 ff. 296, 297, 420, 426 428 f. 318, 430, flf.
—
4.?<
—
.?il.
f.
.S07 f. 3.VJ. v. (Je
Earth-goddess,
.''>«
Earthquake, 588, 619 Earthworks (v. vallum), i^b—i.fS Eastern taste in jewelry, 4O4 cf. Iranian Ecclesia, 464, 471 473; cf. People Ecclesiasteriuni, 455, 459, 472 Echidna, 43, 44 n. 2 iX^vot, on bits, 75, 20'>, 2 10, 2 4 f 115 Edgar, C. C, 322 n. Education, 613, 620, 623, 626 Effigies, sepulchral, 298, 305 Egg-and-dart, 328 f. 239 Egypt, Sacae in, Add. to 44 ;
—
.
400;
n. 4,
33,
129, 436, 495,
textile,
336,
337
f.
n.
5; neckV. 2;
244,
Duckworth, W. IL, on skulls from Sniela, 47 Duhmberg, K. E. 415, 422, 636
Dukhova Mogila, 150
;
—
corn, 460
Egyptian, deities, Bes, 367, Add., 404, 428; Ilarpocrales, 618; Ilathor, 404, 431 f. 321; Isis, 310, 404, 446, 468 Add., 606 n. 10, 618 Osiris, 381, 490; .Sarapis, 310, 446, 468 Add., 602, 603, 606 n. 10, 618: gems, 412 and Add., 452 n. i "porcelain," 147, 338, 339; sculpture, 298 Add., 377: vault, 170 f. 64, 194—200 II. 86, 87, 89, 323 Eiones, IX. 17; v. Tendra EIPHBA, 485 (iprivri%
;
152
— 167 I.
;
Greek pots
n.
i
in,
339, 349
257
Elections, 472, 473 Electrum, 196, 197 f. 90, 200 f. 93, 401 f. 294, 403, 410 n. 7: coins, 584, 606, 607, 631, 632
Elephant, 346 Eleusis, 335, 423,
n. 5
,
:
Grecian, its art (cf. Alexandria), compared with Bosporan, 294, influence on, 404 ; bronze, 382 coffins 322 n. I, 323 n. i; glass, 362; glaze, 354, .^.=^7. ^(^^y 444 ; jewelry, 386, 387, 395 n. I, 397 n. 7, 404 406; plate, 386 n. 4; |X)ts, 353; textiles, toreutic, 350 n. 2: .^3.^1 rose-pattern on, 316;
Elabuga,
564, 566 Dubrux, P., 195— JOS, 393, 564 Duck, on crown, 233 f. 138; earring, 395
232
Dzieduszycki, W., 34 Dzungaria, I. 108, 113,
U\
r
Tendra
Dubno, IX., sword from, 70 Dubois de Montpereux, F., 22
170,
632 Dzharylgach, IX. 16, 17; Dzhida, R. I., 253 n. 2
1
Doschi, 128, 577 Doublets, place names, 17; tribe-names, 103 Dove, 397, 431 f. 321 Dracones, 78 n. 6 Dragendorff, II., 349 n. 3 Dragon introduced to China, 280 Drainage, Chersonese, 502, 508 Draughts, 33.S Dress, jj 62 Bosporan, ;6 f. 10, 301 304 ff. 213 218, pp. 313 319 ff. 223, 224, 227, 230; Olbian, 467: Barbarian in Greek art, 53 9; Persian, etc., 57 ff. 8 59 f. 1 2 Scythic, 53 62; in ordinary" Greek art, 53 56 f. 10; in 161 ff. 45 -49, 169 f. 62, local art, 158 57, 182 f. 7-; bis, 197 f. 90, 223 f. 126, 2-;5 f. 174, 258 f. 178; women's, 6r, 62. 158 f. 45, 216, 218 f. 120 and Add. Dress coat, 59 f. 12, 248
vessel,
53
Duncker on Darius, 117; on Scyths, 98 Durm. R., on masonry gravis, 294 n. 3 Dux, 526 n. 3, 532, 542, 543 Duzu Kale, 598 n. 4, (\x\ n. 17
1
Dorohoe, 385 Dort Oba," 283
laces,
va.ses,
— 13
Dynamis, 561, 590- 595, 601,
—
—
Drevlians,
on "I'lmlic"
!•'.,
Dumsliin, O., 33 Dundvels, IX. 11
120,
Docks, 556, 564, 369, 619 Doeptunes, Ti. Jul., 610 Dog, 204 1). f. 103, 268, 278 f. 201, 330, 368, 40:; rhyton, 210; vase, 346 Dolls, 369, 370 and Add., 428 Dolmens, 145, 146 f. 37 Dolphins, 332, 373; coins, 483 48.;; cf. fish-coins; coin-type, 476, 478, 484 487, 548, 602, 629 DoIzh()k (2 m. S.E. of V'eremic IX.), Ilgurine, 139 f. 33 Dome, 509 Domitian, 523, 600, 602 coins of, 408, 448 Doniilius Calvinus, 589 Domitius Modestus, 504, 532 Don, R. (Tanais), 17, 27, 30, 32, 107, 120: bend of, 2 delta of, 21, 27, 567 mouth reckoned at Bosporas, 10, 20; name = river in O.ssetian, 38; Sarmatae cross, 118; v. Tanais (river) Don Cossacks, Land of, IX. 31 ; Sc. finds in, 173; sheath from (Tanais), 71, 263, 270 f. 186; statuettes,
race,
^^93
619
i\(v0^(>ai, 522, 524, 547 Elis, harness from, 155 n.
Elisavetgrad,
l.X.
153,
-.-.o i,
171,
378 173
202, 203
f.
98,
205,
S
1
1
Indiex
694 Elizavetcivskaja Stanitsa, IX. 21, 270
f.
186 Add., 567,
626 Elpidius, S., 531 Eltegen, III. 20, 560;
Nymphaenni:
v.
tomh at, 208 f. io6, ill Embalming, 87, 88
— 215
fF.
114— 116, 329
—
—
;
—
;
;
61.
Empress, Roman, bust of, 233 f. 138, 280, 298 Enamel, 63, 158 f. 45, 170, 195 f. 88, 197 f. 90, 202, 205, 208 f. 106, 222, 224 f. 127, 271, 282 n. 2, 289, 387, 388, 391, 393— .^97. 400—405. 425—432 322; Byzantine, 514 3i5> .y6, 318, 320 'Evdpees, v. 'Avapies, name, 39, 86, 100
—
ff-
e7X"P'^'" <^f Sacae, 7 Enetae, 102 English, 537, 539 n. 4 Engraving, bone, 188 f. 80 bronze, 158 f. 45, 378 gems, q.v. gold, 168 ff. 58—61, 195 f. 88 sqq., 287 Add., l) ft". 100 ivory, 131, 204 A 103, 330, 334; 291 silver, 144 f. 36 and Add., 159 f. 46 sqq., 167 ff. 56, 385, 430, 57, 206, 210, 211 f. no, 219 f. 121, 383 ;
;
—
;
;
—
—
43;
f-
.^21
Enkomi casket, 260 ivKvKXia, 613, 625 Ennion, glass maker, 362 ^ci55/)ies = watersnakes, 105 n. 5 Eos and Menmon, 199 f. 92, 202, 402 iirapxo's, 610, 614 468 Add., 621 Ephebi, 475 i(t>e5pi(TiJ.6%, 368
^TnjKoos,
cvXoyyjTOi,
621, 622
Eumelus, 570, 572, 578 Eumenes II., 518 Eumolpus, 604
— 580,
583, 597
Eun[ice] Cotyis, 590, 598 Eunones, 597, 598 Eupaterius, 532
Eupator
(?), 603 Eupator, 6oj, 606, 608, 61 1, 633 coin of in "catacomb," 319 ; inscr. of with tai/if;'a, 317 f 227, 318 n. Eupatoria, IX. 17, 490, 497; v. Cercinitis Eupatoria (Ptol.) = Eupatorium, II. Eupatorium, 496 498, 519 cvTToaia, 473 Euripides, 14, 544 Europa, 348, 425, 429 Europe, as defined by Herodotus, 31; Central, 260 ;
i
—
Eusel)ius, dates in, 439, 458, 569
Euthydemus, 254 Euthymachos, 53 Eutropis, 610 n. 2 Eu.vine, early knowledge of, 436 439 size and shape, c?; compared to a bow, 9; coasts harried by Goths and Russians, 26
—
;
1
Evans, Sir A. J., 4r3 Evarnitskij, D. I., 290
Ewer, 380, 381, 386, 434 Exampaeus, IX. 28, 31 n. 2
cauldron at, 80; name, 39, 100 Exedra, 468 Exopolis, II. 524 n. 7 Exploration of Euxine, 436 438 Eyes, covered with gold leaves, 420 422, 507 f. 339 ;
—
—
Factories, 438, 439, 451, 515
— 623
Fair Haven, v. Calos
Limen
222 Farghana, I. 113 n. 3, ii4n. 3, 121, 129 n. 4 Father of the city, Cherson, 533, 542 Olbia, 472 Fauna of Steppe, 5, 6, 105 of Scythic and Siberian art, 268 Fauns, 331 P'alcons,
Ephemera, 6
;
Ephesus, foundations, 454; gold work, 260; griffins, 264 n. I ivories, 260 f. 182 h's, 263, 273 jewelry, 400 n. 5; sacked by Goths, 126 Ephorus, 44 Add., 120, 124 n. 4, 437, 439 ;
Ephraim,
118
626 Eugene, S., 531 Eulimeue, 336 evf^ia,
2^2 n. 5, 349, 350, 364 366 ff. 265, 266, 381, 384, 385 Embroidery, 336, 337 f. 244 Emeralds, 282, ^96 f. 290, 405 408 f. 295, 431 f. 321 EMINAKO, 458; 485, 487 Emodus M., VI. 114 n. 3 Emperors, Roman, 335, 446, 522, 524, 525, 549: coins of, 187, 253, 408, 470; cult of, 482,620; dedications indications, to or for, 446, 469, 593, 598, 605, 606 333, 385, 390 n. 6; priesthood of, ,'98, 620 heads of, on IJosporan coins, 595 6ri; presentations prostration to, 598 to, 469, 609 Tanais, 566 n. 12, i/JLirbpLov, 451 n. i, 4S2, Si.S n. 11 Embliiiia,
Eucleius, 546 Eucratides, 254 Eudo.xus Cnidius,
;
S.,
531 Ephthalite Iluns, 93, 122 n. 2; type of, 47 Epicrates Nicerati, 478, 479 n. 8, 482 Epictetus, vase-painter, 340 Epidaurius Tower, 461, 478 (inp.e\r]Tr)i, 504, 517, 542, 614, 615, 625 cwifi-qvuvaai, 474,
Eponymous,
magistrates,
472, 473,
541
;
priests,
472,
—
595; Bosporan, 590 59^, 609—611; Chersonesan, 521, 542; none at Olbia, 472; used by Pharnaces I., 590 n. Tyras, 446 ipyaijTqpLOV, 566 Eris, 336 Eros, 235, 295 297, 316, 317 f. 227, 320, 321 f. 231, i
;
—
334, 335, .341 f- 247, 357, 364, 367". 401 fif. 290, 294, 405, 386, 392, 396 420, 424 f. 314, 427—434 ff. 318, 457, 618, 619 Erzingan, dish and rhyton from, 265 Eskjkrym, IX. 607 n. 2 ; not Cremni, 52 n. 3.V. 384, 414, 325,
—
378, 381, 408, 409, 321, 322,
—
Filow, B., 525 n. I Finance, Bosporan, 612, 613; Chersonesan, 541, 542 and Add.; Olbian, 471 475, director, 462, 472,
—
^74 Finno-Ugrians, 48 n. i, 99, 252; tartarized, 94, 252 Finns, 46, 47, loj 106, 175, 252, 257, 258,406, 429; river names, 103 Fiolente, Cape, IX. 18 trade in, 440, 575 Fish, 6, 7, 21 eaters of, in coins shaped like, 415, 416, 453, 483 485; flatcoloured glass, gold plates, type, 453 362 n. 2 f. f 184 146, 264: 77, 236, 238 hooks, 415 plates for, 347 P'lagon, 384 Flavia Domitilla, 530
—
;
:
;
—
;
2
Eskypolos, IX.
14 Etruria, its art compared with Bosporan, 293, 294, 377 jewelry, 386, 387, 397 n. 15, 4O4
Eubiotus, 582
Faustina, cdins of, 187 Fedulovo, 173 n. 3, 403 Feldstein's "Catacomb," 318 Felitsyn, E. D., 216 Fibula, 126, 215 n. i, 259, 260, 383 f. 284, 507 f 339 Fica, 398 n. 1 Tripolje, 134 Figurines, Greek v. terra-cotta 142 ff. .30, 33, '34 Add. ; cf. 370 n. 3 Fikellura, 338 n. 8 Files, carried by Tartars, 73 ;
612
541 Era, Actian,
;
;
;
Flavius Sergianus Sosibius, 525
;
1
—
:
Index Flavius Vitus,
Garlands,
5.^2
Bosporan, 575, 592, 593, 604, 606, 60S, 614; liyzantine, 532 Kmnaii, 523, 52,^, 5H7, 588, 598 Filmier, L., 011 Altaic element in Sarmatae, 47, 99 n. ; Flint implements, 150 134, 1.57, 142; as amulet, 64, Fleet,
;
—
236, I'lora,
Flute,
39.S n.
F'ontenay, 10., 3860. 7 Food of Scythians, 49
396
},},i,,
f.
4:4
290,
boundary
of,
257 n.
254,
f.
Map
3,
27,
1,
283, 4J0,
627
shading 486 Add., 603
;
in
I.
n. 4
—
91-94
flf.
—
Frontlets, 62, 392, v. diadems; horses (q. v.), 75, 253, 287 Add., 290 Fullonica, 506 n. 4 Fundiiklej, I., on earthworks, xxix, 146 n. 5
76,
—
Funeral customs, .Scythian according to Herodotus, 87 91 (v. burial, tombs): 88, 153 sqq.; Altaic, 88 feast, 153, 423, scene of (ToUnmahl), 303 f. 217, 304, 3'0- 3'2, 3'.? f- 223, 314 f. 224, 315, 318 f. 229,
—
334. 478. 49'. ''27 n- 7:
283
Fur, 105, 210, 248, 2,so, 336, 430, 441 furrier, 441 n. 2 l'"urnaces, smelting, 244, v. kilns Furniture, 334 Furtwangler, A., on ("hertondyk, bow-case, 284, vase, 289; gems, 410 414; ibex-rhyton, 210 n. 2, 265; sculptures at Odessa, 296 n. 10; Scythic style, 264 266; Vettersfelde, 236, 264, 4 13 ;
—
—
I'AIOT, y.s
Imp. 596, ;97, 601, 602 123 126, 460 463 Galalia, 516 Galba Imp., •;98 Galerius Imp., indication, 390 n. 6 Galicia, IX. 125, 126, 239, 259 neolithic pottery, 133 Gallienus, 448 indication, 390 n. 6 (jalloi), representation of, 262, 304 f. 218 Galushchino, bone bead, 188 f. 80; cup, 81, 186 f. 79, 288; helmet, 74, 379; knife, 190^82; vase, 348 " men " for, Games, 465, 546, 575, 626, cf. athletics
—
—
;
;
;
I.,
f.
11,
J90,
215, 232—235, 2K0— 18:, 3M4, \Xi,, 404—409, 4J0, 4.50—435 'I- 32'. S^-<
dress
of,
Garnett, I)r R., 521 n. 4, 530 Garrison, 517; Kotnan, 470, 523,
61
Gardner, E. .\., 395 nn. Gargaza, 579 Garinaei, VI. 114 n. 3
i,
^tjH,
.S25,
(%n
7
502—505
(iaumata, 410, 411 Gavr'inis, 146
f.
Novgorod, 558;
338;
298
f.
ya.[io((>v\a^], 6 ircpi avXtir, 613 (iazurius, stele of, 302, 369, 506 n. 9, 507
339, 526 n.
f.
2,
.=i4'. .=^44
516, 545, 616, 621; (.\pia), 85 Gelas, 479 (Jelding, peculiar to Scythians, 49, 75 11. 4 (ielendzh(k, IX. 24, v. I'agrae Geloni, 100, 441 Gelonus, eponymous hero, 43; town, 103 n. 5, /oj (ieins, engraved, 410 in crowns, yjo; 414 II. 298 301 barbarian figures upon, 56, 411 f. 29S Babylonian, 410, 411 f. 298; Fgyptian, 412 and (ie,
—
;
Add.
i
Gandarii,
11.
:
n. 5,
1
Galatae, 35,
f.
—
Franko, Dr I., 531, 533 n. 10, 534 n. Freezing of sea, 4, 6, v. ice I'rench work for Mongols, 252 Frescoes, Hy/.antine, 509, 512, 514; Karag
Ciaius
— 311 •
493, 500 f. 3?4, Olbia, 454
561, 566, 569, 598 Francois Vase, ^}„ -.j, f. 8 FVanke, O., on Central Asian nomads, 47 Frankincense, 84, 87
23'.
58
396
Turks, 95
570
f-
3i
Garlic, 49
Garnet,
.s<|(i. ;
I'ounlain, 455,
.^21
312,
"
Forts {rdxnS, 49*^. 5'6— 520 P'ortune, 310, 311 f. 222; cf. Tyche l'"(>rly days before wake, 88, 91, 106 Foundations, banded, 452, 454, 457 I'Dunders, 464 Founding of Colonies, 439, 453, 458, -ii^ and .\dd., 569,
furniture,
222,
f.
Gasteis, 352 n. 5, 384 n. 3 Gatalus, "118, 518 Gate, Aj Todor, 523 n. 7; C'heisonese, I'lan \'II. inset,
Foreigners, in Scythia, 444 ; in H()s])orus, (Chersonese, 524 ; in Olbia, 470 I'\)rgery,
311
310,
325—328
-players, 320, 331,
314, 6:6 Fly- bead, 399, 427 f. 318 Fontiin Island, III. 21, 613
Forest,
painted, 23'
.227.
1
7
430;
695
208 f. 106, 210, 215, 216, 233 f. 138, 263, .//./IT. 298 401 f. 294, ^/o 301, 427 f. 318, 431 f- 321, 434 f- 32.^: I'erso-Greek, 193 f. 85, 208 f. 106, 263, 270, 410—412, 427 f. 318, 42S; Scythic, 267, 411 f. 298 Genealogy of Scythian kings, 116; Spartoeids, 583; later
Greek,
—
—
Bosporans, 590 108
7^1'eia,
^iviKO% \oyo8lTri%, 543 Gentchesk, IX. 16, 20, 592 n. 4 Genitive in -f(, 352, 384, 434 n.
i
in
;
-(0%,
-ov or -ous,
625 11. 17 Genoese, 443, 446, 494, 539, 556 559 (Jentiles, 622 Geography, 1—34 Geometric vase, 338, 451 n. 2 George, S., Icon of, 514; Monastery of, 510 (ieorgi -Scythae, IX. (cf. Agricultural) 15, 27 577
n.
12,
580;
in
-u,
—
— 31
(ieorgian annals, 41 Gepaepyris, 590, 596, 597, 601, 604, 611, 630 Gepidae, 1 26 Geremcs, Round Barrow (1 leremesse), IX. 142, 269; copper spear head, 68
Twin, 152 Germans, 120,
151,
—
124 127; akin to Scylhs, 98; beast259; relations with Kelts and .Slavs, 103, 124; work for .Mongols, 252 Gernet, L., corn-trade, 443 n. 1 Gerrhi (tribe), 87 Gerrhus (land), IX. 17, 29, 31 ; Barrows in, 29, 150 style,
'^ Gerrhus
(river),
I.\.
11,
27,
17,
.?
31;
flows
into
Maeotis, 30 Gerusa, II. 579 n. 1 Geta, 446, 469, 478, 486 Gctae, 36, 38, ror, 118, 120, i23—t2f, 447- 4.'7~-4.'9desert of, 116, 120 464, 487; as slaves, 44O Gibbon on nomads, 93 n. 2 Ciilding, on va.ses, 342 sq(|. Giel, Ch. XXX., 449, 593 n. 1, 608, 609, 628, 629, 638 Prof. H. A., 92 n. 1,3, 121 n. 8, 129 n. 4, Giles, 246 n. 3 Gimirrai (Cimmerii), 42 Girl bathing, 340 f. 245 ; playing, 368 Gjolbashi, 285, 287 Gladiators, 314, 353 n. 3 ;
1
696 n.
362
{.
—
;
—
;
;
—
;
;
;
;
97 n. I Gnathia, 349, 370 Gnurus, Sc. king, Goat, V. ibex, ,s
171,
172
1
16
represented,
;
162
65, 68, 229, 429
ft".
f.
f.
163
50,
f.
,si,
320; goddess upon,
346 Goat-footed men, 109; -herd, 386 Gobryas, 95 Goddess, in calalhos, v. calathos Great, 619; Scythic, winged, IJ4 f. 40, 171, 266 (Jj, 218 Add.; Gods, Scythian, 85 and Add., 86 Goertz, K. K. on Taman peninsula, .xxx, 21 n. 5, 566 Goetosyrus (Apollo), 85, 86 Gold, not found in Scythia, 7 but perhaps in Transylvania, the Urals and Altai, 7, 113; most of it imported, 440, 441, 631 characteristic material of Sc. and Turkish art, 269 cups put in graves, 88, 89; frontlets (q.v.), 62; plaques, 57, 62, v. plates sacred objects of, 43 strips (q.v.), 62 stories of, 441 worn by nomads, temple-ornaments (q.v.), 62 M'ork in, 62, 94, 281 Greek, 283 287, 38b sqq. coinage, 448, 459 463, 485, 522, 549, 584, 629, 631, 632 " Gold Coast," 44 Golden Barrow (Kerch), IX. 194, 195 Goldwork, Greek, 386 410 Golubi'nskaja Stanitsa (Don Cossacks), armlets, 63, 64 f. i.S Golubinskij, ?>. K. xxx, 535 n. i, 538 n. i fioluchow Jewelry, 386 n. 10 s(|c|. :
;
:
;
;
;
;
;
;
—
;
—
—
,
(Cimmerii), 42
Gontsy (Poltava) palaeolithic Goose,
camps not towns, 52
Gorodishche, refuge
1
264 and Add., 428: draughts, .^35; engraved, 208 f. 106; eyes to Ionic capitals, 205 f. 104, 330, 331 ; in Scythic tombs, 82, 215, 224, 229 232; mounted in gold, 215; Italian, miliefiori, 420; red, sham garnets, 282 446, 515 Glaucus, 361 Glaze, metallic, 354 357, 368, 420 Glinisiiche, near Kerch, III., v. 562 f. 344; Christian tombs at, 610 coffin from, 332 metrical epitaphs, 627; sculptures, 298: bottle Queen's tomb at, 423, 433— 435 ff. 325 328 from, 235, 280, 409, 433, 434 f. 326; bracelet, 409, 433, 434 f. 327 ; bronzes, 434 crown, 390 and Add.; harness, 409, 435 f. 328 mask, 390, 433 ; plate, 384, 434; ring, 410, 434 f. 325; silver dish, 280, 3^4' 433' 434 f- i''-TGlycaria Asandri, 560, 561, 590, 591, 627 Glycarion and Polysthcnes, stele of, 304 Siberian graves, Gmelin, J., Burial cooking, 80 n. 7
Gomer
—
:
hide.'X
r\a/
—
:
finds,
130
173
(jordas, 610
147.
Gorodtsov, V. A., xxx
;
;
385,
617, 619, 626 coins, 629, 632; Demos of, 598 n. 7, 613; names from, not Iranian, 37, 127; Prefect of, 613, 625; religious .societies, 621, 623 625 Gorgippus Paerisadis, 573, 575, '578; 583 Gorgippus Satyri, 573, 578, 583 Gorgon, 173, 374, 375 f. 278, 413, 427 f. 318: -mask, 157, 161, 168 f. 59, 184 f. 77, 187, 197 f. 90, 204 f. 99, 208 f. 106, 210, 213 f. 114, 216, 224, 265, 266, 269, 283, 2gi, 295, 315, 332, 348 f. 253, 367, 372 f. 274, 379, 384, 390, 401 f. 294, 406 n. 6, 4 '4. 4.S3' 479' 4845 486 Gorobinets (near Darievka IX.), 348 :
—
;
—
—
;
—
1
—
470 Gouge, 242 f. 150 Gourd, beads, 399 Graces, 378 Graeco-Bactrians, 92, 122, 129 n. 4; bowd, 351 n. 7 Graeco-Roman art, 235, 257, 280 282; v. Rome Graef, F. , on Scythian prudery, 284 n. 5 Gi-affi/i, on pots, ^6/, 477 n. 10, 480, 545, 546, 556,
—
558, 616
— 619
ypa/x/xaTiv9, 446, 472,
540
342,612, 621, 623, 624,
v.
Secretary
Granulated triangles, 186 cf.
f.
191
79,
83,
f.
208
160
f.
;
wolf's teeth
Grapes, bunch, 331, 427 f. 318, 561 Grass, 3,
398
— 401
f.
409,
294,
424
f.
314,
7
Graves, v. tombs, without barrows, 145, 187, 192 Siberian with stones, 241 247 ; richness of in S. -stones, v. stelae ; varieties at Russia, 294, 387 Olbia, 416, 417 ff. 302 307; Chersonese, 421; Bosporus, 422 435; vaults, v. "catacombs" Great Vii, 91 Greaves, 24, 161, 182, 196, 202, 379, 506 n. 9, 507 f339 Greece, little jewelry from, 387
— —
;
—
;
Greek
—
exploration, 436 438: influence on China, 92; on Scyths, 84: Chinese, Indian and Persian for, 1290.4: language on the Bosporus, 319, 625 :
merchants, 283, 284: work for Scythian market, 283 291 and Add. to 287 Greeks, in the interior of Scythia, 105, 169, 284, 289, against Persians, 286 290, 441 Green, F. W., 338, 412 Greenwell, Canon, his axe from Kerch, 41 and Add. ; Cyzicus staters, 284 Gregory Nazianzen, 622 Griffins, 40, 58 f. 11, 77, 78, 113, 151, 155 f. 42, 157 161 ff. 44— 47, 166 f. 55, 167, 168 f. 57, 177, 178
—
;
73, 179, 181 f. 75, 184, i85ff. 77, 78, 187, 191 83, 197 f. 90 199 f. 92, 201 f. 95, 203 f. 98, 208 f. 106, 211 f. Ill, 215, 218 f. 120, 219 f. 122, 228, 254 258 ff. 175 177, 180, 181, 260, 264, 268, 269, 275 f. 196, 276 f. 198, 279 f. 205, 283, 284, 285 f. 206 f.
—
566, 616,
105 n. 4,
account of Belsk, 147 ; on axes, 72 n. 13, rji n. 5 Gorytus (Scythic bow-case and quiver in one), 53, 60, 61 f. 13, bb, 67 f. 17, 164 f. i,},, 165, 197 f. 90, 201 f. 94, 220, 221 fT. 124, 125, 222, 284 287 Add., 301 f. 213, 313 f. 223, 485, 506 n. 9, 507 f. 339 Goszkewic/., V. I., xxviii, xxx; on red skeletons, 145 Gothia, see of, 539 "Gothic" -style in jewels, 222, 235, 259, 260, 280 marks, 318 n. 282, 384, 387 Goths, 12b /^7, 448, 569, 608 610: called .Scythians, 119, 526, 608; conquered by Huns, 122; Crimean, 127 n. 2, 533, 539; destroy Olbia,
f.
coins of, 187, 2,S3 indication, Gordian, ,S23 390 n. 6 Gorget, 210, 213 f. i\\ Gorgippia (Anapa), IX. 22, 24, 128, 295, 443, 570. .S73. .^74. 594. 598 nn. 4, 7, 607, 614,
n. 3,
'7.^
— —
291, 298, 343 f. 249, 374, 39'— 393. 398. 294, 403, 41 1 f. 298, 424, 425 ff. 314, 315, 458; head, 208 f. 106, 222, 393, 427 f. 318, 428: symbolic meaning of, 78
—288, 401
f.
sea-griffin,
coins, 547,
427 f. 318, 428 629 631
:
—
Grivna, 538 Grod, 610 Gromovka, IX. 259
n. 2
Groom, buried with King,
88, 153, 165, 196, 202
neck-rings, 63, 165 Gross, F. I., 306, 636 Grote on Scyths, 98 n. 4
Grotesques, 369, 415, 428
;
wears
Index Gnindy, Dr,
44.^ n.
IX.
Gn'ishcvka,
49<; n.
i,
177
f.
72
;
1
earring,
,(^5
n.
5
wlii't-
;
stonc, 7^ Guilloche, 288, 458
Gorod, IX. 174 f. 70, ifs; hairpins from, 'iOvv'a,at.o% 44 1 n. ^ Giir/.nf, IX. Gothic cemetery, 127 11. :, 2S2 n. 2 Guthrie, M., 239 n. 1, 494 Gutschmid, A. von, 98 nn. i,.i2 Gycia, 521 n. 4, 526 n. 5, 527 5,50, 546
41
—
;
i, 386 n. 8 sqtj. 353 Hadrian, 449, 470, 524 n. i, 605 Ilad/.hibcy on Sea of .\/,ov (long. 36' 30"), 20 Hadzhibcy Liman, IX. 14
vases, 351,
m. s\v. of Olbia), 454 Mushkai, III. 434 n. i; earrings, 396 hydria, 380 f. 283 necklace, 408
;
Heracles (Hercules),
(Jol (5
f.
290;
80 625 liair-pin, 383 laggis,
;
;
80 n. 5 Ilamun, L., 112 Han Dynasty, 280; annals, 113, (21, 122 capitals, ii4n. 3; coins, 253, 273 hunt, 49, Hare, 186 f. 79, 203^98, 211 f. 112, 268 ;
;
204
90,
1) f.
103
Harfatha, 124 Harmodius, 560, 561 Harness, 74 77, 409, v. horse-trappings; with tamgi, 317 f- 227. 318 n. I, 433—435 f- 328 Harpii, II. 124 Harpis, II. 14, 124 Harpocrates, 6t8 Harpoxais, 43 Harrison, Miss J. E., 304 n. 3, 341 Hartvvig, F., 53 55 ; on Agathyrsi, 55, 102 Hathor, head-dress, 404, 405, 431 f. 321 Hauser, F., 179, 283, 284 Hausmann, R., fibulae, 126 n. 2, 259 n. 3
—
—
Hayton, 95
58, 341, 364, 367, 430, 462,
;
;
Vp^av, 301
(ie/jfi^s),
Herm, 297
V.
priest
209, 330, 367, 388
f.
f.
28,").
390, 602 n.
;
;
—
Scyths, 35 Hecataeus Sindus, 573, 632 Hecate, 16, 414 f. 301, 479, 546, 619; (Karwpvyoi, 5 1 7
Arcius, 477; Chthonius, 620: representations, 204 I) f. 103, 297
ff. 209, 210, 298, 231, 330, 3.S,;. 366, 367 f. 267, ^81, 585; with Calypso, 509, ?io; Criophoros, 210, ;^78:"
319—321
310, 311,
f.
448, 486, 487, 602
coins, 447,
Hermisium, HI. 20 Hermitage, xxxvi coins, 661 :
271
— 282
Hcrmon,
;
Siberian collection, 253,
.^70
Ilermon, I5p of Jerusalem, Hermonactis vicus, IX. 13
.^31
Hermonassa,
III. 23, 24, ,^70, 627 Hero, 516; Chthonian, 620; cult of, 319, 480, 481, 544,
620 Herod Agrippa, 523, 598 Herodotus, on Euxine, S;
Olbia, 9; his geoinconsistency, j6 ^\<\., Map IV. p. 27, Map V. p. 34 brings Scyths out of Asia, 44 ; account of Scythian customs, 48 88 his account of burials agrees generally with remains, trade 106 88; on tribes around Scythia, loi
graphy
Scythia,
of
visited
its
Hedgehog, 339, 346 1
HAXnOTOS,
14 n. ^
361
West
Siberia, 94 n. 3, 252
—
—
—
;
;
his description of Scythia 1 14; route to NE., 106 rejected by Strabo, 120; on Scyles, 264,458; lyrcae, 277; Sindi, 573; Commentaries on, 33, 34 and Ad
Hesiod, 50 Hestia (Tahiti), 85 Hestiaeus, 405, 430, 431
Heuresibius Adoae, 473 Heuresibius Callislhenis,
Chthonia, 620
1
Hermaca, 626 Hermes, cults and dedications, 196, 477, 478, 545, 546, 616; .Agoraeus, 473, 47,^, 477; Anthesterius, 477;
;
Scythic, 57, 58, Headdress, Egyptian, 404, 431 f. 321 Karagodeuashkh, 61 ; Besleneevskaja tiara, 58 f. 11 216 2x9 fT. I20, 122; Kul Oba, king's, 202^96; queen's, 62 ; Pantacapaeum pllos, 58, 391 f. 287 ; Sinjavka, 58, 192 f. 84; women's, 61, 62 Head-shaped vases, 346 Hearth, veneration of, among Scyths, 85, 87 Heat in summer, mostly not recognised, 5 Heathcote, Major, on bows, 66 n. 10 Heavy ornaments used by Scythians and colonists, 291 Hecataeus, 120, 490, 491, 634 ; ill defined conception of
M.
f.
;
f. 284, 421 Halicarnassus, 542 Ilalmyris, IX. 12 n. 4, 13 culture recalls Kohan, 40; Ilallstatt, 259, 441 n. i; swords not like unrepresented in Steppes, 40, 41 Scythic, 70 Ilalys, R., I. 8 on mirrors, 65 n. i; Ilampel, J., 2,S9 n. i, 282 n. 2 swords, 69, 70 n. 10; btinchuki, 78; cauldrons,
Heikel, A., Helen, 481
168
477, 480, 485, 546, 617: ancestor of Scythians, 43; = Menrot, 86; of Uosporan kings, 597, 600, 604, 606, 617, 633: club, 396 f. 290, 398, 409, .^14; head, 168 f. 58, 290, 586 herm, 297 and (^mphale, 365 f. 265 strangling lion, 157, 158 f. 45 ; club and bow, 180 on coins, 480, 485, 491, 492, .^46— ,^49, 559, 586, 597, 600, 602, 603, 606, 6r6, 617, 633 Heracleum (C. Zjiik (?) IX.), 21, 621 Heradeus (month), 546 Heraclidas, Rhisthae, ,'^17; Parmenontis, ,^42 ;
ayi-oi,
S.,
;
i
:
;
Hedin,
;
;
Iladaczek, F., 236, 265, 266 n.
f.
pots, 430--434 ff. 321, 325; 349— 3."; 3 "relief," 386; terracottas, 3''>4— 36M work, in Scythic tombs, 155, 2 24, 131, 287 Add., badly copied by Scythians, 169, 2H2 289, 290 Helmet, 74, 187, 19^, 215, 222, 364, 379, 429, 506 n. 9, on coin, 630 n. 4 507 f. 339 Hemp, 7 fumes as narcotic, 84 Heniochi, II. 24, 128, 579, 588, 598 Hera, 204 a f. 100, 328, 355, 361 Soteira, 608, 616 Heraclea ChcrronesHs, 493 n. Heraclea Pontica, I. 8, 493, 496, J15, 516, 518, 521, 524, 546, 547, 556, 574, 576, 587, 627; man of, 560 coins, 491, 547, 559, 632 indications, 390 ;
Gylon, •;6i, 572, 574 Gymnasiarch, 465, 541, 545, 613, 626; society, 623, 624 Gymnasium, 468, 566
197
383—385,
plate,
;
Gyges (Gugu), 42
I
—
—
y
Had/hi Hadzhi
Helios, 3H4, 3(;o, 477, 516, 545, 602, 603, 616, 631 Hellenes, Hellenareh. 615, 625 Hellenistic, bronzes, 37H— 381 buildings, 4J4 458; gems, 414; jewelry, 403 409; kingdoms, 289, 563; ;
Giiljaj
Hadra
697
.^08,
f.
321 vault
of,
357,
417
— 420
If.
309. 450
Heuresibius Demetri, 462
Heyd, 114
\V., n.
on 2;
communications
in
Mongol
mediaeval commerce, 444,
Hia Dynasty, 91 Hia = Vavana, 129 Hiehli Khan, 9,^
ICmpire,
5.^9
n. 4
88
—
Iitdex
698 Hides, 440,
Horse (contd)
113
Ilien-ylin, 91,
247
44'2
Upi-u% in a Society,
301
f.
214:
f.
Hierocles, 532
614 624 319, 320
iepo/MCTTijip,
iepwf, 6
^7ri
T(2v,
613, 625;
613, 624, 625
oUoi'd/j.oi,
—
;
;
;
—
—
;
Hissarlik, 134 Hittites = Scythians
of Trogus, 36, 99 n. 10; art of, 144 Add., 263 Iliung-nu (Huns q.v.), I. no 115; assimilated by Sien-pi, 93, 122; bows, 66; complexion, 44 Add., 45 ; dress, etc., 97 ; relations with China, 9/ gj ; pictures of, 95, 96 f. 27 ; drive out Yiie-chih, 92, no, 121, 129 n. 4; Siberia, 252
—
Ilochmann, dealers, 420 Ilodegetria, Our Lady, 514 Hoernes, M., on neolithic culture, 134 n. i, 141 n. i; Siberian Iron Age, 253 Hogarth, D. G., on Ephesus Ivories, &c., 260 f. 182 6is, on neolithic culture, 134 n. i 263 Homer, honoured at Olbia, 361, 467; Bosporus, 627; localities, 436, 437 praises Mare-milkers, 49 n. 8, ;
;
109, 437
Homesteads, Chersonesan, 495, VIII. Ilommel, Fr., identifies Scythians and 99 n. 10 Homonyms, confusion due to, 17 Ho-nan, 114 n. 3 Hone, 73, V. whetstone Honey, 440 161,
8,
55,
56
196,
202
f.
f.
f.
to,
96,
57,
59
,s8,
218
216,
f.
Hittites,
12,
158
219
120,
f.
36,
f.
f.
45, 122,
cattle lose,
drinking, 81, 158 f. 45, 203 f. 98, v. rhyton ending in heads, 181 f. 75, 203 f. 98, 250, 251 f. 172, 258 f. 182, 262, 266, 274, 275 ff. 196, 197 Horse, breaking in, 49, i6r f. 48, 289; breeds, Scythian, 49 gelding, 49 ; mares' milk, 49 ; wild, 5 buried, 88 91, 152, 153, 165 169, 174 f. 70 176, 196, 206, 210, 213 f. 114, 2i6, 219, 222 228 ff. 128, 130, 248, 250, 253 n. I fewer about Kiev, 175, 192 ; eaten, 49, 165 ; sacrificed, 85, 86, 93, 106; stuffed, 88 91, 251 f. 172 representations, 161 f. 48, 168^56, 186 f. 79, 188, 189 ff. 80, 81, 191 f. 83, 193 f. 85, 197 f. 90, 202 f. 97, 214 f. 115, 251 f. 172, 268, 276 279 ff. 198, 201 204, 288, 313 f. 223, 369; toy, 369; vase, 346; ;
:
—
—
— —
;
—
'
:
—
—
629 trappings, 74 77, 155, 165 77,78, 188, i89ff. 80, 81, 109,115,116, 223, 226, coins,
:
—
— 171, 191
182, f.
83,
228— 231
i8s
ff-
206— 216
ff.
184, f.
135,
246,
290, 426; frontlets, etc., 158 185 f. 78, 187, 269, 283,
— 61,
—
74 77, 161 f. 48, 163 f. 51, 202 f. 97, 204 D f. 103, 219 f. 121 and Add., 250, 255 f. 173, 278, 279 ff. 201 204, 286, 343 f. 249, 347; combats, 314 f. 224, 315 f. 225, 303 316, 319^230; funeral group, 301 ff. 215, 216, 310, 312, 313 f. 223, 315, 318 f. 229, 434 f- 325. 625; galloping, 304 f. 218, 369 Horse-races, 464, 465, 481 Houses, early, 452 ; Hellenistic, Olbia, 294, 296, 297, Panticapaeum, Chersonese, 506 458 306, 456 Byzantine, 506, 508 ; painting, 306, 307 564 Hou-yen-kuo, 113 n. i Howorth, Sir H., 98 n. 14 Hsiung-nu (Hiung-nu q.v.), 93 n. 2 Hu, barbarians, 94 Hua (Ephthalites q.v.), 93, 122 n. 2 Huang-ho, I. 114 n. 3 Huang Hsiao-feng, 280 n. 4 H\.ian Tsang, 114; on T'u-huo-lo, in n. i, 129 n. 4 Hu-han-ya, 92 Huna (Ephthalites q.v.), 93 n. 3, 122 n. 2 Hungary, Kelts in, 125; Puszta, 1; Scythic things from, 150, 259, 261; mirrors, 65; swords, 69, word, 107 70 n. 10 Hun-kiih, 91 Huns (v. Hiung-nu), name, 122 n. 2: conquer the Alans, 37 described by Ammianus, 46 mutilate themselves for Attila, 91 ; Turks, 48 n. i appear in Europe, 93, 122, 125, 126 Arimaspi, 112, n3; western movement of, 121, 122; in Siberia, on the 252 ; commerce with Cherson, 538 n. 5 Bosporus, 609, 610 Hunting, 49; scenes, 163 f. 51, 197 f. 90, 255 f. 173, 278 f. 201, 343 f. 249 Huntington, E., on freedom of women among nomads, 84 Hun-yok, 91 Hvareno, 218 Add. Hydria, 379, 380 f. 283 Hygiaenon, 581, 583 586, 632 Ilygiea, 351 n. i, 479 Add., 545, 547, 550:, head of (?), Olbia, 292 f. 208, 297, 457 Hylaea, IX. 15, 16, 27, 461, 464 Hymnia, 549 Hymnus Scyfhae, 517 Hypacyris, IX. 17, 27, sg, 491 Hypanis, R. (Bugh), IX. 5, 11, 27, 28, 479; liman, 15, 453; confused with Hypanis (Kuban), 17, 28; set E. of Borysthenes, 28 Hypanis, R. (Kuban q.v.), IX. f.
197
53,
f.
9,
66,
90,
—
—
—
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
—
{nry)pir(\%
5
54
ff.
n4
Hyperborean,
221, 369
Horn,
— 269,
266
f.
Hieros Limen, IX. 23, 24, v. Bata Hildesheim, 350 Hilinus, potter, 340 Hill, G. F., 448 Himalaya, 114 n. 3 Hind, V. deer, horned, 207 f. 105, 290 Hindu-Kush, I. 92 'nnrdKrj, 49 'IinrriiJ.6\yoi, 49 n. 8, 109 Hippocamps, 155 f. 42, 203 f. 98, 216, 217 f. 119, 332, 386, 402, 426 f. 316 Hippocrates, his account of Scythia, 2 n. 2 ; of the Scyths, their physical type, 44 46 customs, 48 sqq. makes Sauromatae Scythians, 45 waggons, 50 Hippolaus, C, IX. 453, 479 Ilippomedon, 336 (7r7roro|6Tai, 92, 123 n. 4; Scythians not shewn as such Siberian, 277 in art, 66 204 279 iT. 201 Hirst, Miss G. M., 451, 475 Hirth, F., 91 n. 3, 92 n. 3, 122 n. 6, 129 n. 4, 280 n. 3
Hood, 54
163,
165
45,
164
ifpo7roi6s,
lepuiwv,
f.
— 167 287 Add., 2QO Horsemen, 47 — 57
priest
v.
36, 113, arparriyCiv, 474
Hypocaust, 506, 523 n. 7 Hypsistarii, 622 ui/'iffTos (debi), 621 623 Hyrcanians, dress of, 61 Hyrgis, V. 30
—
'Urovfs,
129 n. 4 Iambics, 627 n. 5 lasus, 542 lazamatae, IX. 120, 128 lazyges, IX. 120, 121, 124, 259, 281 Iberians, 587 Ibex (stone-buck), 187, 193 f. 85, 208 f. 106, 209 210, 2n f. no, 233 235 f. 138, 248, 249 168, 260 f. 182 bis, 265, 268, 273 f. 192, 4n 412 Ibn-Batuta, funeral of Khan, 89 Ibn-Fadhlan, 105
—
—
f.
ff. f.
108,
166 298,
—
hide 71(tCX Ibn-Rusta,
1 13 n. 3 556, 572, 574, Iconoclasts, 533 Icons, 514, 538
Ice, 4, 6,
Idanthyrsus, Sc. king, 'Sor. 534 Hi, K., I.
Hill
Iron finger-ring, 430 Irlysh, R., I. 107," 108.
587. 617
Isaac Conincnus, inscr. Isatlici,
116
Ilj(nskoe=Parutino, IX.
Olhia
v.
15,
'Ishtar,
Cjorytus from, 67, 287 and Add. Imaus Mens, VI. 114 n. 3 Imhoof-Hlinncr, F., 492, 583—585, 603, 609, 630 n. 4 Impotence of Scyths and Nogais, 45 Iljinlsy,
Inachii, 598 Incense-burners (?), 143 n. 5 Incrusled jewelry, v. inlay Incuse-square, 487, 559, 628, 630, 631 India, I. 92, 121 n. 8
Indications, 283, i},i, 336, 385, 3.S8
II,
105,
f.
;
385, j^o, 434 n.
1,
119, 467, 469,
with
inscr.
laiiiga,
318 n. I, 608 Inkerman, VIII. 494 497, 539; cave churches at, 295, 513 n. 2; Milesian sherds from, 339 n. 14 Inlay, jewelry, 222, 223, 234 f. 143, 235, 254, 255 257 fT- 175— 177> 371—282^. 187—189, 191—V96, 198 205; wood, p. 214 f. 115, 322 324, 329 331, 334, 424 f. 314
—
—
—
—
Inostrantsev, K., 122 n. 6, 131 Inscriptions, early, 447, 458, 556, 560, 626 446, 481, 524 n. 7
471
Interpreters,
109,
—
;
wandering,
—
615; Chersonese, 540 Tyras, 446
— 475;
613
n.
12,
177
—
IJoAEA^,
212 f 113,
— 54?;
6/4
Intruded interments, 142, 143, 151, 157, 168, 228 230 f. 131 Inviolability of Argippaei, 109
I0KA:S:TH,
Ister,
f.
72,
336 Ionian style, early, 222, 236, 260 270, 266 Add., 281, 282, 296, 299, 336, 375 f. 278, 376 ff. 279, 280, 378, .S94- 395. 40O' 4" f- 29^. 413. 427 f- 3'«. 490: lion-heads, 78, 177, 193 f. 85, 263, 266: vases, 147, J38, 33g and <\dd., 415, 441, 451-453, 515 Add., 564 n. 3 later, 283 291, 287 Add., 394, 403, 427 f. 318 lonians, colonies, 24, 569, 570 (v. Miletus) conduct on Danube, 117; type of survived at Olbia, 467 Ionic, dialect, 336, 360, 361, 383, 466; order, 205 f. 104, 295. .500. 3'4. 330—333 ff- 24'. 24«. 375. 4.^'', 506 Iphigenia, 481, 543; flight of, 356 Iranian, art, 263, 2-^0, 271, 280 influ282, 387, 404 enced China, 280: design, in neck and arm-rings, ^i, 254, 256, 271 f. 187, 272 f. 188', 289; in gems, &c., 193 f. 85, 208 f. 106, 410 412 f. 298; in dishes, 213 f. 114, 215; work sheath, 255 f. 173 in hilt, 163 f. 51 ideas of kingship, 218 Add. in Slavonic, loan words 38; in Finnish, 104 Iianians, in Scythia, 36 39, 102, 115; akin to Scyths, 98 n. 8; names in Greek Inscrr., 37, 38, 320, 471, pantheon, 482, 484, 555, 609 disappearance of, 43 under Kushanas, &c., 92 N. of Caspian, 107 85 Massagetae, iii, 112; type of, 44 Add. f. o
—
.
:
—
;
—
;
—
:
:
—
;
;
;
;
Ireland, beast style, 282
Irkeshtam, I. 14 n. 3 Iron Age, in Siberia, 241, 248 1
— 253
n. 3 ^^'i
Danube
V.
IX.
I'ortus,
(iMrus),
12,
Ivancha,
14,
iiS,
484 126,
446
n.
7,
448
n.
1,
12
l.X.
Ivory, carved, engraved
314
f.
statuette,
;
and
inlaid,
jjo, jj/, jj^, 424
334:
tombs, 78, 157, 161, 193 f. 85, 202, 204 100 104, 210, 330: Fphesiis, 260 f. 182 bis, 263; Nimrud, 263; Spartan, 263 Ivy-pattern, 392 f. 289 Ixibatae (Ixomatae), 120, 121, 573 lyrcae, I. 107, 113 n. 3, 277 I-yii-hio-chih, descr. and pictures of noiii.a
205
—
ff.
f- 27. 97 Izmailovo, sword, 70
Jackal, 376
;
in, 114 in, uj,
Jabgu, 110
33''>
113,
f.
14
464, 470, 477; foundation of, 439, 569: coin type, 360, 394, 484 Italian tomb robbing, 154 n. i Italy, exports from, 444: bronze, 381; crown, ^88; glass, 362; jewelry, 386, 387, 400". 1, 404; v.iscs' 347. 349. 353 vases exported to, 341, 352
;
279
f.
14 n. 3, 280 Jajyk (Ural R.), 122
fade,
212
13,
ISIT, 4«4
122
473. 4«7 Ininthinieus, 487, 569, 608, 611, 632
I,\.
—
Ingulets, R., IX. 17, 29 Ininsimeus (Inismeus), king over Olhia,
011)ia,
I'ortus,
310, 404, 405, 446, 468 .Add., 606 n. 10. 61S Is-ku-za-ai (Scyths), 42 "Island," prefect of the, 318, 613 Isocratcs, 573
17 11, 15,
Institutions, Bosporus, 612
504, 532
u
'sis,
Istropolis 100,
II,
617
Isiacoruin
Istrianonim
R. IX.,
Ingiil,
l.x.
Issedon, Scylhica, .Serica, I. \1. Isscdones, I. 44, 108 //o, ///
I
Indiction, 521 Indo'-Scylhs, 92,
253 24," p.
Isaurian Dynasty, 533 Iseo lake dwelling, J46 n. 1 Khini, R., I. 107, 253
121
n.
341,
App.
2o
I
Isakchii,
Per sis, 126, 286
602
699
1
jakimovich, M. K., 134 n. Jakunchikov, B. M., 491, 492, 559, 66r i
Jakuts, horses stufted, 91 IX., find near, 523 n.
Jalta,
7, 549 James, S., churcli of, 535 Janchekrak, IX. 171 phalerae from, 76 Janiform head, 545, 548 Janovskij Lake, III. 22 ;
Janus, 362
n.
n.
i,
403
4
Japanese work compared to Greek, 4 13 Jarmolintsy, IX., model axe, 72, 178 f. 73 Jaroslavskaja .Stanitsa, IX. 80 n. 5, 385 Jasenskaja Rosa, IX. 21 Jason, 436, 437 Jasy. 37 Jaxartes (Araxes?), I- 30, iii, 115 n. 3, 122 leisk,
jeja,
l.X.
R.,
2!
IX.
21
Jelabuga, I. 257 Jenikale, III. 20, 22, 23 Jenisei, R. I., 239, 244; bits from, 75; civilization, 253, 261 ; plate, 287 n. 2 ; trilies, 97, 108, 241
—
94 Jerusalem, 531 Jeremiah describes Scyths, 42 Jewelry, 386 410 Jewels (precious stones), 387; modifications to suit, 395
—
n.
3
fashion
for,
404
— 409;
88-2
—
7
700
Inde,'X
Jews, 494, 535, 598
615, 620
n. 4,
— 623,
Kara Kitans, type of, 46, 96 f. 27 Karakorum, capital of Mongols, I. 52
627
Joachim of Novgorod, 538 Johns, C. II. W., 410 n. 12
333—335
Joinery,
funeral of a on oath of V. de Toucy, 87 Ciiman, 91 Jolygh Tigin, 90 Juba, II. ,S99 n. 7, 603 Jubainville, H. d'Arbois de, 98 n. 14, 113 n. 3 Judina, 244 f. 152 earthen bronze, 380, 381 copper, 219, 231 Jug, 152 silver, 383 glazed, 356 f. 262 385
Joinville,
;
;
;
;
—
;
Jugra, I. 107 Jukharin's Ravine, VIII. 502, 508 Julia Maesa, 298 Julian Imp., 609 Julius Aquila, 597, 598 Julius Sambion, 625 Julius Valens, 525 n. i Capitolinus, 605, painted Jupiter, 545, 546 Jurgiewicz, W., 100, 449, 543 n. 5 Jiirjeva Gora, IX., neolithic finds, 132 ;
tomb
at,
.^15
Katunja R., I. 248 V. Cau-
Kayuk,
92, 121
Kazan, I., site of, 104; neolithic finds, 132 Kazanskaja, 232 n. 4, 277 n. 2 red skeletons, 143 ;
Kaz
Aul, III. 20 Kihpov, 481 n. 6
red,
Kekule von Stradonitz, R.
143
345 n. i Kelermes, IX., Barrow, red skeleton, 143 Scythic, 172 n. i, 222, 22j horse grave, 222; axe, 73, 222 bone knops from, 77 n. i, 223; biinchuki, shield, 73, 222, 281: 78, 223; diadems, 222 Assyrian style of axe, dagger and sheath, 42, 71, 222, 263, 270 Kelts, 40, I2J 126, 259, 460 463 mercenaries, 586, not Cimmerians, 40, 589 near Carpathians, 103 raids upon Greece, 40; coin 146; not Tauri, loi of, from Crimea, 126; art of, 282 Kerch (v. Panticapaeum), III. 20, 562 566 ff. 343 345: axe from, 41 bar at, 4, 559; bow-case, 67 f. 17 "catacombs," 307 321; church, 564; cups, roundbottomed, 287 museum, destroyed, 564, directors of, 636; roundlet from, 195 f. 88; Scythic tombs near, 194 206; sword from, 70 n. 3 terra-cotta, 56 f. 10; vase from, 81; waggons from, 50 f. 5, 51 f. 6, 370 and Add. Kermenchik, 119, 463 Keszthely, 47 Khalepje, IX., areas, 142 pottery, ^38 f. 32 Khalkas, I. 113 Khan (Khagan), 90, 93, 95, 532, 533 ,
:
;
;
;
f.
,
KAY,
Jurta, 52 Justice at Chersonese, 517; of nomads, 94, 109 Justin I., 610 Justin II., 470 n. 8, 543 Justinian I. builds walls at Chersonese, 506, 532 ; and Bosporus, 609, 610 shield with figure of, 320 Justinian II., 506, 508, 532, 533, 542, 610 n. 8 Jiiz Oba III., 422 n. 4, 562 f. 343 ; coffin, 322. 323 f. 233 earrings and gems, 374, 411 f. 298, 413 f. 299, 427 lecane, 342 f. 248; serpent-ring, 66 n. 7, f. 318;
323, 414, 427
Karan, coin find, VIII. 548 Karasu, 1 Karasubazar, IX., Church at, 513 n. 2 Kareisha, D. V., 309, 331, 333, 636 Kash, jade, 114 n. 3 Kashgar, I. 1 14 n. 3 KO-To^fovaix^ 368 Katanda R. I. tomb upon, 60, 248, 2^0 Katerles, III. v. 562 f. 344; cup from, 81;
318
;
;
—
—
;
;
;
;
—
—
;
;
—
;
Kabadian (near Khulni Kachik, IX. 20
I.),
2^4
—
Kadikoj, VIII. 495 Kadphises, 47 coin of found near Perm, 105 Kagarlyk, IX. 381 Kalanchak, R., IX. 17, 29 Kalendar, 447, 472, 546, 591 Kalgan, 92 Kalisz, bone implements, 130 Kal'mius, R., IX. 30 Kalmucks, horses, 49; migration of, 103 n. 7, 107; wooden saucers, 82 Kalnik, IX. 176 f. 71 Kama, R. I., 27, 104, 113 n. 3, 257; basin of, swords from, 70, 258 f. 179 Kamares ware, 141 Kamenka, IX., dagger from, 70, 189 f. 81 Kdmeniiya Bdby, 239 f. 149, 240 Kanev, IX., "areas" near, 140; crater, 348; psalia, standard, 186 f. 79 76 K'ang-kii (nomads N. of Sogdiana), I. 121 Kanishka, 47 Kan-su, I. 92 Kao-ch'e (Uigurs, q.v.), I. 92, 93, 114 n. 3 K^ao-ku-t^ii, 280 n. 4 Karacharovo (Murom I.), palaeolithic finds, 130 Karagodeuashkh Barrow, IX. 88, 21b 221 ff. 119 125, Sindic, 127; chambers, 216; frescoes, 216, 307 man's, bowl, 351; car, 75, 216; cylix, 81 n. 4, 221, .^83; gorytus, 67, 220, 221 fT. 124, 125, 286; plate, 383; quiver tip, 68, 219 f. 123, 267; rhyta, 219 f. 121 and Add., 221, 290, 383; sword, 70, 221; torques, 217 f. 119, 221, 289; whetstone, 73, 221 woman's, bracelets, 63, 217 f. 119, 291 earrings, 62, 217 f. 119, 393, 395 headdress, 61, 218 f. 120 and Add., 269, 277, 283; necklaces, 63, 217 f. 119, 291, rings, 64, 216; roundel, 399, 400; torques, 63, 216 217 f. 19, 406 Karaini, 494, 622 n. i Kara Kalpaks, name, 104 ;
;
—
—
:
:
;
;
;
1
;
;
Khanenko,
B.
Khar'kov,
IX. government
I.,
xxx,
175 n. i sqq., 187 of 31; earthworks,
146;
Sc. finds in, 173
Khasas, 114 n. 3 Khatazhukaevskij Aul (Kuban), cauldron, 79 f. 22, 80 n. 5 ewer, 380 Khazars, 105 n. 3, 532—535. 539- 543. 610, 622 n. i natural boundaries, 27; swords, 116 n. 3 Kherkheulidzev's works, 396 f. 290, 562 f. 344 Kherson, IX., bar at, 4; bad name and bad situation, trade of, 444 mirror found near, 375 ^9' 455 museum, xxviii, xxxvi, 661 377 f. 279 government of, 31; palaeolithic finds in, 131; red skeletons in, 145 Tripolje areas in, 133 Kholodnyj Jar, cylinder from, 64, 193 f. 85, 270, 412 Khorvate, 124 Khotan, I. no n. 3, 114 n. 3 Khulm, I. 254 K'iang (Tibetans), I. no n. 3 Kibaltchitch, T. de, 410 Kiepert, H., 34, 45 n. 2 Kieseritzky, G. von, 232, 253, 281, 287, 345 n. i, 393, on grave stelae, 295 n. 9, 299 636 Kiev, IX. 105 amber found near, 7 neolithic finds at, IJ2, 140; palaeolithic, 131; Chersonian influence upon, 514, Christianity at, Vladimir and, 534 ;
;
;
;
;
:
;
;
;
5.^8
;
:
government skeletons,
of,
cist-graves, coloured 145 145; earthworks, 146; Scythic Greek things found in, 270, 193;
31
142,
—
;
;
tombs, 150, 174 Tripolje areas, 133—142 339. 349. 441 ;
3
:
:
701
I?i(/ex C, IX. 19 moulli of Danube, I.\. 11 K'ilicn, 92
Kikenefs Kili;i,
Kiln, 360, 364, 506; KifijiepiKo.,
40
KiMErio>:, Kinhurn
S. Capito's, 510
n. 4,
v.
53, 54
f.
IX.,
spit,
— 13
Cimmerians
8 bar at, 4;
AXaot 'EKortj?,
16,
479,
481
" Kinj^dom," prefect of the, 318, 612, 613, 625 Kings, Bosporus, 572 stiq. Chersonese, 520 n. i, 540 542, 544 ; Olbian, 472, 475 ; of Scyths, list of, 116; divine right, 218 Add. title, 580, 593 Kin-shih-so, rattle from, 78 cauldrons, 80 ; pla(|ue from, 2?i f. 172, 274, 280 .KIP HEl, 352, 384 Kirgiz, I., 92; cauldrons, 80 n. 5; graves, 241, 250; horses, 49 devoted to the dead, 91 jurtas or tents, 52 steppes, 105 n. 3, 241 Kishe, 1 73 n. 5 Kisljakovka (just opposite Olbia, IX.), 454 Kitans, 92, 93, 96 f. 27 ;
—
;
;
;
;
;
Uigur
Kitsi,
for Viie-chih,
100,
iT^r.
—
district,
from,
l>ron/.es
and Add.
143
and
.\dd.
3.?9,
349
6,
241
n.
1,
plaijue from, 260, 279 Siberian style in, 277
;
;
Kublai Khan, coniplexi
Kuchcrovy Bueiaki, Kuei K. (Onus), I. Kujalm'k, I.\., bar
;
;
484; Sanerges,
121 of,
4,
303 io8
I.
90 Kul Oba, 111. 88, 150, igs 206 K. 88-104, 169; plan and section, 196 f. 89 king's nationality, 205, 206 Scythic style of objects, 205 Sc. dress and type represented, 44 Add., 46,
—
;
'97 f- 9°. 200—204 ff- 93. 94. 97. 9«. 103 amphora, bronze, 380, earth, 196/: arms scale-armour, 74 arrows, 68, 204 knife, 72, 197 f. 90, 202; shieUl, 73; sollerets, 74; sword and sheath, 70, 71, 202, 203 f. 98, 267, 283; whetstone, whi|), 77, 202 73, 197 f. 90, 204, 289 bronze: amphora, hydria, 380; cauldrons, 80 n. 5, I.
74-
f.
:
;
;
:
;
196^'-
and
—
ivory
veneer, 49, 7-;, 196, 204 205 329 331, 382, painted, 305, 329: gold adornments; armlets, 63, 64, 170, 197 f. 90, 199 f. 92, 291, 402 deer, 182, 203 f. 98, 205, 222, 226, 260, 265 earrings or temple-ornaments, 62, 195 f. 88, 202, 291, 393 397; diadems or frontlets, 62, 202, 393; hood or cap, 57, 202 f. 96; necklace, 399: plates, 158 f. 45, 197 f. 90, 206, 208 f. 106, 265, in Brit. Mus., 291 n. 4, 403 n. 2, shewing women's dress, 61, 158 f. 45, 197 f. 90 torques, 63, 197 f. 90, 202 f. 97, 271, 289 gold statuettes, 197 f. 90, 203 f. 98, 204 gold and silver vessels, cylix, 383 phiale mesomphalos, 73, 81 n. 4, 204 f. 99, 265; rhyla, 81, 196, 197 f. 90, 202 (V. 93, 265, 290; vase or cup, 81, 196 ///, 200 94, 287, 2SS, dress on, 46, 57, 73, analogous shapes, 82 f. 25, 180, 197 f. 90, 200 .Vdd., 287; lesser vases, 196//, 198^91, 267, 288: mirror, 65, 201 f. 95, 202 muiton-bones, 49, 196^' Kumys, 49, 81, 82 n. 5, 95, 288; offered to dead Cuman, 89 ccjfluis ff.
100
— 104,
—
;
—
;
395
:
Kondakov, N.
P., xxx,
514. 538, 560 Konelsky, 364, 385, 4 10
Count Konka, K., IX.
150,
210,
n. 8,
282 n.
2,
509,
510,
i6,
;
—
4 14
V.
2g
Kore-type, 376 ff. 279, 280 Korotnoe, IX. 446 Korsiin, 493 n. i, 535 539 Kortsa, knife from, 259 Kosciuszko-Waluzynicz, K. K., 360, 421, 496, 498 n.
:
—
i,
Kundure
.534
Koshibcevo, sword from, 70 n. 12 KUSiiN, 487 n. 6 Kostenki, paleolithic finds, IX. 130 Kostromskaja Barrows, IX. red skeleton, 143 Scythic, 224 22S a. 128 (plan), 129: deer, 226 f. 129, 265, 266; grindstone, 73; shield, 73, 205, 225 f. 128, 226 f. 129, 236; tabernacle, 226 Kotseruba (7 m. E. of Ochakov, IX.), 454
—
KpajSdrpios,
17
205; pots from, 409
— 278,
;
6, 440, 444,
Kolster's Scythia, 32, 33
.=;oo f-
14,
in,
— 2J2
;
tna/il,
Kuldzha,
204 U
—
Kbixrj's,
45
J06
Kuku Oba, III. 22, 23 Kulakovskij, J. A., xxx, on Bosporus history, 610; " catacombs," 308 s(j(|. red skeletons, 143; 'J'oteii-
57 n-
:
J\olt,
of,
f.
skeletons i,so,
171
:
»43 Koblevka, IX. 14, 4S1 Koehler, H. K. E., on fish, 617 n. 16 Koehne, B. de, xxx Koivi), 404 KokSshnik, 392, 405 Kolodistoe, IX. 134 n. i
in,
;
Knickerbockers, 316, 317 f. 227, v. trousers Knives, Scythic, 72, 157, 161, 170, 175, 177, 190^82, 202 Siberian (cash), 242 247 AT. 150, 15T, ^^},— i$'^, 164, from Caucasus, 259 Italy, 246 n. 2 165, p. 261 Koban, I., 259 n. 4, 260; finds recall liallstatt, 40, 259 axe from Kerch, 41 and Add. from Kelermes, ;
red
;
tombs
:
595, fioi, 602, 611
;
381
380,
.Scythic
;
Kill Tigin,
iii n. 2
Ki-yiik, 92 Kizil Tash
Liman, III. 22, 23 Klementz, D., Minusinsk Museum, 80 n. 246 Kleophrades (should be Oltus), 340 n. 6 Klimova, 386
Krasnokutsk, Stone tomb, 151 Krechelov's .Scythia, 32 f. 3—34 Krelschmer, 1'., on 'I'hracians, 101 n. 3 Krivorukovo (near Zhurovka, IX. <|.v.), 175 Krymskaja, IX. 21C1 Kutuin, k. (Anticites, llypanis, Vardanes), IX. 1, 20 24, 127, 128, 239, 566, 579, 589; confused with llypanis (liugh), 17; silting up action of, 21:
:
61
Tartars, 52
f.
7
Chinese for bow, 66 K'un-lun Shan, I., 114 n. 3 Kunstkaiiimcr, 253 A'uiig,
n. 10,
96
f.
27
K'un-~ii'u (steel?), 91
Kur, R. (Cyrus), I. 30 Kurdzliips Barnjw, IX. 22j, 224, 269: clasp, 224 f. 127, 402; glass, 362 Gold Cap, 225 f. 126, figures on, ^7 n. 1, illustrate Her. IV. c." 64, 83: roundel, 223 f. 126, 277 n. 2, 406 n. 2 lion, 408 Kurgan = barrow, 145, 152 :
;
Krashenfnnikov, M. 34 Krasnogorsk, I., 173 n. 6 Krasnojarsk, I., 150 Krasnokiitsk Barrow, IX. 152, 153, /6s i6S K. 56, 57: armour-scales, 74: car, 75; horse trappings, 76, 158 f. 45, 287, 290; spears, 68; "standards," 77
—
:
Kurruk Tagh, I. 114 n. 3 Kushana, I. 47, 92, 93, 122; n.
I
Kuun, Geza, on Scyths, 99 Kuznetsy Tartars, I. 252
n. 7
coins,
marks on, 317
;
;
Indiex
702
Limdn, 2,4; common
Laager, 51, 578 Lacritus, 441, 442 Ladies, 368 Ladle, 383, 384
Ladoga, L., palaeolithic finds near, 131 Ladozhskaja, IX., high-handled cup, 82 n. roundel, ?77 n. 2 Laestrygones, 18, 436, 437 Lakes, provided as river-sources, 28 Lamachus, 528 530 La Madeleine period, 131 Lamp, 221, 232, 353 n. 3, 33S, 361, 378, 381, 415, 430> 453> 569; plunderers', 165 and Add. Lampadedromia, 392 Lanipas (Lanipat), IX. 19 Lance, v. spear Land-distribution, 517 Language, of Scythsand Sarmatae, 39, 100; many spoken in Caucasus and at Kerch, 25 Lapis Lazuli, 271, 278 Lappo-Danilevskij, A., xxxi, 34; summary of Scythian customs, 48, 99 n. 4; refers Sindi to Scythians, 127; classification of Sc. tombs, 151 on Karagodeuashkh, 216 on Ka)iiennya Bahy, 240 Lapps, 106 Larissa, barrows near, 435 n. i Lasso, among Sarmatae, 73, 288 La Tene objects in Russia, 125 n. 3, 126, 187, 259 Latyshev, V. V., xxxi, 449, 488, 552, 580 582, 636 Bosporus, late, 610 n. 1 1 Cherson SS. 531 n. 3; Chersonese constitution, 540 n. i Heuresibius inscr., 420 Maeotian tribes, 128 on kings of Olbia, 119 Olbia, 451 Lavrov, P., xxxi, 531, nn. i, 3, 533 n. 10 Lazi, I. 24, 526 Lead-castings, 374 Leather, 390 Lecane, 340 342 ff. 246 248, 347 Lecythi, 343, 348 Lecoq, Dr A. von, 100 Leech earring, 191 f. 83, 208 f. 106, 395 and Add. Legate, of Moesia, 446, 447, 469, 523 525; of Tanais, 615, 625 Legends of Scythians' origin, 43, 44 Legio, 1. Italica, 523 n. i, 525 V. Macedonica, 523 n. 2 XL Claudia, 470, 525 n. i, 526 n. 3, cf. 614 Lemeshova Mogila, 168 Add. Leiiz, E., on armour, 74 n. 6 Leo Aliatus, 532 Leo Diaconus, 535 n. i, 536 Leo VI. Imp., 534, 538 i
;
—
;
;
—
;
;
;
;
;
;
—
—
—
;
Leontiev, P., 567, 620 n. 5
Leopard -heads, 204 f. 99, 265 Leptines, 557, 574, 575 Lesbian cauldrons, 80 cymation, 287 Add., 383 ;
385, 424 f. 314 Lesgians, 24 Letter, 466 f. 332 Lettering, 447, 463 n.
i,
561,
App.
f.
284,
67, 68, 69
Leucanor, 582
Leuce
Ins.
14,
480, 481
;
Leucippides,
15,
I.,
20,
555
;
— 557,
571—578;
i'^i->
626; his sons,
296
Leucon IL, 581, 583;
—
coin, 66, 559, 584, 586, 617, 620,
627 629 Leucothea Chthonia, 620 Levitskij Collection, 338 Liberty,
Roman, granted
550 Libya, 343 Lieh Tse, 91
n. 3
Dnepr and Bugh,
1
5,
453
f. 98, 212—214 139, 140, 235, 237— 239 ff. 145 (hunt), 173 263 (Ephesus), 265, 268, 270 f. 186, 271, 272 ff. 188, 189, 191 curled round, 214 f. 115, 223 f. 126, 224, 230 f. 132,
n. 6
and Add., 452
to Chersonese, 521
n.
ff.
234
ff.
f.
:
140—142, 255 f. 175, 274 f. 409; gems, 411 f. 318; 275; on gold plates, 157, 158
234
on
ff.
bottle, ff.
191
77,
427
83, 197 stone,
f.
318;
f.
as vase,
208
f.
298, 299
f.
f.
in
90,
194, 277 n. 2: in
4
plaster,
372 f. 45, 177, 184 106; ring, 410, 211, 317 f. 227;
346, 421 547, 629, 631 lion-head, 173, 216, 288, 396—402 ff. 290, 293, 294, 405, 409, 430; in bone, 251 f. 172; in gold, on bracelets, 256 f. 177, 271 f. 187, 402; collar, 429 f. 320; earring, 398 f. 293, 409, 507 f. 339; frontlet, 169 f. 61; rhyton, 206; torques, i-i7, 158 f. 45, 161,
on
:
coins,
:
197 f. 90, 217 f. 1 19, 271 f. 187, 289, 405, 431 f. 321; in ivory, 78, 177, 193 f 85, 263, 266: head or scalp on coins, 549, 628 631, cf. Heracles;
—
lion-mane like cape, 171 188,
ff.
lion-tail
ff.
65,
67,
270
f.
186, 272
189:
ending
in
head of scorpion, 171
ff.
65,
67,
186; of serpent, 208 f. 106, 215 n. i : lion, winged, v. griffin Lioness, bracelets, 402, 426 f. 317 ; combat, 403, 427 f. 318, 428 Lipoxais. 43 Lisiin tai Siingun, 90 Literature, Bosporan, 626, 627 ; Chersonesan, 546 Olbian, 447, 465 Litoj Kirgan, 171
270
f.
Litra, 475
Liu,
Duke, 91
Livia, 593, 600,
Llangwynodl \oxa.yb%, 612
630
Bell,
— 614,
282
625
Lock, 430, 515 Locri, 470 Loftus, 422 \bywv, 6 iirl tCiv, 612 Xo7xwt6s opfj.0^, 399 n. 6 Longinus, Bp of Chersonese, 531 Longman, C. J., on bows, 66 n. 10 Loper, Dr R., 498 n. 2, 590 n. i Lop-nor, I., '92, iii, 114 n. 3 Lotus-pattern, 382 Lou-Ian, I., iii, 114 n. 3 Lo-yang, 114 n. 3 Lucensium Coh., 525 n. i Lucian, 582, 592, 593, 605 Lucullus, 587 Lugovaja Mogila (v. Alexandropol), IX. 152 Luitprand, 537 n. i Luke, S., 514 Luschan, F. von, on bows, 66 n. 10 Lutsenko, E., 318, 430, 636 Lycanthropy of Neuri, 103 Lyceius (Month), 546 Lycian, 412 part of bit, 75 n. 4
XiJxi'oi',
361
Lycomedes, 285 Lycophron, 14
— 287 and Add.
Lycus, Sc. king, 116 Lycus, R., 30, 107 Lydia under Cimmerii, 42
i
— 524,
113—
— 147, 255115,
Xi^Koi,
330
Leucon
452, 453; Achilles at, 361, 463, pots from, 340 361 of, 204, 204 C f. 102, 305 n. 5,
graffiti,
rape
limaii of
Linas, Ch. de, 253 n. 4, 282 n. 2 Lindner, F. L., 32, 33 Lion, 164 f. 53, 198, 199 ff. 91, 92, 203
547,
Lygdamis, Cimmerian leader, 42 Lynx, 332, 396 f. 290, 398, 406, 431 f. 321 Lyre, 304, 318, 351, 379 Add., 397, 399, 401, 626 Lysias 573
li
—
5
Indt ndex Lysimachus attacks coin
459.
4.?.?<
(Ictac, 123,
Callatis,
57<)
328, .^51, .584, 388, 405, 410 n.
of,
Lysimachus
4*^5
'yP^' "f-
!
44^
f-
1,
.5-9 '^"1
:
414, 450, 584, 585
627
I'sycliarionis,
Lysippus, 297
Macedonia,
384
barrows
;
26, 34
in,
435
n.
1
policy N. of Danube,
Darius,
;
invasion
117
116,
sulimits
;
117; Kaiendar, 591 war, 73 Maces, of office (hunchuki), jS Machares, 464, 521 n. i, 587 590, 611 Mackindcr, II. C., on nomad strategy, 83 McLean, N., on Ps. xc, 320 Mad'herson, D., 282 n. 2, 298 sqq., 635 Macra, 7 Macrobius, 459
12,
118,
to
123;
—
13
IX. i, 120, 128; silting up, 3, fish in, 6 size and shape of, g rivers falling 4 II, confused with into, 17, 30; coasts of, 21; Caspian, 30 not to be reckoned a sea, 33 ;
;
;
14 n. 3
612
—
—
— 614;
Cherand Add. goddesses as, 542 Tanais, 614, 615; Tyras, 446 Cercinitis, 491
;
;
;
Magnesia, 516 Magyars, and Byzance, 539 cut in two by I'echenegs, 41; descended from lyrcae, 107; Menrot, 86; sword-worship, 71 oaths, 87 Maiden, of Chersonese, 496, 516, 517, 520, 522, 530, 541 550, cf. Artemis Maitae, 128, v. Maeotae Majdans, 147, 148 f. 38 Majkop, barrows near, 143, 222 2J2; bowl, 381; bunchtihi, 78 skeleton with early silver, 382 ;
;
—
—
;
;
red lead, gold, silver and stone vessels, bulls, 143, 144 tf. 35, 36 and Add. Majnak L. 490 ,
I.
I.,
n. 5,
495
54}, 553
n. 2
;
I
Marseilles, latitude of,
funeral, 390,
131
Man, kingdom vassal to Assyria, 42 Manchus, 48 n. i, 92, 93; bows and bowcases, 66 Mangu Khan, burial of, 89 Mantinea, 499 n. 3, 627 Manumissio, 596 599, 607, 616, 621, 622
150,
—
530
.^3I
153,
;
//;,
relics
375
of,
1,
278,
f.
512,
;
;
;
—
1
;
Marcus (poet), 547 Marduk, 410 preferred, 49 n. 4 Mares, milk and its products, 49 Marinus Tyrius, 114; for our purpose equivalent
422;
513,
theatrical,
Medusa,
gold 109;
polyandrous, 84, 93 sacrificed horses, 86 Mastjugino, IX. 142 n. 8 .Masius, stele of, 301 f. 214, 621 n. 5, 625 Materials (Mai.) for the Archaeology of Kussia,
Con-
;
xxvi
tents of,
Mationenskoe
IX. 147 Ma Tuan-lin, 92 n. 2 Mauretania, 594, 599 n. 7, 603 Mauricius Imp., 532, 610 n. 10 Maximian, 609 indication, 390 n. 6 Mazaraki, .S. A., 180—187 Mazurka, cauldron, 80 n. ,s Measures, Russian, xxiii Meczislaw, 537 Medea, 436, 437, 481 of Medes, Media, reputed ancestors of .Sarmatae, 37 Sigynnae, 102 attacked and temporarily conquered (jorodi'shche,
;
;
;
by
44 Add.; dress
.Scyths, 42,
268
of,
60, 61, 102
Mediatizing, 599 .Medusa, v. Gorgon fii-y6Xy)
Ocd,
619
Megalithic Monuments,
146
145,
Megara, colonies of, 438, 439, 515, 540, 542, 546 Megaret-Abu-Skheyl, 308 Megarian bowls, 351 353 ff. 257, 258 ixi-yai 6(6%, 566, 618
Meghder
(Mao-tun), 92
n.
roj
i
— 106,
467 Caucasian, 104, 1 29 Meleager, 386 n. 4 Melek Chesme Barrow, 295 stelae in, 305 Melgunov's Barrow, IX. ij/ ijjfi.fi-, 69, 239, 399: dagger .and sheath, Assyrian style, 42, 71, 171, 172, ft". 65 68, 222, 260, 263, 270 Melos, 400 n. 6 Meninon Rhodius, 556, 576, 626 Memphis, figures from. Add. to 44 f. o Men Atys, 368, 617, 618 I.
27,
Menander
to
Protector, 94,
:
—
281, 539 n.
Menant, J., 410 Men
180.
349
Menelaus and Helen, 340 Menemachus, potter, 352 Meng, 92 Meniscus, 579
f.
:
(iorgon
v.
Maskell, .A., 172 n. i, 235 n. 2, 288 n. 2 .Massagetae, I. 30, 44, ///, //», 113 n. 3, 115; trappings, 76, 253, 281, 441; honesty of,
Mended
;
n. 2
367, 372, 396: 433, 606, v. Glinishche
—
—
Mao-tun, 92 originals of terra-cottas, 297, Marble, imported, 305 Proconnesian, 508 Pentelic, 296, 300 366, 367 510; sham, 306 311, 314, 315 f. 225, 318 26 Marcianopolis, 470 destroyed by Goths, Marco Polo, 95, 114, v. Polo
Marionettes, 369, 370
IX.
;
—
Ptolemy, 12
14
Queen with gold mask,
Melanchl.aeni,
sqf).
Mammia, 405 Mammoths, 130,
=
—
—
Malmberg, W., on Karagodeuashkh, 216, 286 290; on bronzes, 374 n. 4 sqq. on terra-cottas, 363 n.
Ta-hia
Mary, B. V., icons of 514, 538; church of, 535 Mask, decorative, 367, ^72 ff. 272, 274, ^79, 381, ^84,
577. 5«o. .=^9^ Maeotis (sea of .Azov),
Makhov,
3;
n.
Marquetry, v. inlay v. Ares
4".
—
Makter, 525
114
J17,
.Mars,
Martyrs of Cherson,
Macrones, 24 Macropogones, 128 Madyes (Madys), 42, 116 Maccilius, NL, 525 n. i Maenads, 210 n. 3, 340 341 f. 247, 346, 364, 386 n. 4, .597. 42'', 427 f-SiS; Neo-attic, 170, '179, 392 .?9..5. Maeonians, 567 Maeotae (Maitae), IX. 115, 121, t2j, 12S, 567, 573,
Maes Titianus, 108, 1 Magistrates, Bosporus, sonese, 540 543 Olbia, 471 475;
F.ransjihr,
— 3180.
1
Macrocepliali, 47 n. 4
;
1
129 n. 4
Martonosha Barrow,
1
^Its,
I'ochari,
102 8i n. 6 coin, 333 n. possession, 316
Marshall, K. II., 155 n. 1, 291 n. 4, 386 n. 6, 422 Martin, Pope, at Cherson, 440, 53: Martin, K. R., Minusinsk Museum, 66 n. 9, 34 n. 244 f. 152
;
Macrocremni
Maris R. (Maros), I. 58, Mariupol, I.\., tup from, Markov, \. K., identifies Marks, M.xsons', 499; of 228, V. tanif^ti Marcjuari, J., 41 n. 6;
Macan, R. W., on geogr. of Scythia, of Darius,
703
Menrot =
I
leracles,
86
1,
618
n. 7
—
:
—
1
;
f1 Index
704 Mercury, 470, 478 Merezhkovskij, K. S., 131 Merja, I. 104 Mertvyavody, R. (Exampaeus?), IX. 28 Mesembria, I. 459, 518; W. point of Euxine, 8 Messenger buried with king, 88 Messerschmidt, D. G., 253 n. i Metaphors, concrete among nomads, 95 Me-t'c (Maotun), 92 n. i Methodius, S., 533 Metrical epitaphs, 546, 561, 577, 626, 627 Metrodorus Satyri, 573, 583 Miaus, type of, 47 Mica, 413 Mice, i.e. Steppe-rodents, 6 Michael III., 532 Michen, bow from, 66 Micon, 286 Migrations, of Scyths and Sarmatae, 115 122; Scythia from W., 122 127
—
—
Mithridates VIII (III), 523, 590, 595 611, 632 identified with
;
in
on the Ossetes and Alans, 37, on Iranian names in Greek Inscr., 37, 100 ;
Miltiades, 117 Minerals, 7
Mines, Miners, Altai, 7, 241, 244, 251 f. 172; Urals, 7 Minotaur, 208 f. 106 Mint, 506 Minusa, Little, 244 f. 152 Minusinsk, I. 241 252, 261 cauldrons, 80 n. 6, 244, 246, 250; model bowcase from, 66, 67, 244 f. 152: :
6^, 182, 244, 246, 248, 259, 280 Mirror, early Greek, 266 Add. ; Hellenistic, 378, 420, 426, 430: in Sc. tombs, 6j, 66, 157, 161, 169, 174 f. 70, 175, 176, 177, 178 f. 13, 179, 191 f. 83, 201 f. 95, 202, 210, 222, 232, 376 378 fif. 279 281: looped, 187, 1905.82, 193 f. 85, 259: Siberian, 244 f. 152, 246, 250, 261: woman with, 158 f. 45; boxes, 378, 430 Mirza Kekuvatskij, Kerch, coffin from, 323 ; helmet, style,
—
sword, 70, 266 n. 5 379 Mishchenko, Th. G., 34, 100; on legends of Scythian origins, 44 on Athenian trade, 444, 574 n. 4 Mithras, 218 Add., 368, 546, 603, 618 Mithridates I V of Pontus, 590 n. i Mithridates VI, (I) Eupator the Great, 13, 41, 336, ;
;
—
586—595:
447,
—
Bosporus,
618
582, 586 591, 597, 611, 612, 614, tradition of on, 592, 597, 603, 605
;
615,
:
Chersonese, 518
— 521
:
corn-tribute, 443, 520, 586; historians of, 128, 519, 626; war with Scilurus, 119, 463, 519, 582; Scythian allies, 586, 588; revolt against, 558, 561, 588; death, 589
Olbia,
464,
587;
Theodosia,
558;
Tyras,
447,
544 628
Mole, 455, 556, 564, 566, 567 Moloch, 368 Molochnaja (Gerrhus?), IX. 30; liman, 17 Moncastro (Akkerman IX.), 14, 446 Mongolia, graves in, 241 Mongolian pony, 49, 75 n. 4 Mongols (v. Tartars), Argippaei, 108; customs, 48; burn bones, 80 n. 7 burials, 88 90 Kameniiya baby, 239, 240 much mixed, 48 rhabdomancy, rise of, 44, 93, 94 86 supposed connexion with Scythians, 98 type of, 44 Add., 45 47, 108 use of term, 48 n. i
591, 628, 632; types of, 448, 478, n. 6, 602, 603, 616 547 549, 585, 630, 632
—
—
—
Mithridates VII (11), Pergamenus, 589
— 593,
611
486, 619,
—
;
;
;
;
;
;
—
;
Monograms, 384, 473, 477, 486,
522, 542, 547—549, 606, 611, 629, 630, 633 584, 585, 594 Monsters, representations of, 155 f. 42, 157 f. 44, 171, 172 (T. 65—67, 178 f. 73, 181 f. 75, 191 f. 83, 203 f. 98, 208 f. 106, 211 f. Ill, 214 f. 115, 222, 265, 266, 411 f. 298, 412: taste for, 250, 262, 280
—
Montefiascone, 352 Montelius, O., on dolmens, 146
Months, names Mopsus, 336 Moravia, 133 Mordva, I. 104 Morgan, J. de, f.
187
Morgan,
;
J.
356
f.
of,
447, 472, 546, 591
finds at Susa, 63, 215 n. 2, 254, 271 Caucasus, 259 n. 4 objects from Olbia, 355, i ; 262, 383 f. 284, 421 in
Pierpont, 382 n.
Morris, Sir L., 530 Mortar, 515 Mosaic, Byzantine, 508 512; glass, 430, 431 pebble, 306, 456 458 Moschi, 24, 128 Moscow Archaeological Soc., Publ. of, xxvii Mo-t'e (Mao-tun), 92 n. i Mother of Pearl, 271 Mother-goddess, 368, 619, cf. Cybele Motraye, A. De La, 566, 618
—
—
f.
321;
pots, 35'— 353. 35^ Moulds, for axes, 132, 245 f. 157; for terracottas, 364 367 ff. 265 267, 45411. 6 Mourier, J. de, Caucasus, 259 n. 4 Mourning, 87, 90, 91, 94, 464, 467, 472 Mouth, leaves upon, 420 422, 507 f. 339 Mozara, 409 n. 1 Mtskhet, glass from, 362 Mu, Emperor, 91 Much, M., 141
Moulded
—
—
Mud
volcanoes, 20, 22
Mugel, 610 Mules, 5 on K., 97, 98 n. 9 on Getae, 101 n. 3 Iranians in S. Russia, 37 ; denies that Cimmerii were in S. Russia, 41 Miiller, F. K. W., 100 Miillenhoff,
586: coins, 590,
:
Mixhellenes, 461 542 Moagerius, 610 Moduk (Mao-tun), 92 n. i Moeris, 548 Moesia, Lower, 446, 447-. 469. 470. 5^3—5^5, 534 "• 6; invaded by Rhoxolani, 121 Mogila (Mohila), 152 n. 2 Moldavia, 446 neolithic culture, 134
362, 420
—
336, 602, 603
fj.vd/ji(i)v,
;
—
BAE,
—
;
100;
— 603,
:
;
Miller, A. A., 567 Miller, Vs. Th., xxxi
601
coins of, 312, 595 sqq., 617 Mithridates Iberus, 597 Mithridates, Mt, 20, 195, 378, 390 n. i, 562 56611.343, 344, 588, 610 bowcase from, 67 f. 17; shenl, 340 f. 245
" Migration-style," 259, 387 Mikhailovo-Apostolovo, Raskopana Mogila, cauldron, p. 79, f. 21, 80, 290; Bahy barrow, hydria, 380 Milesian (v. Miletus) furniture, 331; gold- work, 287 Add. vases, 1^,33^1 339 and Add., 415, 439, 441, 453 Miletopolis, 451 n. i Miletus, alphabet, 361 colonies and factories, 24, 438 440, 447, 451, 458, 555, 569, 570; cults, 477 months, 447, 472; navigation, 438, 439; population mixed, 294 Milk, Mares', 49 Millefiori glass,
— 599,
:
Miiller,
Sophus, 262
;
n.
;
i
ll
—
1
1
hidex Miinkacsy, B. on Ufjrians, 107 n. _( Mural crown, 479, 544, 550, 606 Murcna, L., 587 Murom, I., palaeolithic Knds, 130 Murza Hck, 239 Muscle- markings, ic.i, 257 ff. 175 177, 265 n. 2. 267, 26S, 270—279 tt. 186, 188 192, 195 - 200, 20.5^ 205 Muscovy, 27, 104 Muses, 367, _^97, 627 Museums containing coins from S. Kussia, 661 containing otiier ohjects, xxxvi ; issuing puhlicalions, ,
—
—
—
;
xxviii
Music, 626 Musin-l'ushkin, Ct, 450, 456 Mutilation in mourning, 87, 90, 91, 94 Mutton-l)ones, 49, 80, \<)(ig Mycenaean, jewelry, .587; masks, x,i)o^ 422; survivals, 194, 260, 262, 26.5, 270, 294 w. }, fivKT]^, 70 Myres, J. L., on geography of Herodotus, 10, 28, 34; on Kurgan people, 145; on "twists," _^<)!; nn. 2, ^ Myrina, necropolis, 415; terra-coltas, 563 Myrmeciuni, III. 20, 194, 626, 628 Myrtle, does not grow at I'anticapaeuni, 5, 615 Mysteries, 619 Mytilene, 570, 576, 627
705
Neoptolemus
Achlllis, 285
f.
62 Nereids, on colhn, 325—328 ff. J35, 237, 238; cylix, 383; on teinple-oriinments, 291, 394, 426 f. 316; earrings, 195^88, 397; terracotta, 367 Nergal, 617 vnirrtpoi,
Nero, 523, 595, 596, 509—600, ')ii 318, 613 Nestor, I's.-, xxxi, 84 n. 2, 103 n. 1, 534—538 Nestorian diviners among Mongols, 86 Net- weights, 374, 415
vljaov, 6
Neumann,
champion of Mongolian theory of
K.,
—
Nicephorus ('—poliianus, 533 Niceratus, 473, 487 Niceratus I'apiae, 464 Nicodronius Dionysi, 462 n. 2, 465, 477, 4M0 Nicoldev, IX. 339, 444, 455 harboui, 4, 29 Nicolaevku, I.\. 454 ;
Nicolaevsk.ija,
244 f. 152, 282 Nicolaus Mysticus, 534
Nicomedes
and
II.
III.,
.^.^
Nagajka, borrowed from Tartars, 77 Nagy, G., on Scyths, 99 sword worship among Ugrians, explains Scythic godfuneral cerenv>nies, 91 71 names, 85, 86; oaths and divinations, 87 symbolism, Massagetae, in n. 95 Nagy Szent Miklos, treasure, 2S7 n. s Add., 282 n. 2, ;
;
;
;
;
,^
Naiads, 332 vaKbpot, 624 Names, Attic,
Caucasian
127; Dorian, 570; insc, 320, 471, recall Ossetian, 37, 100; Old Persian, 38, 127; little criterion of race, 40; Thracian, 38, 571 n. i, 604
560;
Gods', 85;
Iranian
in
(?),
Gk
Namuchus, 504
Nan
.Shan,
I.
1
Naracu
.stoma, IX. 12, 13 Nature-goddess, 218 Add., 368, 619
;
1
;
f. 106, 216, 217 f. 1 19 Neck-rings, 62, v. torques Necropolis, 4 14 sqq. 4^i^, ,
!;07
339,
^o8,
—
626,
Nedvigovka, IX. 21, 381, 566 569 f. 346, 620, Tanais Negro, 346, 381, 398, 399, 401 f. 294, 427 f. 318 v.
48
n.
;
I
and Add. 54O, 54 Norsemen, 536, 537 Novgorod, 538 Novgorod Seversk, I. 414 f. 301 Novikov, A. H., 560
vo/xoipiiXaKei,
Noviodunum
1
(Isakcha), I.X.
12,
125
—
— 144,
Novocherkdssk (IX.) treasure, 2jj Jj6 ff. 138 style of, 280 268, 273 282, 384, 409, 433 Novo-Mikhailovka, IX. 598 n. 4, 621 n. 17 Novopetrovka, 409 n.
—
;
1
Novorossijsk, n.
i
;
i
179,
—
Scythae, IX. 27 jKrliaps the same as 31 Royal Scyths, 31, i-, necessary conditions of, .// sqq. ; Nomads, 44 Add. Asiatic, Persian representations of, 58, 59 f. 1 2^ 61 ff. 13, 14; Chinese accounts of, 90 95; employ subject craftsmen, 252, 281 justice, 94; Siberian, 250 Nomenclature, double, 17; of N. .Asiatics confusing,
—
—
f.
n. 7
;
6,27
Nekrasovskaja, IX. 232 n. 4, 381 Nekyia, 437 Nelidov Coll., terra-cottas, 363 n. 9 sqq. Nemirov, IX. 441 n.
—
—
;
;
^06,
;
;
—
—
283, 298, 392
Neolithic fmds, ij2 sqq.
Neoptolemi turris, IX. 13, 14, 447, 596 Neoptolemus, 13, 447, 586, 587, 614
M.
;
Nomades
520 Necklaces, Greek, 384, 385, 393, 399 402 f. 294, 405 408 f. 295, 420, 426 431 ff. 318, 320, 321 centrepieces, 397, 398 in Scythic tombs, 63. 170, 179 f. 74, 202, 206, 208
170,
(v.
103
vavapxos, 614, v. Admiral Naucratis vases, 338 and Add., 339, 452 n. i vai'KKifpos, 464, 524, 624 Naiitchgirl, 335 vtaviaKapxt^, 623 Neapolis (Kermenchik?), 119 n. 5, 463, 476, 479, 518
types.
n. 3,
—
14 n. 3
Naparis, R., 28
Neo- Attic
cf. App. 214, 447 Chertomlyk), IX. 29, 152, 286 11. 1, 2S8 cuirass and brassarts, 74 Nicosthenes, cantharos by, 340 Niebuhr, 15. G., 33; makes Scyths Mongols, 98 n. 3 Niederle, L., xxxi, xxxii, 34; on liudini, etc., 105; on geography of Scythia, 34 sums up ethnology, on stone age, 130 n. Tripolje, 142 97 n. 2, 98 Nike, 171, 173, 195 f. 88, 210, 212 f. 113, 216, 218 f. 120, .S04. .?.^6, 340, 341 n. 3, 364, 36S n. 12, 374, 382, ¥r-' .V)7' 40' f- 294. 473—475' 544. 547. 5<'f^> 5«4 Nilometer, 386 n. 4 Nimrud Ivories, 263 Nine (magistrates), 461, 471, 474 Nineveh, 42, 115, 260, 263 n. 9 Niobe {?), 365 f. 265, 366 Niobids, on coffins, 321, 332 334 ff. 241 243, 363 n. I, 370 374 ff. 269, 270 Nogai, 95 Nogai Tartars, impotence among, 45 .split into tribes,
Nicopol
I.,
591
Nicomedia, 470 Niconia, IX.
Nabiani, 129 Nadezhdin, N.
.Scyths,
33, 40, 80 n. 7, 86, 97, 98 n. 6 Neuri, I., 27, 36, /oj 106, 124, 192 Nicaea, council, 610
jewelry,
386
I.X.
24,
216,
v.
Bata
Nugget, 64, 223
Nymphaeum
(Kltegen), III. 20, 458, j6o, ji'i/, ;;•. 574. 588, 591, 626—628: "bow, 66, 68; Panathenaic vase. 447, 626: 14 116, 265; bits, Tomb at, 208 f. 106, 210 215 76, 214 f. 115, 266, 268; coffin, 214 f. 115. 329; gem, 208 f. 116, 412; helmet, 379
—
ft'.
1
—
89
—
:
7o6
htfle.'X
Nyiiiphaeiuii, Ai Todor, 523 n. 7, 546
Onon
Nymphidius, 598
Onyx,
Nymph's
cave, 544, 546
;
head on
coin,
561
Oarus (Volga), I. 30, 104, 107: = Aiarus = Buzeo, 28 n. 3, 117 ceremonies,
Scythian,
&c.,
among Hiung-
87;
Chersonese, 516, 517 Pharnaces, 516 n. 6, 518, 590, 621 n. 16 Obidiaceni, 128 Obj, R. I., I4f, 239, 241, 244, 248, 253 Ochakov, IX. 453, 455, 481 ; bar at, 4; Alector, 15 Ochre, bones coloured with, 142 Octavian, 592, 593, v. Augustus Octavius, Fronto, S., 523 n. 6 Octomasades, 116; funeral of, 88 stone at, 7 ; Isiacorum Odessa, IX. harbour of, 4 Portus, 13, 14; Museum, xxxvi, 661; sculptures, nu, 93
citizens' at
;
;
;
&€.,
296
at,
n.
481; Society,
10,
xxviii
trade
;
of,
444 Odessus, I. 14, 464, 470, 482, 487, 627 Odobesco, A., 282 n. 2 Odysseus, v. Ulysses Odyssey, 18, 436, 437 Oechardes, R., I. 114 n. 3 Oenochoe, 355, 380, 381, 421 Oetosyrus (Goetosyrus), 8-;, 86 Bosporus,
Officials,
612
91, ——615
tUv, 543 oiKOVoixoi, evKVK\i(iiv, 613, 625
Oka
R.,
—
—
283,
284,
39,
iepwv, 613,
;
—
625
131
450
—
330, 331:
—
482 487, PI. II., III. 322 232 cults, 490, 631, shew bowcases, 66, axes, 72 diadems, 392 ff. 288, 289 Dio 475 482 and Add. at, 466 earrings, 395 Add., 396 f 290, 398 ff. 292, 293 eniblemata, 366, 385 excavations, 454 458 foreigners at, 470 founding, 439, 445, 458, 569 Getae destroy, loi, 123, 464 Goths take, 126, 470; houses at, 455 458 institutions, graffiti, 361 n. 1 471 475; Kelts threaten, 125; lions with tamgi, magistrates, 471—475 mask, 298, 316, 317 f. 227 390; mirror and mount, 266 and Add. Mithridates, necklace, 400, 463, 464, 586, 587; name, 451 n. i 406 pots, 339 sqq. and Add. restored, 466; Scilurus, 119, 463, 520; Scyles, 264, 458; site, 4, 15, 16, 28, tombs, 415 and Add. 421 ff. 302 309, 455; 453 1891 tomb, 354 356 f. 262, 383 f. 284, 406, 420, 421; trade, 31, 440 444, 465; tribes press, 118, 119, 447, 460; walls, 454, 461, 467 Olbiopolis, 451 n. 1 Olbiopolites, 447, 451 n. i dress of, 56, 467 Olbos, 476 Olgenfeld, double-looped axe, 72 Olgerd, 539 Olive, crown, 388, 389 f. 286 Oltus, read for Kleophrades, 340 n. 6 Olympia, griffins, 264; standards, 187 n. i Olympus, 516 * Omphale, 364, 365 f. 265, I. i '0/Ct]>/'aXaKou, 119 n. 5 f.
coins,
;
;
—
;
;
;
;
—
;
;
—
—
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
—
;
—
—
;
Onega
L., neolithic finds,
Onions, 49
;
;
;
;
132
—
8,
f.
9 214, 319, 625
Ossetes, 37, 232 Ossetia, 36; Ossetian names, 38, 39,
104,
320
107,
37 sacrifices,
86
Szony, cauldron, 80 n. 5
Otacilia, fif.
487; Spartocids, ^83
Ostrich, 173 Ostrogi, 105
amphorae, 360, 516; art products, 292 414; bottle, 409; buildings, 468; Chersonesan at, 421, 459; coffin,
Orthography, 301 Osiris, 381, 490
O
130, Olach Zsakoda, mirror from, 65 n. 5 Olbia, IX. 4_^o 48g ; view and plan,
119,
Ossowski, G., 177 sqq. Ostjaks, I. 107, 108; stuff horses, 91;
100
palaeolithic finds on,
I.
&:c.,
on Olbian grave, 420 Oriental taste, cf. Iranian, 387, 263 ; gems, 56, 410 412, V. Perso-Greek Oricus, 116 Orientation, churches, 509 ; house, 457 Origen, on Scythian pantheon, 8.5 Oriloche, 543 Orkhon, R., I., inscriptions from, 90
Ossi,
eirl
oibpirara,
603; Scilurus,
&c.,
—58.=;
Orsiloche, 543 nn. Orthia, 543
cf. dedications Byzantine, 541 543 ; 525, 601, 602
Roman, 446, 447, 469, 522 Ogtiz Barrow, IX. 152, ibg., lyo ff. 63, 64, 290, 291 n. 4, 403 n. 2 Ohnefalsch-Richter, M., 39J nn. 2, 3 Oil, 441 olKeiaKwv,
425 n. I Ophiussa, 14, 445 Opissas L., III. 23 Opoea, wife to Ariapithes and then Scyles, 95, 116 Opuk, IX., V. Cimmericum, 20, 621 Oracle, 464, 481 Orchamus Gorgippi, 573 n. 7, 583 Ordessus R. (Ardzhish), I. 28 Ordessus (town), 14 Orenljurg, I. 107, 173 Oreshnikov, A. V. (Or.), xxxii, 661 ; on coins of Asander, 593; Cercinitis, 491, 492; Mithridates,
dp(pavo
106, 425, ;
92
408, 414
Orontes Ababi, 469
;
Offerings, to the dead, 87
I.
173,
ottt;,
Oak-pattern, 385, 388
Oath,
R.,
470
Otarik, IX. 14 Otter, 5, 105 Ottorocorrhas, VI. 114 n. 3 Otiiz, IX. 19 Ovvvol, 122 n. 2 Ouvaroff, Ouvarov, v. Uvarov Ovid, 447, 464, 468; on lazyges,
121; on Leucon, 581 Owl, 208 f. 10^, 212 f. 113, 632 other nomads, 51 Ox, used by Scyths, 49 51 in Siberian art, 268; head, 217 f. 199, 372 f. 273, 398, 401 f. 294, 430; on coins, 486, 547, 548,
—
;
;
cf. bull 559, 629 bows at, 66 n. 10 gem, Oxford, armour at, 74 n. 6 412; jewelry, 395 nn. i, 7, 400 Oxiana, 92 Oxus (Kuei), I. 92, iii, 121; ran into Caspian, 31; = Araxes? 30, iii, 113 n. 3; Yue-chih upon, 92 Oxus Treasure, 2^4 2jy ff. 173 177, 265 n. 2, 269 271: armlets, &c., 254, 256 f. 177, style of, 63; deer, 256 f. 177, 268; griffin, 222, 256 f. 176; plaque with nomad, 58, 70, 86, 255 f. 174, 269; ring, ^55 '75 > sheath, Assyrian in style, 42, 70, 255 f- 173. 263, 271 o^vyoKa, 49 ;
;
—
;
—
'"•
|]5H,
PJ,
1^,
473- 477, 486 584,
585
584. 585
7raiSa7Ct)7/oi;,
Paerisades,
I,
6 ^Tri,
557,
613
571—573,
575, 577, 578, 583
—
—
hidex Paerisades Satyri, 579, 583 Paerisades II, 580, 581, 583 Paerisades Paerisades Paerisades Paerisades
581—583
III,
I'arsley,
n. 7,
583
—
—
4.U..5'?-/-J
5«.f).
«jri
tGiv,
Greek,
site,
Parutfno,
24
IX. 15, 453—456, v. Pasiadas Artemidori, 518, 545
on
stel.ie,
306
f.
219;
on walls of houses, 321 ff. 220 306, 457, 564, of tombs, 307 231, 423 IT. 312, wood, on 313; 305 Palacium, IX. 18 f. i, 518 520 Palacus, 119, 443, 463, 518 520, 582 212
textile,
f.
113, 335, },}fi\
—
—
—
—
Palaeography, 319, 320, 466, 507 Palaeolithic remains, ijo, ijr
Palamida, 6 Pa-li-feng, 96 Palisade, 454 Pallas,
V.
f.
339
Athena
on Chersonese, 494, 496, 521 n. i disea.se of Nogais, 45 n. 6 h'dinennya Ihxhy, 239 n. i ;
;
;
Kundure Tartars, 52
f.
7
;
Siberian Antt.,
289, 290, 299, 337
f.
i^->,
n.
i
244, 383, 384,
400—402, 457 Palms crossed, 320 Palmyra, sepulchral cave, 308 Ti\o
1
;
1
—
i
1
—
—
—
;
;
;
;
;
422-435. 610 Panticapes R., IX. W.a.vroKpa.TUp,
Patrocles, 10 Patzinacitae, v. Paulina, 298
11,
15,
17,
27,
2g, 569 n. 10
621, 622
Panxani, 1 29 Papadhimitriu, S. D., 452 Papaeus (Zeus), 85 and Add. Paphlagonia, 538, 627
,
522,
425
542, 547
n.
1
on Sarmatian armour,
;
— 549,
7?,
95
Parmenon, 4 14 n. 2 Paros, amphorae, 359, 441
23,
III.,
i
;
Pelice,
340, 350 f. 255, 351 n. i, 352 n. i, 430 435 n. Peloponnesian art, 377 Pelops and Ocnomaus, 204, 204 D f. 103, 350 Pendant, 64, 157, 232, 233 f. 138, 236, 280, 392—401, ff. 290, spear- and vase-drops, 399 292, 294 Peninsula, v. Chersonesus Pentelic marble, 296, 299, 300 f. 212 People (Demos), Agrippias Caesarea, 613; Chersonese, 516, 540; Gorgippia, 598 n. 7, 613; Olbia, 468, 471, 472; Tyras, 446 Pcparethus wine, 442 I'erckop, IX. 16; Isthmus of, 16, 27, 592; Gulf of, salt at, 440 29 Perepjatikha, IX. 151 Pereshchepina (near Poltava), plate from, 386 Add. Perga[mos], 412, 4 14 Pergamum, 518; barrows near, 435 n. i; Mithridates, Pella,
i
;
;
school of, 289, 297, 358 round church, 512 Pontic expedition, 447, 458, 561 Poiiti Eux. Anon., accuracy of, 10; date, 25
q.v.
Peri(tilts
;
— 457
among
Perjury
Perm,
I.
258
—
f.
72
;
of,
wapa^iXayadoi, 301 f. 214, 623, 624 Paris, 41 1 f. 298; judgement of, 204 204 B ff. 100, lot, .MOj 355. 420; meeting with Helen, 330 Parium, 295 Parker, E. H., on Nomad neighbours of China, 91
39; cui) from, 80
Peacocks, 310, 314, 315 ff. 224, 225, 319, 512 Pechenegs, 534, 538, 539; cut Magyars in two, 41; natural boundaries, 27 ; trade with Cherson, 40^, 538 Pechonkin, N. M., 495, 497 Pectoral, 207 f. 105, 213 f. 114, 236, 237 f. 145, 290 Pedagogues, 334 f. 243, 369, 613 Pegasus, 332, 393, 397 Peisker, J., on Scylhs, 44 Add. Peitho, 298 Pelamys, 6 Peleus and Thetis, 199 f. 92, 202, 291, 402
Pericles,
Paralatae, 43
f.
barrow at, 422 n 4; coflin, 329, 330; dancer vase, 346; embroidery, 336, stiengis, 392 n. 5 337 f. 244 shoe, 336 n.
Peribolos,
585
152
at,
81 ; single-looped axe, Pavloyskij ?"ort and Cape,
Peristyle, 455
isr
Pechenegs
6wri,
.87
Pallas, P. S.,
1
f. 117, 222, 230, 406-408 f. 295 Pa.>terskoje Gorodishche, IX. 441 n. 1 warrip irdXeus, 472, ^i^, 542 ; 6Sov, 623, 625 I'atraeus, III. 23, 561, 573
Pavlovka, twin-barrow
2,
226:
f.
122 Paste (gkiss), 215
27, 97
Palmelte, 265 n.
^16
"oibi.V
Pasiani,
Pausanias, on f.
14,
f.
;
594
180
Painting, inscrif)tions, 621 n. 5;
on
Parlhia, I. iji, 122 I'arthian, coins, 232, 254, dress on, 61 oaths, 87 ; trade, 569 ; war, 569,
612
I'agenstecher, R., 349 nn. 2, 3, ^i,}, n. 6 Pagrae (Geiendzhi'k), IX., harbour of, 4; Pail,
;
Parthiriia,
Philometor, 581 583, 621 the Last, 520, 582, 583 Last, coins of, 215, 405, 41011. i, 414, II 4^0 (for the dates deduced from most of these v. p.
IlatpitraSou,
crowns, 388 f. 285, 3(^0 87 19; churcli al, 513 n. 2," 604 n. 6 Parthenon, 544 Partlienium Cape, V'lII. 496 Parthenium, III. 20, 21 Parthenos, Athena, 195 f. 88, 296, 393, ^94 Chersonesan, 541—544, v. Maiden:' at Bosporus, 621 n. 14 I'arlenit,
580
Piytan[...],
Paerisa[de.s]
707
f.
from,
Permiaks,
252,
182; 105, I.
Scyth.s,
87 2^7, 2j8, 260 ; idols, 257 and Add., Scythic cauldron, 80 n. 5; silver-plate 257, 386, 105
441
104,
Pernice, E., on bits, 75 n. 4 Perrot, G., corn trade, 444, 574, 575 Persephone, head of in fre.sco, 307, 310
309 f. 220, 310, Chlhonia, 620 of,
Persepolis, reliefs at, 59
393, f.
12,
619; 60,
f.
221
;
terra-cottas,
112,
248,
254,
89—2
rape 367; 257
:
—
;
Inde,X
7o8 Perseus, 6o^, 603, 618 Persian, Old, names in Bosporan inscr., 38 bows, 66 Persian, art, v. Iranian, at Aix, 289 combat with nomads, 61 f. 13, Greeks, •286,
(piKoKUKxap,
;
287,
41 1 f. 298 dress on Gk vases, &c., 54 f. 8, 55, 164 f. 53, 286, 287, 343 f. 249, native reliefs, 58, 59 f. 12, 60, 61 f. 13, 254, 255 f. 174 gems and cylinders, 61 f. 13, 263, 410 412 f. 298, :
:
—
427
f.
596, 598 n. 7 592, 598 n. 7, 601 I'hilostratus Junior, 14, 626 n. 10 IMiIegon Trallianus, 493 n. 1, 524 n. J'hocas, S., 514 0(\opw/ia(os,
318:
jewelry, 254, 256, 271 f. 187, 272 ff. 188, 189, 404: Persians work for nomads, 252 weight-standard, 547, 548 Perso-Greek art, 210, 211 f. no, 222, 263, 265 n. 2, 410 412 f. 298, 427 f. 318, 428 Peter, S., Ch. at Cherson, 509 Peter the CIreat, 253 Petreny, 134 n. i, 140, 141 Petrie, W. M. Flinders, xxxvi f. o Add. to p. 44 :
—
605
(,
Phocylides, 467
Phoebus, 474 n.
476
3,
ir,
n.
577, 616
Phoenicians, 437, 444, 445, 490; weight-standard, 485, .S47, 548, 631 Phoenix brought to China, 280
Phormio, 442 Photius,
n.
534 624
533,
(pfioi'Tia'Trji,
I
Phrygian cap,
379, 412, 429; dress, 412, 414, 618; Mother, 619 Phtheirophagi (Caucasian), 24, 129 (pdttpoTpay^ovffi, Budini, 105 ovS,
411
55,
f.
298,
n. 7
533
Phulla, 533 I'huni (Huns!),
Petronas Cameterus, 533, 543 282 n. 2, 387 Petrus Patricius, 596, 597, 598, 601 Peuce Ins., IX. 12, 13, 120, 123, 124 Peuces Ostium, IX. 12, 13 Peucini, IX. 13, 120, 124
122 n. 2 Phylakopi, 141 Physce, IX. 14 Physical type, permanence of, 43 Scythian according to Hippocrates, 44 sqq. and Add. f. o Physician, 523 n. 2, 546
Peyssonel, commerce, 440, 444 212 i. 113, 336 Phaisparta, 320 Phahrae, 76, 155, 165, 168 ff. 57 59, 171, 173 n. 3, 210, 214 f irj, 215, 223, 378, 403, 426; developed
Piccard, R., draughtsman, 330 n. i, 382 Pick, B 448, 449, 484 Picks, 242 f. 150, 244, 247 f. i6r, 257
Petrossa,
;
*AIAPH,
—
into mirrors,
66
Phanagora.s,
570, 620, 629 Phanagoria (Sennaja), III. 22 24, 127, 128, 215, 430, 621, 626; 53^' 594> 596, 598, 612 614, 616 archons, 613 buildings at, barrows near, 43J 566; coins, 584, 628 632, restruck, 593; destruction, 6ro; earrings from, 396 f. 290; envoy of, 613 n. 12; independence of, 572, 589, 613; in.stitutions of, 613; Jews at, 622, 624; name and founding, 570; religious societies, 621, 624; revolt, 588, 589; statues from, 295; vases, 344 346 ff. 250,
— —
—
;
;
—
—
251 Phanagoria, Fort, III.
5,
566
Pilos,
V.,
172 n.
i,
—
;
;
—
:
—
—
Phaselis, 441, 470 Phasis, R. I., 587; eastern point of Euxine, 8, 9, 436;
Apollo at, 232 ; trade of, 443 Phauni, 122 Pherac, barrows near, 435 n. Phiale Mesoiiiphalos, 8r, 204 f. 99, 206, 209 f. 107, 221, 231 ff. 136, 137, 232, 383 Phidias, 296, 393 Phidonisi, IX. 14, v. Leuce iKa.y ado's, 301 f. 214, 623 625 Philhellene, 607 4>IAIAZ, 350 f. 256, 351 n. I, 361 Philip II of Macedon, 118, 123, 124; coinage of, 631, i
'
—
Pin, 57, 179, 191
401
Phili.scus,
296 n. 17
)•
294.,
6 eiri
TTivaKidos,
indication, 390 n. 6
92 n.
95
2,
83, 228, 242
f.
405. 43°. 431 rijs, 612, 613
f.
287 150,
f.
244
152, 398,
f.
321
f-
Pindar, 14 Piracy, 24,
loi, 232, 438, 439, 463, 579) 5*^*^> 592, 606, 614 Piraeus, inscr. from 571, 575, 577
480,
504,
575,
Piraeus (Amisus), 578 I.
622 512 policy
in
of,
Pisistratus Dadaci,
Euxine, 339, 442
473
Piskarev, 240 n. i Pit-grave, 415, 416 ff. 302 305, 421 Pithos, 360, 457 Pit-houses, 132', 137 f. 31, 452
—
Pitkia, 90 Pityus (Pitsunda), Placia, 18 f. I
24
I.
"Plain," Chersonesan, VIII. 517, 518 Plain, of Northern Asia, i Plain, South Russian, IX. i height of,
2 ; drainage, vegetation, 3 agriculture on, 2 Piano Carpini, J. de, 30 n. 3, 48, 84, 85, 114; French translation derived from Hakluyt, 89 n. 3 funerals of Tartars, 89, 90 Plans of, Chersonese, VII., p. 492, 505 f. 338, churches, Panticapaeum, 561 511 f. 340; Olbia, 450 f. 331 f. 344, bath at, 565 f. 345 Tanais, 568 f. 346 ;
2
;
;
;
;
;
Theodosia, 557
342
f.
:
Plans(*) and Sections(§) of Scythic tombs, &c., 148 f. *38, 152 f. *39, 156 f. 43, 170 ff. *63, §64, 174 f. *§70, 176 f. §71, 177 f- *72, 183 f. *76, 194 f. §87, 196 f. *§89, 213 f. *ii4, 225 f. *§i28, 227 f. 130, 229 f. 131 of Greek tombs, 416 421 ff. 302 311, 433 ff. 323, :
—
—
324 Plaque,
Philip the Arabian, 126, 470, 478; Philippopolis, 126
n. 2,
sword from, 70 n. 10 gold from Kerch, 58, 391
Pisistratids,
on Kelermes,
222 ; Majkop, 144 Add.; at Olbia, 454 458; on gold reliefs, 287 n. 3 and Add. Olbian necropolis, 415 420 Olbian Parthenos, 296 ; pots, 338 sqq. Pharmacovskij, M. V., 385 n. 2 Pharnaces I of Pontus, 516 n. 6, 518, 590 n. i Pharnaces (II) of Bosporus, 448, 585, 588 594, 604, 611, 613 coins, 448, 590 ,S92, 630, 632 Pharnaces Pliarnacis Amastrianus, 524 Pharnacus Pharnaci, 527 Pharsanzes, 527, 607 609, 611, 632 Pharzoeus, 119, 467, 469, 486, 487 B.
Pilin,
Piscina,
n. 3
90
Pigs, V. boar Pile-village, 578
Pirot,
22 n.
Phanomachus, 577 Pharmacov.skij,
,
Pioi-i-tieii,
v.
Plates
Plastic vases,
ff.
271
—
344 357 on coffins, 332
Plaster figures,
— 277
— 334
f.
243,
370
— 374
—
—
;
1
Index Plate, V. silver, found at Perm, 105, 257, 386 Plates (pla
iriTroi, ^^i.)
3'«. 433. 434 f- 325: bronze, 158 f. 45, 184 f. 77, 209 f. 109, 214 f. 115 in Scytiiic dress, 57, 58, 6j, 145, iji, 155 f. 42, ijj, 158 f. 45, 161, 169^62, 170, 176, 177, i78f. 7^, 179, 180, 182 f. 75 iis, 184 f. 77, 187, 191, 192 flf. 83, S4, 196, 197 f. 90, 204, 206, 208 f. 106, 210, 216, 217 f. 119, 223, 228, 229, 232, 235, 248, 254, 255 f. 174, 260, 265 269 ff. 183, 184, 283, 29r, 403; imitation, f-
—
223 dies
common 208
206,
tombs, 155, 158 f. 45, 169, 204, 106, 266, 425; style of, 291 ; cast not
to several
f.
stamped 428
fi-
f.
77,
271
—
185 282
'93—204
Silvanus (App. i), 447, 469, 523 round barrows, 151, 156, 420 Pliny the younger, 604 Plinth,
PtoshchAdha, 1 34 Plundering of Harrows, /jj, 154 (not Chertomlyk, 155 Add.), 157, 163, 167—170, 173, 182, 194, 195, 205, 206, 210, 222, 223—228, 241, 248, 250, 420, precautions against, 90, 227 421 Pluto or Plutodotas Chthonius, 620 Podbere/.skij, A., on earthworks, 146 PodgiSrnyj Post, 396 f. 290 Podolia, I. I, II, 27, 28: earthworks, 146; La Tene, 259; red skeletons in, 142; Scythic tombs in, 150; Milesian pots, 441 Tripolje areas in, 133, jiot from, 140 f. 34 n. ; Podshivalov, A. M., x.xxii, 609 Poet, stele of, 304; Bosporan, 626, 627; Chersonesan, ;
I
N. V., 320 n. 3, 512 Po-ku-tu-lu, 280; cauldrons, 80; calf's head vase, 81 I'oland, La Tene in, 259; palaeolithic, 130 Poland, F., 475 n. 5, 341, 620—625 TroXeiTopxi', 612, 613 Polemo I, 522, 590, 592 595, 611; destroys Tanais, 21, 567 Polemo II, 590, 595 597, 604, 611 Polemo Smyrnaeus, 626 Policemen, Scythian, 56 n. 4 Pollak, L., 386 n. 9 Polo, Marco, 48, 114; on Mongol burials, 88, 89; assimilation of Tartars, 95
—
—
Polovtses, V. Cumans Poltava, I., govt of, Byzantine plate from, 386 Add., earthworks, 146; Greek' pots from, 349; paleolithic
—
remains, 130; Scythic tombs in, 150, 175, iSo igi Tripolje areas, 133 Polyandr)' not among Scyths, 84 ; among Massagetae, 84, III ; among Tibetans, 84; Viie-chih, &c., 93, 1 10 Polybius, on alliance, 518; Kuxine trade, 440, 441 Polychrome, glass, 362 and Add. pots, 342 rt'. },•,•, 259 261 349, 353 ;
:
—
—
Polycrates, 295, 516, 545 Polygamy among Scyths, 84
Turks, 95 ; Polygnolus, 285 287 and Add. Polygonal wall, 455 I'olyphagi, 129 Pomashki, 192, mistake for Romashki, IX. Pompeii, mosaic of Issus, Persian costume,
I'orala,
l.\.
Prut
v.
27,
IIOPNAXO, 203
f. 98, 267 KopViKhv ri\o%, 525 Porphyrogenita, 537 Porringer, earthen, 351, 357; glass, 362; silver, 3«.^. 43' f- 32' Portages, 1
Portitsa,
^83—
1
20
III.
I.X.
12,
13 Porliails, coins, 448, 487, 585, 586, 592, 593,
616: (Thagimasadas), 85
595— 604
:
;
n.
1
Posterns, 500-505 ff. 334, 336, 338, 526 n. Polin, 632 Pots, Hyziintine, 357, 515:
jjS—jOi
Greek,
ff.
245—263
;
in
528
5,
Greek use
:
338 and .Add., 339 and Add., 370 n. 3 .Vdd 452 n. I, 515 Add., 564 n. 3 l''--fig-. Pontic, ^5, Ss 339. f'-'(^\ survivals, 347; f 9 f--fig-. 339—343. 347; severe, 3.W— 34' f"-'', 34' 343, 425. 429: polychrome, 342 355 distemper, xxxiii, 547, 548
,
:
.
:
—
i
—
;
349, 404, imitating metal, 350, 351, 430: head or animal shaped, 344 346 tT. 250, 251 Hellenistic, 351— 357; glazed," 354— 357: miniature, 370 n. 3 and Add., 428 (Jreek in .Scythian use,
—
statue,
:
:
180, 182, 210, 228, 232, 339, 348, 441 Ionian, '47. 339. 44'; bl.-fig. 147, 228, 232, 339, 348: dealers' names and graffiti, 361 ; Iriangle^, 350: ;
—
—
132 141 ff. 28 32, 34: rare with red skeletons, 142, 228: Scythic, S^ fi. 24, 25, 147, 228, 232, 269: Siberian, 244, 246 f. 159 Potter's wheel absent from Tripolje, 14 1 ; representeil, neolithic,
Praetor (Strategiis), 532, 533, Praetorium, 468, 504 irpayfiaras, 301 (. 214, 624 Praxidica Chthonia, 620
541—543
296, 465
295,
613
irpfffpuTefioi,
n. 12,
615
irdXtut,
541 n. 3 623, 625 n 16 ( Thiisus) Pre-Scythic remains, 130 148 Priapus, 396 f. 290, 398 Pridik, E. M., 330 n. 1 ; on Melgunov's Barrow, 172 n. I ; on stamps and graffiti, 359, 361 ; cf. 620 :
—
58 n. 4
77 wall paintings, 307, 309, 457
—
Pompey, 587 589 "Pontic" vases, 53, 55 Pontic um, 108, 109
n. 4 f
.
Priene, 307 n.
9
N. Cappadocia), 518
563, 582,
589,
619, 625; societies,
455, 456 482, 541, 544, 613, 616, 617, 5, 475 of Augusti, 598 n. 7, 620; in religious
3,
Priest, priestess,
— 521,
:
representations, 342, 364: on coins, 476, 602, 603, 629, 630 trident, 597, 633 Poseidonius, compares Cimmerii and Ciinbri, 40, 436" Poseidonius Olbiopolita, 447, 465 Posideus Dionysi, 462, 482 Posideus Posidei, 463, 476, 479 Post, swift, 600 Posta, B., on Scythic cauldrons, 80 n. 5 ; swords, 70
irpfffpeuTrji,
psalia,
593—595
73
Poppaea, 599, 622 n. 3 Poppy, 402, 429 f. 320
Praxiteles,
—
e.
;
f.
early,
546, 547 I'okrovskij, Prof.
(i
iSt \ axe, 72; bone armour scales, 74, f. 80; lK;ak-hcad, ib. bron/.e double-
I.X.
188 187, eagle, 178
sculpture, 296, 29K, 577, 605 Portus, v. Isiacorum, Istrianorum, Sindicus Poseidon, culls, 361 (?), 443, 476 and Add., 566, 604, 616, 623; 'A
Plato, 467 Plautius, Ti.,
Pontus
85 Add.
Popovka,
Porthniium
166 fT. 54, 53, 168 ff. 58—60, 184 78; Siberian, 251 f. 172, 253, 260,
harness, f.
709
301
—
f.
214, 623
— 625
—
3'
yio
Index 134 n.
Piiesterhiigel,
Quadriga, 218 f. 120 (.?), 347, 397, 401 f. 294 Quarantine Bay, Chersonese, VII., 497 499, 508 Quarantine, Old (Kerch), III. 20; road to, toiiibs on,
i
—
614
I'rinceps,
540 Procedure, legislative, Chersonese, 540, Tyras, 446 471, 472 rroconnesus, marble, 508, ,sro, 514 Procopius, 436 n. 3, 506, 610 Procopius, Pretender, 531
irpoa.iffv/j.vij)v,
541
;
Olbia,
irpbSiKoi,
541
;
540 Promantia, ii7
;
TTpocevxn^ 468, 481, 609, 625
622 615 n. 9
wpoaKapT^pTlffii,
11.
—
I
Prostas, 456, 457 526, 533, 541, 542 Prothesis, 5 1 Proto-Corinthian vases, 338 Protogenes Herosontis, coins, 459, 483, 485 corn, 443 ; 126, 259, crown, 388; inscr. (App. 7), 104, 118, 125 460 4hj\ offices, 471, 472, 474; walls, 454 TrpuTetiojv,
;
—
—
Protoka (N. mouth of Kuban), IX. 22, 437 543 UpuTos " Apxi^v, 507 f- 339. 526, 540, 541, 544 Protospatharius, 543 irpwToiroXiTTjs,
;
—
—
266
Radloff,
Dr
n.
r
n. 4
241—252
VV.,
Radlov, N., 338
626 n. 8 197 90, 203 f. 98, 208 f. 106, 222, 232 nn. 5, 6, ff. 238 237, 145, 146, 346, 402, 408, 429 f. 320: head, 399, 402, 427 f. 318; coin, 628 Rapson, E. J., on Kushanas, 47 n. 5, 92 n. 2 Rashid-ud-din, on burial of Chingiz, 89
Ram,
n. 6,
f.
— 13
lake, IX. 11 Ravenna, Byz. work
at,
510;
fleet,
II.
II.
II
and
n.
i
Red
skeletons, 142 f.
Reeds
— /4J,
131, 232 to fill ditch,
151,
152,
—
;
;
Relics,
530, 533, 534, 536 Reliquary, 512 Renaissance, plate, 385 frescoes, 307 Rennell's Scythia, 32, 33
11 n.
I.
Rhabbanae, VI. 114
v.
Sivash
Pylades, 381 Pyre, 425 Pyretus, IX. 27, v. Prut
,
45
560
Pyrrhus, 478 Pythian games, 517 Pythodoris, 590, 594, 595, 601 Pythodorus, 590, 594
;
woodwork, 335
Map
II.,
1
i,
30
;
n. 2
n. 3
87 Rhadampsadius, 527, 609, 611 Rhescuporis, Thracian name, 590, 604 86,
*Rhescuporis I,=Aspurgus, 600 Rhescuporis I (II), 590, 595, 596, 598 600, 604, 611, 632 Rhescuporis II (III), 280, 384, 434 f. 325, 604, 606, 607, 611, 612; inscription of with tatnga, 318 n. i; indication, 390 n. 7, 434 n. i coins, 633 Rhescuporis III, IV (?), 607 609, 611 Rhescuporis the Last, 527, 569, 609, 611; coin of with mark, 317 f. 227 Rhipaean Mountains, 11 n. i, 113 n. 3, 114 Rhodes, 459, 516 Rhodian, amphorae, 359, 360, 441, 516; coins, 516, types, 477; deities, 463, 476, 479; house, 456; school, 297 vases, 338 n. 8, 346 n. 10 Rhoemetalces, 524, 604, 605, 606, 611; coin in "catacomb," 319 Rhoemetalces I, II, of Thrace, 590, 604 Rhombites, Rivers Gt and Less, IX. fishing, 6, 2
—
;
3,
Pydna, 435 n. i Pygmies, 309, 357
llvppoi 'Eopvvd/xo,
(Volga),
Rhabdomancy,
:
7
229
519
;
:
533 n.
177, 223, 228,
Reef-knot, 388, 393, 399, 404—406, 430, 432 f. 322 Refuge camps, 52 n. 3, 147 Reinach, S., 150; Galop, 252, 262, 270 Reinach, Th., 518 n. 4, 586 sqq., 591 n. i Reindeer (Tarandus), 5, 105 n. 5, 206, 207 f. 105, 268 290, v. deer Reinecke, P., 246, 252, 259 n. i ; on mirrors, 65 n. i biinchiiki, 78 cauldrons, 79 ; rhyton, 81, 385 n. 3 Reineggs, J., on the Nogai, 45 n. 6 Religion, Scythian, 83, 86; v. cults, societies
Rha
Scythia et Serica, Map VI., 114 and n. 3 Issedones, 108, no; Environs of Chersonese, 498 n. Ptolemy Philopator, 626 Ptolemy K. of Mauretania, 599 n. 7 Purple, 161 Putrid Sea, IX.
523
Raskopana Mogila, 79 f. 21, 290 Rawlinson, on Scythia, 32, 33; Darius, 117 Rayed dishes, 204 f. 99, 213 f. 114, 215, 265
Rep, 336 Repnikov, N. I., Goths at Gurzuf, 127 n. 2, 282 n. 2 Restruck coins, -548, 549, 593, 630 Revenue, Bosporan, 579, 586 Chersonesan, 525, 538 Olbian, 474
off Scyths, 42 579 n. i 128, 576, 577 Pseudostoma, IX. 13, 14 Psiax, vase-painter, 340 Psilon stoma, IX. 13 Psoas R., 579 Psyche, 367 Ptolemy, CI., Sarmatia Europaea et Asiatica,
Psathis R.,
irvppof,
382
B.,
Radde, G,, 259
;
Psalm xc, 320 Psammetichus, buys
Pul,
Rackham,
Rasim
Protothyes, 42, 116 Prow on coins, 549, 593, 628, 630 7rp6| (deer with palmate antlers), 286 f. 207, 290 Proxeny, 459, 462, 472, 516, 517, 522, 524, 578, 580 Prudery of Scythians, 284 Pmmts padiis, 109 Prusias I, 518, 58s Prusias II, 581 n. 8, 585 Prusias ad Hypium, 607 Prusisk, Waites, 98 n. i Prussy, IX., mirror from, 66; 191 f. 83, 266; quiver, sword from, 70 283 Prut (Porata, Pyretus), IX. 27, 28 Prytaneis, 540 Prytaneum (?), Olbia, 294, 455 458 Prytanis Paerisadis, 572, 578 580, 583 Psalia (cheek-pieces, v. bits), 75 y-j, 147 ; bronze, 177, 178 f- 73' 182, 191 f. 83, 206, 210, 214 f. 115, 229, 231 f. 1^5; bone, 188, 189 ff. 80, 81; style of,
p.
384. 396, 410. 433
379.
Querns, 132, 134 Quincey, T. de, 107 n. 6 Quiver, Scythic, 66—68, 157, 161, 165, 175, 176, 181 f. 75, usually combined with bow182, 226, 283 case to make gorytus (q.v.), 66 separate among Persians, 61 f. 15, Hiung-nu, Manchu, 66, 67; Mongols, 68 tips(?) from VII. Bros., 67, 209 211 ff. 108, in, 112, 114; Karagodeuashkh, 219 f. 123, 221
irpdfSpoi,
TTpocroSiKis,
346, 351,
Quay, 504
;
Psessi,
1
:
—
;
— 604
i
5
:
71(1 (lex I71
711
t
Klioxolani
(Klicuxinali,
Kliyton, 81, f.
196,
319 4.U f-
114,
.?**?.
Kiazan,
11.
I.\.
2),
197
f.
121,
f.
90, 221, n.
567
.^2-;,
;
11.
5,
1
;o,
306, 2fo, 211 f. 110, 21,5 222, 265, 290, 346, 3S3, 3; sacred, 218 Add.
Volkovlsy
and
Axjutintsy,
Ricardus Anfjlus, 539 n. 4 Richthofen, Kr. von, Scrica, 114 n. Rider-god, 318 Add., 478, 546 Ridgeway, W., Cimmerians, 436 (ietae,
loi
5
Sc.
;
horses,
49
;
n. 4
— 283,
373, 281
289
—
n.
3,
—
;
Scylhic lomhs, 64, 157, i6f, 179,- 208 f. 106, 216, f. 175, 391 218 Add., 41 1 f. 298 Rivers, banks of, high and low, 2 bend of, 2 deified, diminution of, 2 eight 447, 476, 478, 479, 485 main r. identified, 2j s()q. ; limans of, 2 (lowing Maeotis, names into of, Ossetian, Turkish and 30 ; in
254, 355 Ritual scenes,
;
;
;
;
;
others, 38 '285, Robert,
I'h., 491, 493 coins of, 513 (miswritten Pomashki),
I.,
Romashki Rome, and Bosporus, 588
— 609,
— 526, 540: Mithridates,
Euxine, 444 ; and Olbia, 467 470
—
I'hanagoria,
f.
301
:
glass,
and Pharnaces,
,^89:
Scythia, 149, 187, 232, 187, style of, 550; gems, pots, 350, 353 wall paint-
into
444; coins, ;
— 589
:
;
^62
;
;
307, 314:
ings,
—
Kniperor, Empress, q.v., portraits of, 595 602 ; titles conferred by, 608 n. 7, 609, 614; fleet, 523, 525, 587 589, 598; knight, 608 n. 7; posts,
—
600
370,
470,
523,
526,
525,
597,
598,
approach Tanais, 598 Bosporans armed as, 614 614; tombstones, 305; wrecked off Taurica, 598: Topes, S. Clement, 530, ^^}„ 534; Martin, 440, 532 Romny (district of), IX. .Scythic tombs in, 180 193 earrings, iQr f. 83, 395 ;- earthworks in, 146 n. 4 iron axe from, 72; mirror, model axe and beakhead, 178 f. 73, 266 and Add., 378; sheath, 71, 186 f. 79 .standards, 186 f. 79; tusk, engraved, 188 f. 80 Rosen, Haron V. R., 535 n. i Rosenberg, M., 2-;7 n. i, 386 n. 6 Rose pattern, 31.;— 321 ff. 22.;, 227, 229 231 Rostislav Vladimirovich, 539 Ro.st6v, IX. 621 n. 13 Rostovtsev, M. I., on draughtsmen, },},•. frescoes, xxxii, 308 sqq., 606 n. 10 chthonian goddess, 606 n. 10, 619, 620; kingly power and Karagodeuashkh, 218 Add.; Mithridates, 464; Roman soldiers, Aj Todor, 536; Theonas, 523, Bosporus, 614, Chersonese, 523 504 n. 8, 531 Rouge, 232, 415, 430, 434 Roundel, 195 f. 88, 217 f. 119, 230, 40^ 40J f. 295, 420, 4.?o— 433 f. 321 beast, 214 f. 115, 215, 223 f. 126, 224, 230 f. 132, ;
;
—
Kuxine c<>a.st.s, 126; 116 n. 3; weights, xxiii Rustication, 194 f. 86, 430, 499; 220. 222, 223
sham,
509-
(i 5,
fl'.
Kutkha, 260
—
Kyzhanovka
Barrow, I.\. 170, 174 f. 70, ijj 180 269 bracelets, 63, 382; cup, 81, 180, 287, x,'i^x,\ earrings, 62, 178 f. 73, 266, 397; frontlet and temple-ornaments, 62, 393; Greek pottery, 82 n. 4 necklace, 63, 179 f. 74, 291, 400; rings, 64; set with coins, tiara, 170, 179, 283; dancers 64, 291; stone, ib. upon, 61, 283 Rzhishchev, IX. areas, 140; figurine, M9 f. 55; pottery, T-
7.?.
138
74.
:
f.
32 2,
289
635
n. 3,
Sabbion, 627 2a)Sia, 451 n. Sal)re, 248 Sacae (Saka, Sai, Sek), I. 30 n. 5, 44 Add. f. o, 57, 59 f. 12, 60, 61, 92, 100, 112, 121, 122, 140: not the .Scyths who invaded Media in VII. c. H.C. wore goryti, 67 carried s.igaris, 72 42 Saka Tigrakhauda, Ilumavarka, tar.ndaraya, 113 Sacaea, 1 1 ;
:
;
—
;
;
—
—
:
232 n. 6
Royal Barrow (Kerch), 194 ff. 86, 87, 294; stelae in, 305 Royal Sarmatae, 120, 121 Royal Scyths =Noaiades?), IX. 27 31, v. Scyths
—
:
;
Sacarauli,
122
Sacrifices, in Altai, 92, 251 ;
f.
among Massagetae,
172;
among
Scythians, 85 463, 474, 475 (Ostium, I.\. 12, 13
to .Ares,
;
86
:
fees for,
Sacrum Saddle,
.Scythic,
.Silierian,
:
;
(
Scythians, 46, 98; at Theo«losia, 559;
like
raid the
86 364,
|)easanls
;
swords,
:
soldiers,
xxiii
i
589, 613;
—
414
587
:
Tyras, 446 448 281 exports .?8i,
—
measures,
Sabatier, J., 204 n. Sabazius, 622. 623
:
273t
neolithic culture,
;
Russia, civilized through Cherson, 494, 514, j;3S Russian Archaeological, C'ongresses, list of^ xxvii; Soc. Publication.; of, xxvii Russian, Russians, alphabet, xxi ; baths, 84; called Scythians, 119; at Chersonese, 494, 533 539;
IX. 192 627; controls mint,
595, 601, 602, 633 Chersonese, 518, 521
of,
31
;
Ronianchenko, N.
art
27,
586
xxxii,
;
286 C, Rock-carvings, 246, 250
and and and and and
10 pari of Scythia, I
Kumjantsev Mus., Runic inscr., 453
383, 404, 506 n. 9 Rings (finger), Greek, 368 n. 12, 384, 385, 401 f. 294, 414 f. 298, 426 434 ff. .5(8, 321, 325; 405, 410 bronze, 382 iron, 430
Romanus
;
Tebet,
^14,
77
f.
Kami, III. 23 Kubruck, W. de (Ruliru(|uis), 45, 48, 114; icck S. Clement's church, 513; Cumanian funcraU, 89, 240; Tartar tents and waggons, ji customs of Ruliiin's
Rumania, from
I\il)l)on-armlc'ts
Riegl, A.,
11
104
I.
184
131
— 530
518
121,
277
75,
— 279
161 ff.
f.
48,
167,
204 D
f.
103;
201-204
.Sadowski, J. N., 440, 444, 484 .Sadyattes, 42 .Safai^i'k, P. J., xxxii, 103 n. 5 .Sagaris,
72 Sai (Saka), 92, Saii,
i3i
119, 461
St Germain Museum, 259 n. 4 St (jcorge mouth of Danube, IX. 1 13 Saitapharnes, 460, 461, 473; tiara of, 284 Sajansk, 244 f. 152, 282 Saka, 112, V. Sacae Sakunka, 57, 59 f. 12, 60, 112 Salamatino (Saratov), I. 173 n. 4 ; neck-hoops, 63 Salglr R., IX. 17; iron axe from, 72; torque, 1
—
289 ; whetstone, 73, 289 Salin, B., on fibula, 259 Sallet, A. von, 480, 553, 637;
63,
on APIXO, 4S ;. 4S4 Spartocus. 586 Asander, 593 n. Salonina, indication, 390 n. 6 Salt, on the Steppe, 3, 7; at mouth of Dnepr, 7. 534; trade in, 440 Saltpetre from graves, 147 Samara (govt), I. 104, 113 n. 3, 173; swords from, ;
t
;
70
Samira
(river,
Gerrhus?),
I.X.
30
—
—
:
Index
712
Sceptre, 218 Add., 384, 434
Samas-iddin, 410
Samian vases, 338, 339 terra sigillata, 353 on red skeletons, Samokvasov, D. J., xxxii, 98 n. 2 ;
;
(JK-r)1TT0VX0L,
Schiefner, n.
'45
460
A.,
Mongolian etymologies,
refutes
40,
98
7
Samos, coins of, 630, 632 Samothrace, 478 Samoyeds, 106; name, 104
Schlangenwcili, Schmidt, H.,
San, 617 SandaUhsathra, 42 Sanerges, 617 Sannigae, 24 Sapphire, 407 f. 295 Saraj, I. 524 n. 7
Schmidt, W. A. S., Schnurkeramik, 132 School, 613 o'xoii'iaia, 461 Schreiber, Th., 397 n. 7, 404, 406 n. 2 Schubin, coins from, 440, 484 Schulz, D., excavates Kelermes, 71, 222 Schlirer, E., 620 n. 5, 622 Schwartz, A. N., on metal reliefs, 284 n. 4, 394; on glazed jug, 354 n. i Scilurus, 7/9, 443, 463, 491, 501, 518: advice to his sons, 95 rules Tauri, loi coins of, 119, 448, 486, 48^^ 492; with waggon, 50
5
;
wood,
v.
coffin
Sardis, barrows near, 435 n. i Sardonyx, 411 f. 298, 431 f. 321
Sarepta,
I.
524
119,
123,
—
;
;
45, 106; women's freedom, 39, 84, 106: history, fiist seat of, 106; western movement,
117 threaten of holds Alector, 455 Mithridates, 586; on Theiss, t2i,
121 ; Queen Scyths, 115;
;
124:
armour, 74, 187; spears, 68; swords, 70 acSarmatia, according to Ptolemy Map II., p. 11 cording to Strabo, IX. 120 Sarmaticae Portae, 1 1 n. i gear, art, 281;
;
C, IX. L.,
19 I.
31
Sassanian, ivory, 335; kingship, 218 Add.; plate, 254, 386 and Add., from Perm, 105, 2JJ, 441 aa(TTr)p,
516
Sasyk, L., IX. 13, 17 Satarchae, 127, 463 Satyr, 341 f. 247, 381, 385, 386; playing flute, 320; pan-pipes, 424 f. 314; heads, 209 f. 107, 360, 364, cf.
Pan
on
:
—
Scopasis, .Sc. king, 116 Scopuli, 14 Scordisci, 126 Scostoces, 123, 487 Scribonius, 590, 592 594, 61 r Sculpture, 292 f. 208, 2g^ joj Sciimbria^ 6 Scylax, Periplus ascribed to, date, 25, 118 Scyles, 1 16, 458, 478, 484 attracted by Greece, 84, 90, 206 marriage, 84, 95 death, 84 ; palace, 264, 298
—
—
Satyrus Heracis, 524 Sauagas, 320 Saucepan, 165, 378, 381 Saucer, 383, 385, 430, 433 Saudaratae, 119, 461; name, 104 .Saulius, Sc. king, 116 Saumacus, 520, 582
Sauromatae, v. Sarmatae Sauromates as proper name, 118 Sauromates I, 569, 590, 599, 604, 611; coins, 320, 604, 611, 632 Sauromates II, 120, 605, 606, 611, 612, 617, 624, 625; coins, 368, 606, 608, 611, 616, 632, 633; indications, 385, 390; tatiiga, 318 n. i, 614 n. 2 Sauromates III, 607, 611, 632 Sauromates IV, 608, 609, 611 Sauromatus, 526, 527, 604, 608 Scale-armour, v. armour Scalps, 83, 223 f. 126 Scarab, 298 Add., 452 n. Scarabeoid, 412
i
— :
;
;
Scylla, 378, 379, 393 .Scymnus, Periplus ascribed to, date, 25 Scyphus, 221 Scyros, 285, 358 Scythae Amyrgii, 112 Scythae Metoeci, I. loj, 108 Scythae Satarchae, 127 Scythe, 242 f. 150, 244, 246, 247 f. 162 Scythes, eponymous hero, 43 figure labelled, 54 f. 8, 55 Scythia, Maps I. IV. V. IX.: :
Archaeology, 130—260: Ethnology, .35 114 Geography, bibliography, coast-line,
I, 561, 571 575, 583; besieges Theodosia, 555, 556, 574; monument of, 23, 561; stamp, 360 Satyrus II, 572, 578—580, 583
Satyrus
;
;
Sarmatae (Sauromatae, Sarmatians v. 118), I., IX. 27, 121, 232, 236, 518 520: 106, 113 n. 3, /// but under race, iS:c., Iranian like the Alans, 37 bowlegged, 47; language, 37; Altaic leaders, 119 interpreter for, 613 n. 12, 614; mixed with Bastarnae, 125; in Caucasus, 127; hard to distinguish from Maeotae, 127; classed by Hippocr. as Scythians,
Sarych
41
124 126, 461 Scoloti, 43, 112 n. I not the same as royal Scyths, 44 Scopas, 61, 179, 296, 328, 394, 428 Sciri,
448, 487
Sarkel, 533
Sarykamysh
Cimmerians Thracian, 134 n. i, 141 n. i on Kelts at Olbia, 125
;
n. 7
Sarias, coins of,
54
f.
neolithic pottery,
Sarapis, 310, 446, 468 Add., 602, 603, 606 n. 10, 618 Saratov, I. 104, 113 n. 3, 173 Saraucae, 122 n. i Sarcophagus, stone, 298, 433; painted, 315, 322, 331 n.
166
makes
—
— 9 — 25
:
;
33, 34 ; boundaries, 27 ; interior according to Herodotus,
—
26 34, Map V. physical, i 7; square. Map IV., according to Krechetov, 32 f 3 History, 115 127; invasions, of Darius, 116, from E., 117, from W., 122 Scythia Asiatica, VI. 114, 118 Scythia Parva, ri8 Scythian used geographically = belonging to Scythia or Scythians, passim; used loosely =Scythic when no certain distinction can be drawn, passim market in view of Greek traders, 287 but see Add., supplied with ready-made goods, 291 Scythians, i.e. men of Scythia whatever their race or culture, 35; even in late times, 98, 118; bibliography of, 98 100: allies of Assyria against early empire in Asia, 36 Medes and Egypt, 42 ; in Hebrew prophets, at Ascalon and Beth-Shean, 42 legends of origins, 43, 44 : 58 ff. 8 figures of in Greek art, 53 10; from Memphis, 44 Add. f. o often uncertain, 56, 286 ff. from art, 61 Scythia in Persian 12, 13 59 mostly Greek, 158 f. 45, 161, 162 ff. 48, 49, 169 f. 62, 182 f. 75 bis, 197 f. 90, 201 f. 94, 202 204 ff. 97 99, 284, 288 ; in lead, 374 ;
.
—
:
—
;
:
—
—
—
;
;
;
—
—
:
—
:
:
Index Scythians (conid) Miiliridatcs and, 586, 5S8 prudery of. ^84; relations with Greeks, 439 slaves, 440 vej;elariaiis, Add. wars with Bosporus, 44 577, 606 Scythic (Sc), used ethiiolojjieally^ljclonging to Scyths proper (<|.v.), 35 s(|q. used archaeolof;ically = belonging to specifie art or culture of which the Scyths weie representatives, art, 152, 260 50 Sf|C|. 264, 266 37/ and Add., 2S0 sSj;, 287; gem, 411 f. 298 Sc. things found in camps and majdans, 147 with red skeletons, in Greek tombs, 208 145; 2 [4 106, 114— iifi, 266 Add. 427 f. 318, 428; near Tanais, 567 Sc. tombs, 87, r4g 2j3\ geographical distribution, 150; classification, 151; poor class, 151, 152; big barrows, 152 173; transition to Slavonic, 192: Sc. analogues in Siberia, 241 i-^},\ Iran, 254 257; Urals, 257— 25.S; Caucasus, 259 260 Scythopolis (Heth-Shean), 42, 99 n. 10 Scythotauri (Tauroscythae), ix, 19, loi, 119, 127, 469 Scyths, in Herodotus a definite tribe or those subject to it, 3,s ; or else generally = Scythians or any ;
;
;
;
:
—
—
;
—
;
tl'.
—
;
—
:
—
—
—
barbarian,
north-eastern
35
;
indiscriminate
later
use, 35, 118, 119, =Goths, ;26, 608: their arms, 66 art, 281 ; baths, 84; dress, 53 ; gods, 85 and Add. ; food, 48 ; gear, 50 ; burials, 87 ; ;
vessels,
customs, land,
I
79 47
—
language,
war, 83
;
— 88
26
7,
39
;
— 34
women, 84 in
:
N.
89
Asia,
— 97
;
:
legends,
;
;
paralleled
43
;
physical
characteristics,
skulls, 47, 145 n. 5 44 and Add. 1 1 invaded 115; driven out of Asia, by Darius, 116, 117; royal house of, 116; decline of, 115, 117; Athcas K. of, 118; Scilurus, 119, 520; later kings, 117 r20: 463, 496, 518 threaten Olbia, 459 461, 464, 467, 468; Chersonese, 496. 497. 518—523; Bosporus, 574, 577: :
;
history of,
1
—
;
—
—
coins of kings, 448, 486, 487, 492 Sea-eagle, 484, 485 Sealing decrees, 446, 541 Seals, Byzantine, •;4(, 543
Seaweed
in
barrows, 194
(TepaffTdyvdXFTOs, 469, £r«/36ytif<'ot,
{ypafifiaTeijs), Bosporus, 612, 613; Chersonese, 640; society, 623, 624; Olbia, 472 Tyras, 446, 472 Sections of Scythic tombs, v. plans ;
Seebohm, II., 261 Sek (Saka), I. 92, 121 Se-kin Khan, his complexion, 93 ciiriilis,
599 Semandrus, 570 Senate (Boule), Agrippias Caesarea, 613; Chersonese, 516, 517, ;2o, 540; Olbia, 468, 471, 472; Roman, Tyras, 446 468 Add., 522 Sennaja (I'hanagoria) III. 22, 566 Senty, church at, 513 n. 2 Sera Metropolis, I. 114 n. 3 ;
Serbia, neolithic pottery, 134 Serdica, I. 622 Serebrjanka, R., IX. 174 f. 70, JJJ Seres, Serica of Ptolemy, I. iii, /14 n. .Serogozy, IX. 169 ;
coffin,
;
M.
—
;
beast-style, 210; cylices, 206, 210, 330, 3H1, 3H3 ; deer, 207 f. 105; earring, 208 f. 106, 395; gem, jo8 f. 106, 265, 413; ewers, 3S1; gorget, 213 f. 114, 265;
Hermes, 378; horse tombs, 20^1, 210, 213 f. 114; necklaces, 206, 208 f. 106 pectoral, 73, 207 f. 105, 290; />/ii(i/r- iiu!omf
—
Seven Tongues, 109 Severus, Alexander, 448, 449, Severus, Septimius, 446, 468, ,Shah-poh-lioh Khan, 95 Shakhmatov, A. A., i.},^ n. 1, Shaman idols, 257 and Add., Sha-mo, I. 113 Shan-si, I. 113 Shan-yii (Zenghi), 92 Shan Zluing, 91 Shcherbanevka, area, 133 pottery, 135 f. 29
f.
468 and Add., 469, 486 469, 486, 633
536 258
28;
f.
182
136
figurines,
30;
f.
Sheaths, Persian, 59 f. 12 of Scythic daggers, 6X—yj, 164 f. 53, 165, 171 IT. 6:; 67, 202, 203 f. 98, 221, 222, 236, 239 f. 147, 254, 25-; f. 173; from Romny, 186 f. 79; Tanais, 270 f. 186, 567; Tomakovka ami Vetlersfelde, 71, 158 f. 45, 236,' 265 ;
Sheep, 49,
182, 210; Shell, 64, 399 Shen-si, I. funeral at,
cf.
—
mutton
89
Shen-tu, misreading for V'en-tu (India), 121 n. 8 Shestakov, S. P., xxxii, 530 s<|(i. Shield, 7J, 221 ; boss, 386; oval, 56 f. 10, 506 n. 9, 507 f- .^.39; shewn, 200 f. 93, 317 f. 227 ornaments, 203 f. 98, 222, 226 f. 129 Shih-ki, 121 n. 8, 129 n. 4 Shimardan Cove, III. 22 Ship-master, 464, 524, 624 Shoe, 336 n. i; -sole as ring-bezel, 405, 430, 431 f. 321
328, 329
f.
I.
175,
177,
Shuckburgh, E.
S.,
Si-'an-fu,
—
348 34
14 n. 3 173, 240 1
— —
282: Siberia, 2js, 254, 261 axes, 243—245 fif. 151 158; bottle, 409 n. r ; "cash" knife, 242 f. 150, 245 ff. 153 155, 247 ff. 164, 165; cauldrons, 80, 244; copper and bronze age, 241
248;
daggers,
-SJi
-T — -^-
248
2-;3;
—
—
249 ^-
ff.
^^^
169
— 171;
— ^"4
masks, 390
''"''
122
240
—
gold work from,
Add.
—
style of, 182, 187, 224, 230, 232 236, 241 254, 257, 261, 262, 264, 266, 267 :
—
iron
;
— 253
tombs, 241 253; .shewing burning, 94 travellers in, 253 n. towns, 105 Sibirskij, Pr. A. A., xxxiii, 583 585, 591 Sicily, tond)-paintings, 316; vases exported coffins mask, from, 322; Sidon, 390 n. 13 Sidones, 20
n.
age, 172,
f.
3,
252;
1
—
3,
1
n. 13:
;
Siberian art, 268, 275 f. 195, 277 f. 200 Servants, of Sc. King not bought slaves, 88 ; buried with him, 63, 88, i53sq(i., 226; among Tartars, 89, 90 Sesklo, 134 n. i Sesostris conquered Scythians, 36 Sevastopol, IX. built out of Cherson, 494; coin find, siege of, 495, 497 548 ; harbour of, 4 in
<
Shjxila,
Seleucus(?) of Bosporus, 571, 572
Serpent Barrow, III. Serpents, v. snakes
Seven (magistrates), 463, 471, 474; on oin^, 474, 476 n. 10, 486 Seven Brothers Barrows, W. joiy j/4 t(. 105--115, 265, 266; plans, 113 f. 1(4: anilier, 206; Apollo, 381 armour, 73, 74, 106, 210;
;
608, 609
622
Secretary
Sc//a
7U
n. 4 to,
341
1
Sieg, K., and Siegling, \V., 100 Siege- tactics, 497, 499 Sien-pi, E. Mongols, 91 ; assimilate 92, 1 14 n. 3, Siglijorn, 536
1
Hun^,
4.S
22
Sigma-shaped bows, 66 Sigtuna.
538 Sigynnae, I. i02\
horses
of,
49
90
n.
1,
—
:
hidex
714 Silenus, 346, 355, 358 Silk, 336, 538
Silphium, 343 f. 249 Silver, not used by Scyths (Her.), 88; but found in Sc. tombs, 155, 161, 167, 168 Add., 172, 177, 179, 180, 196 sqq., 206, 210, 216 232, 269, 288, 382, 383; only in later Siberian, 250: Clips shaped like Kul Oba vase, 180, 186 f. 79, 197 f. 90, 198 f. 91, 200 f. 93 and Add., 287, 288, 383 Greek, jSa j86, 430 early and oriental, 382, 383 434 ff. 321, 325; Byzantine, 386 and Add.; Sas-
—
:
—
;
sanian, 105, 257 Sinnirg, 280
—
593
under Cimmerians, 42, 115; tile from, 360 n. 2; founding of, 439; of, siege Sarapis, 603 464, 587 coins, 516; reslruck, 593, 630; types of, 360, 477, 484, 630 Sinopeus, 573 Sipylene, Mater, 516 n. 6 Siraci, IX. 120, 128, 597, 598, 606 Siren, 331, 346, 348 n. i, 373 f. 276, 380, 381, 396 f. 290, 397. 424/- 314 Si rot hi a Mogila, 152 Sistan, 112, 113 n. 3 Sitalces, 86
amphorae,
360
fishing
;
at,
6
;
:
;
128
Sittaceni,
Sivash, IX. 3, 16, 17 Siverskaja, IX. 215, 362, 403; Six-month Sleepers, 109 Sizyges, I. 114 n. 3
coins, 584,
Skadovskij, G. L., at Berezan, 338, 452 n. lithic finds, 131 n. 4 Skeletons, dancing, 355, 356 f. 262 foes,
585
i
palaeo-
;
83, 93
—
V. v., xxxiii Hygiaenon, 581, 583 586; letters, 466; Nymphaeum, 560, 561; tamgi, 318 tiles, 573, 580 n. I
Skorpil,
;
;
Skrine, F.
H., 92 n.
2
Skubetov, M. I., 498 n. 2, 502 n. 10 Sk'udra, 112 n. Skulls, from Chertomlyk, 46 from Smela, 47 deformed, 47 n. 4 Finnish, 47 red skeleton and i
:
;
;
;
Scythian,
145 n. 5 ; of Slavs, 47, 145 n. 5 wanting, 173 n. 6; extra, 175: among Hiung-nu, 92, 93; cups, 81, 83 f. 26; Tibetans and Issedones, 1 10 '^KvQoTavpwv XifiTiu, IX. 19 Slaves, buried vi'ith master, 88, 89 ditch of, 31 ; among Scythians, 84 trade in, 438, 440 Slavonic inscr. Cherson, 514 Slavs, 35, 36, 124; supposed to be kin to Scyths, 98; alphabet, 533; brachycephaly of modern, 47, 145 descendants of Neuri, 102 ; firk seat of, 103; n. 5 missions to, 533; transition to graves of, 192 ;
;
;
;
Sling-stones, 73 Slip-ware, 357 f. 263, 568
;
;
;
;
:
;
;
;
;
Sogdi, dress of, 61 Sogdiana, I. 92 name, 39 Sogus, 608, 609, 625 Soldaia = Sudak, 558 ;
Sollerets, 74
Sopaeus, 573 Soracus, 613 ; "catacomb," 319 304, 321 f. 231 .Sosias, hero, 481 (TbJTTip,
.Sow,
— 321
—
n.
i
—
^oro-
231
;
Totenmahl,
auTtipa, 361, 476, 545, 608, 612, 616, 621 f. 106, 210, 265, 413
Soza, 597 .Spade, 153
Spanish troops, 525
n. i,
545
Spargapises, Massageta, 102 n. 3, 487 Spargapithes, Scythian King, n6 the Agathyrse, 40, 102 :
:
name,
487
39,
Sparta, 619, 626 fibula from, 215 n. i; ivories, 263; reliefs, 304 Spartocid dynasty, 293, 296, 570 583, 591 ; table :
—
of,
583: 572, 580, 581, 627: 583 586, 627, 628, 632 Spartocus I, 206, 570 572, 583 *Spartocus II, 571 Spartocus II, 571, 572, 577, 583 Spartocus III, 571 n. 5, 572, 575, 580, 583 Spartocus IV, Paerisadis, 581, 583 Spartocus V (?), 581—583: coin of, 584 586, 629, 632 Spatharius, 543 Spatharocandidatus, 533, 543 Spears, 68, 152, 170, 173, 174 f. 70, 175— 177. 182, 196, 206, 221, 222, 223, 226, 187, 190 -f. 82, 228, 232, 244, 251 f. 172, 257, 313 f. 223, 506 spearman, 548 n. 9, 507 f. 339, 547 Specht, E., Central Asia, 92 n. 2 Speirarcha, 614 n. 4 Sphaerus, 465, 626 Sphinx, 157, 158 f. 45, 170, 199 f. 92, 208 f. 106, 264, 266, 291, 344 f. 250, 378, 392 f. 288, 397—401 f. 294, 411 f. 298, 412, 427 f. 318 Spiegel, Fr., on Scyths, 99 n. 3 Spindle, 430, 433 Spink, C., 406, 421 Scythic, 180 Spinning whorls, neolithic, 132 Spiral, bracelets, 217 f. 119, 401 f. 294, 402; Greek, Hallstatt, 41; 324 326 ff. 234— 236; 391 f. 287 Scythic, 174 f. 70, 176, 223; Siberia, 242 f. 150, 244 f. 152, 262; Tripolje, 135 f. 29, 138 f. 32, titles of,
—
coins,
—
—
;
;
—
;
139— 141 Spireon Stoma, IX. 13 Spitsyn, A. A., baij', 240 n. 3; Chud antt., 257 n. 3 earthworks, 146 n. 4; Goths, 282 n. 2; Hallstatt, La Tene, 125, 126, 259 n. 2 majdans, 441 n. I Merja, 104 n. 2 ; Melgunov, 172 n. i 148 n. I phalerae, 155 n. i, 215 n. 3; Siberian gold work, red skeletons, 143 n. i 253 Spodusa, 1 Sponge, 210 ;
;
;
f.
208
;
;
Slonovskaja Bliznitsa, 152; "standards," 78 Smalt, 430 Smela, IX. Ct Bobrinskoj's excavations near, 175 70—85 objects from near, 62 82 193 dlshcha near, 52 n. 3, 175 fif.
Smice, 361 Smirnov, I. N., on Finns, 106 Smirnov, J. I., xxxiii, 345 on bottles, 409 bunchnki, Permian pl.ite, 257 n. 4 78 Smith, Sir C., on Ephesus ivories, 260 f. 182 bis, 263 Smyrna. 626; terra-cotta from, 368; treaty, 516 n. 6 Snail design, 267 f. 184 Snake, 6, 103 water-, 105 n. 5 as bracelets, 402, 405 handle, 381 rings, 401 f. 294, 410, 427 f. 318 snake and bow on ring, 66 n. 7, 323, 414. 427 f- 318 Soanes, I. 24, 129 .Societies, Religious, 301, 482, 558, 612, 616, 620 625
—
Sinae Metropolis, 114 n. 3 Sindhu not same as Yen-tu, I. 121 n. 8 Sindi, IX. 23, 127, 128, 573—577. 580; coins, 632, PI IX. 25—27 Sindica, IX. 8, 17 Sindicus Portus, III. 22 24, 570 Sindzherli, deer from, 263 n. 7 Sinjavka (Don), 567 Sinjavka (Kiev), I.X. headdress, 58, 192 f. 84 Sinjukha, R. (Exanipaeus?), IX. 28 Sinope, I. 519, 524, 593, 604, 626, 627; Agrippa at,
Skinned
7
;
;
I t
8
1
Indtex Spoon, 157, 177, 206, 2 16, 384 Square faced l)east.s, iiol as p.
— 386, the
5,
420, 434 Taranilus,
Init
others,
105 n. 5 Sc|iiare, Scythian, Map IV. and f-
.?2
Krechetov's,
;
.«
.?.
1,
537
Slaboniameiit, 375, 38.S Stand of clay, 135 f. 29, 351 Standard, monetary, 448, 483
631—632 226,
f.
78,
77,
317 154
ff.
i
—
547,
561,
559,
40,
186
i6^,
41,
f.
79,
;
^''h't
Stempkovskij, 564, 620 n. 5 Stephane, 392, 39? heads wearing, 596 f. 290, 398, 428 (rTf
;
i
;
;
;
;
;
i
;
;
i
;
;
;
;
—
Stesichorus, 14 Stewart, iNIrs H. F., drawing of "Pontic" n. 4, 55 of lecane, p. 341 f. 247 Stirrups, 75, 250, 277
53
;
392, 426, 428 f. 319, 430 Sto mogi'l (Olbia), IX. 15, 450 Srod ttoikiXt;, 286 Stone, lack of, 7, 146; age, 130 145; box for vase, 380 f. 283 cairn, 241 dishes, 82 precious, v. jewels; rectangles on graves, 241 vault, v. vault; wedge as pendant, 398 n. 1 Stone Barrow, 151, 224 Stone Tower, I. 114 n. 3 Store jars, 360, 457 Storks, 289 of Strabo, gives new accounts of Danube-mouths, 13 Sc. invasion of Dariu.s, 116; of .Sarmatia, 120, 121; on Asander, 592; Chersonese and environs, 495 498, 521 Panticapaeum, 564; Polemo, 594 n. 7 Slrahkiikamm, 288 Stlengis,
—
;
;
;
;
;
;
Subsidy, 605, 608 SiuLik (Sugdaea),
I.X.
Sugdaea,
532
I.X.
Suklium Kale, Sula,
R., I.X.
.Siilina
mouth
19,
157
f.
44,
177,
283; made
122,
f.
-^a, 539, 558;
19,
9, 24; 180, 187 of Danube, I.
v.
name, 39
Dioscurias
IX.
11
— 13
.Sumer-.Akkadian, 99 Sun-god, V. Helios .Suruchiin, I. K., collection, xxxvi, 356 Survival of plate, 383; jeweir)', 408, 410, 413 Susa, dish from, 2is n. 2; jewelry from, 65, 2-4, 257, 27. f. 187
Susa
528 6 Svanetia, 24, 1 29 Svardeni, 1 1 n. 1 (I'ortus),
Siis/ii,
Svjatoslav,
534
Swan, 397, 398
291
f.
Swastika, 628
Swedish
inscr., 453 Swine, not used by Scythians, 49, but 182 Swords (v. daggers), Aldoboly, 69 f. 18; Greek, 206, 208 f. 106, 507 f. 339; Scythic, 6S 7.?, 163 ff. 51,
—
52, 165, 172 f. 68, 173 n. 7, 177, 182, 186 f. 79, 1S7, 202, 206, 221, 222, 229, 231, 236, 266; bronze, 189 f. 81 ; iron with curls, ib. ; on vase paintings
of nomads, 53, 54 f. Sword-worship, 71, 86 .Syagrus Tower, 506 Symbolon Tortus, \TII.
8,
56
18
f.
i,
258
f.
181,
496—498,
519,
528
Symeon, 534
Symeon
Holgarus, 534 520, 542
av/xixfiifiovfi,
Sympheropol,
I.X.
(Twayor/ds, 301
Vase,
62,
219
Emperor, 91
Siian,
;
—
of,
f-
7.?.
;
;
Stein, II., 34, 99 n. 5 Stein, Sir M. A., 100, 110, 114 n. 3 Stelae, sepulchral, 295, 298 305 ff. 212—217, painted, 306 f. 219; with lamgi, 318 n. i
{
Stniganov Collection, 257 Sliyjkowski, 539 n. 7 Sturgeons, 6 on coins, 629 Style, unsafe criterion of coins, 583
:
;
570
23,
Stratophilus I'hiloniusi, 529 Strigils, 382, 384 Strips, gold, ruder ornament '79' 20also for Ciieeks, 291
Chersonese, 526 011)ia, 468 ; as rewards, 530, 536 Sc. have 472 represented on coins, 477, 544, 550 no cult, 85, or sepulchral statues, 239, 240 Statuettes, bronze, 381, 386; cf. fijjurmes, terra-cottas Stavropol govt, IX. neckring from, 63 railhian coin, 232 n. 7
—
.Slralocles,
'z**
i
—
^-(,,
;
532, 542 epigram, 5, 617 570 n. 4
.Stratius,
487,
Stanislas-Julien on lou-kiue, 90 n. 2 Stanislav, Cape, IX. 453 Stanitsa, meaning of, 222 n. i Star, coin type, 549, 559, 602, 629, 630, 633 Staraja lii'iila, 134 n. i Starohelsk, IX. 173 n. 3, 403 Starotitorovka, III. 409 n. Stasov, V. v., on " catacoml)S," 308 n. 4, 315 S(iq.
295 — 298
hers-.n.
aTparr)\a.Tr)s,
227; among Turks, 94:
f.
(
.^4'— .^4.5; Olbian, ji^M, 4^1;, ^
Slratoclia,
316
Scythic(?),
.Statues,
Strainer, 383 f. 284 Slr.ip-ends, pattern on, 318 n. i Slralegus, lio.sporaii, iVc.,614, 635; Ily/^inlim- al ;
Srkulj, S., 535 n.
Standards,
106
27,
7*5
f.
119, 2
Synagogue, 622 n. "Synges, 609 8(ia
274,
304
621, 623, 624
14, i
361 302, 623, 625 (TVvoSos, 301 f. 214, 302 f. 215, (Tvi/favTai,
ffWodciTat,
516 Syracuse, 627 (Tvi>w/jLO
n.
620—625
9
Syrgis, R., 30, 107 glass, 362 art of, 263 Syria, N., 384, 387, 404 Syriscus Ileracleidae, 517, 541, 544, 546, 581 ;
Syrmatae = Sarmatae,
1
;
1
Sysoev, V. M., 223
Ta^great, use of, 129 n. 4 Tabella ansata, 319 Tabernacle over tomb, 142, 143, 151, 174^70. 175, 176 f. 71, 177, 182, 194, 223, 224, 225 f. 128, 2J8, 229, 232, 248; burnt, 226, 252
—
90
2
1
::
:
Index
7i6
Ta-Ts'in, 107, 129 n. 4 Tauri, IX. loi, 127, 496—497. 579, 586, 606:
Tabiti (Hestia), 85
61711.4; leg, 298; three-legged, 303. 313 f- 2J3. 3'4f- 224. 3i«. 3^1 f- 23'. 333 Table, of Sparlocids, 583 Bospoian kings 100 B.C. 100 A.D., 590: Bospoian dated coins, 100 B.C. 330 A.n., 611 Tacchella on Getan coins, 123 Tacitus, on Sarmatian spears 68, swords 70, coats of mail, 74, 121; Bosporus, 596 598 Tactics, Scythic, 83 Tadzhiks, 44 Add., 85, 129 n. 4, 281 Taganrog, IX., cliffs at, i, Scythic find at, 173 n. 3,
Table, inscribed,
4'2o,
—
in
Siberia,
253
n.
2;
?' Taurisci, .
f.
iir,
Teiranes, Ti. Julius, 608, 609, 611, 612 Teklino, IX., spirals from, 41
Telephus, 364
on skulls
Tell Racheff, 134 n. i Temarinda (Maeotis), 85 Temir Gora, IX. (near Bulganak, III.), 338 Tempera vases, 348, cf. x.x.xiii
Temples: Bosporan, 295, 566, 569: Chersonese, 506, 544, 545: Olbian, 467, 468 and Add. 476 481: unknown among Scythians, save those of Ares, 85 Temple-ornaments, 62, 179, 195 f. 88, 202, 291, jgj, jg4, 426 f. 316; cf. earrings Temrjuk, III. 21, 206, 584; Temrjuk Settlement, 21 Tendra (Apdfios 'AxtXXfws), IX. 4, 14 16, 465 n. 8, 481 Tenedos, 463 Tenginskaja, 230 Tents, Bosporan, 51, 311 313 f. 223; Sarmatian, 51; carried on carts, Scythic, 51, 52, Kirgiz, Tartar and Mongol, 51, 52 f. 7, 109; Argippaei, 109 Teos, 24, 516, 570, 618, 632 Teres the Thracian, 86, 116 Teretsa, IX. 12 Terlecki, Dr I. A., 584 Ternava, Gt, IX. 259 n. 2 Terra-cottas, 363—374 ff. 265—270, 415, 458, 556: architectural, 295; man in hood, tunic and trousers from Kerch, 56 f. 10; moulds for, 364 367, 454 Tesserae, 335 Teutonic ("Gothic" q. v.) jewelry, 2S1 282 Textile, 157, 179, 210, 212 f. 113, 269, 335—337 f- ^44 patterns in frescoes, 308, 316 Thagimasadas (Poseidon), 85 Thagura, Thaguri, Thagurus Mons, VI. iii n. i, 114
—
—
227, 228, 382, 409, 433, 435 f. 328, 487, 605, 606, 608, 614 n. 2; on Olbia lions, 317 f. 227 lepQv,
541;
—
Taman 613
n. II
—
Tamyrace, IX. 16 18, 85, 492 Tana, 443, 558, 567, 569 Tanagra, 515 Tanais (river), IX. 11 n. i, 17, 27,^0, 567, 589; Carians
—
near, 437; delta of, 566; see Don Tanais (town), IX. jbb^jbg, plan, 568 f. 346: history, gods at, 616 619; inscr. from, 120, 604 608, 614 625; organization, 614, 615; religious societies, 620, 621, 623, 625; sack of, 594; site, 4, 21, 566; trade, 440—444, 569 objects, bas relief, 304 f. 218; bronzes, 381; earring, 397; I'anathenaic vase, 567, 626; rhyton, 290, 567 n. 3; sheaths, 270 f. 186, 567 n. 3 Tanaites, 615 T'ang Dynasty, 91 Tangii, 85 Tangut, no T'ao-l'ieh, 280 Taphrae, IX. 16, v. Perekop Taraktash, 606 n. 1 Tarandus, 5, 105 n. 5 skin used for shields and breast-
—
—
—
—
—
11-
plates, 73 Targitaus, ancestor of Scythians, 43 name, 39 Tdpixos, 6, 7, 21, 440, 484 Tarim, R., I. 114 n. 3; basin, 92, 108, no 114, 121, 129 n. 4 Tarkhankut, C. IX. 490 Tarpetes, 128 Tarsus, 627 n. 7 Tartars, bearded, 44 Add., 46; boundaries of Golden Horde, 27; bows, 66; chins, 108 n. 3; colouring, 45; dress, borrowed by Russians, 46; encroach on Ossetes, 36, 37; files, 73; impotence among, 45 n. 6 mi.xed, 48 n. i cf. 44 Add. ; scale-armour, 74 tents and waggons, 52 f. 7; religion, 85; threaten ;
—
;
Cherson, 494, 539 Tarulas, 235, 409 Ta-shih, 129 n. 4 Tasius, 520 Tassels, 393,
404— 409, 430—432
ff.
321, 322
3
Thamimasadas (Poseidon), 85
;
;
4
Teima, 617 n. 16 TEIjMAI, 599, 600
Tambov, I. 104 Tamga, on Ephthalite coins, 47 n. 5 on vessel from "area" 139; in Bosporan kingdom, jib 318, ff.
tQiv
n.
TeixVi V. Forts
Tamatarcha, j66
Chersonese, 542;
123
516 n. 6, 543 Tauroscythae, loi, 119, 127, 469 Ta.xacis, Sc. underking, 116 Tax-farmer, 462 Ta-Vtian (Farghana), I. 121, 129
—
TO/uias,
loi,
Tai;po7r6Aos,
145 "• 5 Tallgren, A. M. 41 n. i Add., 144 Add., 257 n. 2 Taman, gulf of, III. 22, 23 Taman peninsula. III. (p. 24) 17, 21 24, 128, 194, .307. 423. 566, 595, 613 Taman (town). III. 22, 23, 566, 613, 614, 624, 625; coffin from near, 323, 324 f. 234
;
523, 555, 577,
523 n. 7, 543; reliefs of (?), 304; (?), wreckers, 101, 598 Taurida Govt, IX., includes Crimea q. v. and mainland,
—
Takil Burun, III. 20 Talko-Hrincewicz, J.
18— 520,
Goddess of
—
403, shoals, 4, trade of, 444, 559 Ta7;uaTdpx'?s, 614 Ta-ilia (Bactrian Greeks), I. 121, 122, isgw. 4 Tail ending in head, 203 f. 98, 208 f. 106, 211 238 f. 146, 262, 2bb
.S
Thapsis, R., 579 n. i Thasos, amphorae from, 196/, 359, 360, 441, 553: coins, 470, 487, 516 Thateis, 128, 577—579 Thates, R., 578, 579 Sed, /xeydXr), 619; awreipa, 621 Theatre, 459, 465, 468, 626 Theiss, R., I. 28; lazyges upon, [21, 124
Theme, 533 Themiscyra, 8 Themistus Themisti, 526 n. 5 crowned, 388 Theocles Satyri, 469 n. i, 470, 481 Theocritus, 386 Theodore of Studium, 533 Theodosia, IX. 4, 19, 442, 516, 527, SS4—S6o, 576, 580, 589, 608, 609, 613, 627; view, 554 f. 341; plan, 557 f. 342: harbour, 4, 556; site, 19, 555, 556; name, 39, loi, 555; Caffa, 443, 527, 558, 559: arclions, 557, 576; deities, 361, 558; prefect of, 558, ;
:
:
Incie.'X Thcodosia (conid) 609, 612, 613; religious society, 6ji,
6j.^; revolts 588; sicgo, 556,
against Mithridatcs, 520, 521, .s.sS, 572, 574; trade, 556, ;72 575
—
015 n. 12 Theophylact, on Turkish religion, 85 Bfds, 0, ,28
1
468 Add., 621-
62
Vtf/KTTOS,
— 624
-.,
598
cf.
Tirgatao, 84,
127
2,
n.
4.
573, 574,
5
.^9'<.
,;6, 578;
14
f.
i;77,
«So,
,H^, 502,
612
q.v.),
114 n.
I.
3,
122; polyan-
121,
Ct
I.
1
scene, 10
342
f.
248;
set,
384
on Delphinius, 176 n. 1, 477; (ru^n. 7; Apollo Hietros, 616; Apature, y
I.
54J
'
r
;
neolithic n.
pottery,
134
14
618 Tvhtya Mogily (big barrows) 152 173 Tomakovka, I.\. Pointed tomb, 151, Greek dagger and sheath, 71, 158 f. 45, 236, 265, 402; Twin, 157 Tomaschek, \V. 34; on Styths, 98 n. 11; Getae, 101 n. 3; Thracian names, ;7i n. 1, 581 n. 5; ne.
—
;
14
I
—
trade route, 102 n. i 114 Christian, 513, 610; S. Clement's Gothic, 127 n. 2, 610:
Tombs,
1
Greek, 294—414, 41s (416
117
1
14 n. 3
;
122 n.
i
cf.
\V. 98 n. 14,
Thomsen V. on Orkhon
112,
Inscr.
—
90
n.
2
Thothorses, 527, 608 611; coin of with tai/i^^a, f. 227 Thrace, influenced Scythians 86; reduced by Darius attacked by Kelts, 125; annexed by Claudius, royal house of, 590, 594, 604 neolithic pottery, 134; Scythic tomb in, 150 Thracian, loi, 102, 123 M5, 128, 206; auxiliaries, cohort, 614; culls of, 478, 546; mercenaries,
—
names
in
Gk
inscrr
,
38, of
Huns' tombs,
Siberian, 241
113 n. 3
317
ff.
513,
530;
302—311,
; Turkish, 90, 94 red skeletons, 142- 145: 63, 64, 194—196, ff. 86, 87, 89, 294,
near,
9^2
— 253;
masonry, 170 ff. 4'7 Tomi, IX. 447, 448
117;
599;
Add.)—^jj,
3^.S. .^24. PP- 4.'i4. 455. 506, 564, 626, 617; in townwall, 454, 499: Scythic, 87, 88, 149—239; desecrated by Daiius, 92,
452
;
107 n.
name, 39
livafiovfi,
—
575, 578, 586
4; Axiaccs. 14
..(.
trade,
Tiridates II <.f I'arthia, coin of, 61 Title of U<)s|)oran rulers, 570, 576,
Tolstoi,
Thiasus, 620 625; Bacchic, 458 Thirlwall, C. on invasion of Darius, Thisamatae, 119, 461 Thoas, 381 Thogar, Thogara, Thogari, 1 1 n. i ;
Thomas, F.
woods;
Toilet-box, 335; Tokharistan, I. Toktai, 95
Thiasarch, 541 Thiasitae, 621, 623
9(5Xot,
v.
drous, 93
and Add. Thetis, 287 Add., 394, 397, 479, 4S1
579
imbcr,
440 Timotheus Daseis, 627, 660 f. 349 Timotheus papyrus, 380 Timur, 252 1
n. 7
I
n.
Tiligul,
"Tocharian," 100
Thessalonica, 521 n. 3 Thcssaly, barrows in, 435 n.
BiavviTii,
stamps on, 359, 3^10, ; SpnrtoLids, 573, '}Ho, 581,
iif
;
Tobolsk, I. 252 Tochari (T'uhuo-lo
Theran vases, 338 Thermae, v. baths Thermodon, K., I. 8
Thiagola, IX. 13, 6«i>'i'ea, 579 n. i
ridgelile, 457 K.. IX. 481; "bar
.S85
TIesus, vases by, 339 Tmutarokdn, 23, 539, 566 Tobol, k., I. 107, 241
dtos triafiai?, 621 n. 15 fftds
cistgr.ives, 411
"ilh names
47.'i;
Tium, 627
2
6e6s fUya^, 566, 618 ^eds ^(^aarSf, 524 n.
make
to
Titus Imp. 600, 602
9eis dlKaios, 621 Btbi ISto^, 6
Tilcv,,
;
—
fftbi iirriKooi,
Tigranes, 464, 587 k., 112
Tigris,
4.''7>
glazed pots, 357, 515; graffiti, 361, 558; jewelry, 63, 169, 291, jgj—^o/f. 2<)4, f.f.(), 410 n. 7; sculptures, 296, 298; terra-coltas, 363, 364, 556, 558; vases 339—341: coins, 555, 559, 628, PI. IX. 4 7 ditch near, 557, 592 n. 4 Theodosius, 504, 532 Theonas, 504 n. 8, 531 Theophanes, 506, 533, 622 n. i Theophilus Imp., 533, 542 Theophrastus, on beasts, ;,' 105 n. 5; on plants, 7, al)ecedaria, .561
7^7
n.
1,
464, 470, 477 n.
7,
487; Scyths
118
Tomyris, 84, 111
Toparcha Goticus, 534 470; 571,
Bosporan
604; joined with Cimmerians but not akin, 41 ; origin of sword worship, 86; relations with Scythians, 86; coins, 487 Thracian Chersonese, 117 Thucydides on Scythians, 35, 83 rulers, 571, 594,
Thuni, 122 n. 3, 4 Thyssagetae, I. loy, 109 Tiara, 58 f. 11, 284, 290 Tiarantus, K., IX. 27 Tiberius Imp., 468, 469, 595, 601, 604 Tiberius III, 532 Tiberius Julius, name borne by Bosp. kings, 598, 600, 610 601, 604, 605
—
Tibet, I. 92, 1 14 n. 3 Tibetans, 92, 114 n. 3; eat parents and gild their skulls polyandrous, 84, 1 10 1 10; T'ien Shan, I. 108, 113, 114 n. 3 Tiesenhausen, B. G. von, 206, 307, 323, 324, 430 Tiflisskaja, IX. 232 n. 4; red skeletons, 143 Tiger, 274, 275 f. 196, 280
Topaz, 407 f. 295 Toretae, IX. 128, 576, 577 Toreutic, 232, 289,
382—386;
imitated in clay, 349 f. 321:
Torques (neck-rings), Greek, 399, 405, 431 Persian, 271 in
f.
187:
Scythic tombs, 62, 63, 157, 158 f. 4.S, 161, 16;;, 177, 182, 197 f. 90, 202 f. 97, 206, 215 f. 118, 2i'6, 217 f. 119, 236, 289
Siberian, 271, 272 fT. 188, 189, 191 Torskaja Sloboda (Kupjansk IX.), 240 Tortoises, 132 Toteniiiahl,
v.
funeral feast
Toucy, Philip de, oath
of,
87
T'ouman, 92 Tower, 454, 461, 462, 467, 468, 499—506
(T. x,yf, 337, 56^ Town-crier, Olbia, 472 Towns, Scythian, 52; wooden, 105 Toxamis, 53, 54 f. 8 Toxaris, 53 Toys, 50, 51 ff. 5, 6, 369, 370 and Add. Trade, 438—444, 445, 446, 458, 459, 465, 493, 538, 55^1 5.'>8, .S72 576 Trade- Route, China, 114 n. 3, 443; North Easterly, to6 —114, 264; up Volga, 105; Permian, 257, 260
—
1
7i8
Inde.'X
Trajan, 449, 469, 470, 523, 604; his vallum, 41 Tralles, 594 xxiii Transliterations, xxi Tiansoxiana, I. 92, no, I2i, 129 n. 4
—
Transylvania, I. 28, 102; gold, 7, 117, 438, 441; mirrors from, 65 n. 5 ; neolithic pottery, 133, 134 n. i Trapezus, I. Empire of, 539; fishing at 6; foundation of, 439. 569 Trapezus, JVlt, IX. 19 f. 2 Trappings, v. horse, 74 77 Traspies, 43 Treasurer, Bosporan, royal, 612, 613; society, 624, 625; Chersonesan, 542 Treasury, Olbia, 461, 474; sacred, 463, 474 Trees, lack of on steppe, 3 ; grow in river valleys and
—
Crimea,
in
3,
7
;
retreat of,
''Twists" (earrings), 208 f. 106, 210, 394, 395, 490 Tyche, 216, 218 f. 120, 310, 544; of Olbia, 352 n. 5, 479, 485; king's, 218 Add. 'ivKavSuTa.L, 614 Tylis, Keltic kingdom at, 125, 463 Tymnes, 458 Tynnichus, 556, 574 Tyragetae (Tyregetae), IX. 107, 120, 122 124 Tyrambe, III. 21, 23, 570 Tyrant, 462 n. 2, 522, 542; name applied to Spartocids 576, 578> 580 Tyras (river), IX. v. Dnestr Tyras (town), IX. 4, 13, 14, 44j—44gL 329, 458, 465,
—
469, 470, 525 n. 6: coins, 447,
448
^2g
f.
iif,
486, 487,
585, PI. I.:
destroyed by Goths, 126; Mithridates and, 586: negresshead, 381; statue from, 298; stele, 303 Tyritace, III. 20 Tyritae, IX. 31, 445 Tvp6i, 100 Tyszkiewicz ibex, 265 n. 2 ; jewelry, 386 n. 10 sqq. Tzetzes quotes from Arimaspea, 112
15 n. 2
city, 454, cf. ditch, vallum Treres, 41, 53, 115 Triballi, 12, 118, 123 Tribes, split, 103 n. 7 Tribute, 520, 586, 605, 609; to Scythians, 592 Trident on coins, 448, 584, 585, 597, 600, 633
Trench,
rpiovvKiy 'iTaXiKdy, 526 n. 3
Tripod, 630
tomb
near, 320 n. i Tripolje, IX., culture, 130, /jj Add., 147, 437; copper axe, Tripoli,
Triton, 238
— 142
146,
f.
ff.
136
28
— 34,
134
30
f.
264, 298, 346, 367, 385, 386
Troglodytes in Caucasus,
1
29
Trogus Pompeius, early history of Scythians, 36
53—56, 57—61
Trousers,
8,
10,
12,
13,
316,
317
369, 467
227,
f.
fif.
Troy, blocked Euxine, 438; sacked by Goths, 126 Tryphaena, Antonia, 590, 597, 604 Tryphon, dedication of, 304 f. 218, 369 Tsan'tsyn portage, I. 30, 104, 107 Tsarskaja, dolmen, IX. 146 f. 37 Tsarskij Kurgan (Royal Barrow), III.
Ulysses, 285, 436, 437
Umrikhino (Kursk
Uplostsikhe, 129
194
86,
ff.
563 f- 343 Tsdta, 402 Ts'in Dynasty, 91, 92, 121 Tsukur, L. III. 423, 573 Tsvetno, inajdan at, iX. 147, 148 f. 38 Tsymbalka Barrow, IX. 152, ibj; armour-scales,
87;
Tubicen, 525
n.
166
ff.
54,
55,
269,
74;
283, 291
i
Tiidttn, 532, 543
Tugdammi, 42 T'u-huo-lo (Tukhara, Tochari, q.v.) I. no, ill, 129 n. 4: head-dress, 97, iion. 2, 277; polyandrous, 93,
1
10 n. 2
Tu-kin Shan, 95 T'u-kiie (Turks q.v.), gj gj, 122, 252; attracted by China, 90; burials, 90; wolf standard, 78 Tulcha, IX. II, 12 T'u-men, Turkish Khan, 93
—
Tunic,
53—67
Tung-hu, 92, 94 Tunguz, 92 ; sword-worship, 7 Tun-huang, I. 92 Tunny, 6, 440, 484 Turcae v. 1. in Mela and Pliny, 107 Turfan,
Turks
I.
100
n.
3,
257; gold,
7,
exaggerated
i,
99,
252
Uspe, 597 Ust-Labinskaja, IX. 232, 235 n. i, 277 n. 2, 378, 409 Utljuk limaii, IX. 17 Uvarov, Ct A. S. (Ouvaroff, Uwarovv), xxv, xxxiii, Basilica, 295, 506, 509 511 f. 340, 525; Collection of, cup in, 235 and Add., 409 n. 10, coins in, 661 Koblevka, 14; Merja, 104 n. 2; Olbia, 14, 420 n. 4, mask from, 390 n. 13, relief, 304 n. 2: Recherches, 390 n. 13; Stone Age, 130, 131 Znamenka, 16 n. 2 Uvarov, Countess P. S. 259 n. 4, 381 n. 16 Uzbegs, physical type, 46 Uzboi, I. 31
—
:
;
Uzi, 539 Uzunlar L. III. 20
Valentinian III, coin in "catacomb," 320; indication,
n. 5
—
f.
i
113 n.
Vacquier, P. 119, 492, 569
4
Tuzla, III. 22, 323, 324 f. 234 Twisted haunches, 270 f. 186, 273
n.
107,
130 n. 2
306, 307, 421
Yaison, 525 Valens Imp., 504, 532
48 n. i, 94, 95, 109 114; alphabet, 280; bows, 66 n. lo; divination, 87; gods, 85; gold gear, 281; oaths, 87; sacrifices, 86; threaten Cherson, 532, 539 Turks, (Ottoman) 446, 494, 539, 558, 559 Turquoise, 7, 223 f. 126, 224, 230, 232, 268, 271, 396 f. 290, 408 Tusk, engraved, 131, 188 f. 80; amulet, 208 f. 106; 210 (v. T'u-kiie),
I.
ff.
441. 631 Ural River (Lycus?), I. 30, 122 Uralo-Altaic peoples, classification of, 48 n. Urartu (Ararat), 42, 144 Add. Urgi, 120, 121
,
75,
Ural Mts,
palaeolithic finds,
IX.),
Undercut grave, 417 Unit, Scythic, 228
^
horses' frontlets,
Ufa, I. 107 Ugrians, 107, 108 Uigurs (Kao-che), I. 91, 100; alphabet, 280; conquer Turks, 90, 92, 93 Ukert, F. A., 33 Ulpian, 555 Ulpii, 613; tomb of, 318 Ulskij Barrow, IX. 142 Add., 153, 22'^, 228 i. 130; early vase from near, 339 ; figurines and waggons, 370 n. 3
192, 276
f.
198
390 "-6 coin, 470; indication, 390 n. 6 Maximus, 525 Flaccus, on Hylaea, 15; on Neuri, 103 Vallum, Asander's, 16 n. 6, 20, 592; Roman on Danube, IX. 14; Panticapaean, 200, 562 f. 344, 572; Perekop,
38S> Valerian, Valerius Valerius
16,
592;
Scythic,
146
— 148;
Slaves'
Ditch,
31;
Thcodosia to Arabat, IX. 19, 557, 592; Trajan's, Uzunlar to Hadzhibey, IX. 20, 572 41 Value-marks on coins, 602, 633 Vambery, A. on Scyths, 99 n. 8 Vannius allied with lazyges, 121 ;
I71 (lex Vardanes, K., II. 11 Variags (Varanjjians), Varna, I. inscr. from, V'arvakion, _^(;5 Vase-earrings, 395 f-
'
—
'9' .W.?. .594.
11.
1
Greek,
ff.
— 537
.5
f.
<"•
I"-
55
with liarbarian ligures,
pots:
v.
453, 534
ly n.
290; pendants, 195 f. 88, 217 3'** .^99— 40' 294- 42'' f- 3 '6, 427
397
X'ase-painter, Scythian, N'ases,
Volkov, Th. K., 130 n. 1, 131, 134 Volkovisy, IX. iSj~iSj IT. 76—79;
1
19,
^\
— ^6
8, 9
Vasic, M., neolithic culture in Serbia, 134 n. i and Add. Vasdiev (now Vasilkov), 536 V'asilkov, IX., dagger from, 177; lion-head from, 78,
Vasjurin
85, 263, 266 III. 268; frescoes,
'93
'77>
f-
hill.
Stone, "Kgyplian," 169, 170 86, 87, 89, 294, 323, 425, 429; 308, 309, 454
fr.
IT.
Vedius Threptus, Veil,
f.
194
64, true,
— 200
417—420
161
Oba
200 Add. 228 n. 2
v.Tse,
223,
\'orskla,
R.,
I.\.
N'ospro,
55S,
569
147
244
I.
N'otjaks,
1.,
86 IX. 328
28; pottery,
135
29,
f.
136
—
—
3^6— 2jg
—
W. 145 148, 264, 265, 441: amulet, 64; armring. 64; breastplate, 73, 237 f. 145; dagger, 71, cf. 158 f. 45, 26,^; earring, 62 n. 6, 239 f. 148, 265, 394; fish, 238 f. 146, 260, 264; neck-ring, 63; sheath, 71, 239 f. 147, 265, 270, 402; shield, 73; style of things, 264, 265; sword, 70; whetstone, 73, 237 f. 145 Vettulenus Cerialis, 523 Vexillatio, 523, 525 Vicennalia, 38^ Vi'lkov, IX. 12 Vine, 5, 360, 495, 517 Vine-pattern, 314 f. 224, 31-;, 362, 385, 424 f. 314, 512 Virchow, R., on Koban, 259 n. 4
Virgin, H.V.M., v. Mary: deity of Chersonese, 475, v. III.
457
340
f.
church siege, ;o6
of,
.=^3^; ;
University
— 538;
493
f.
baptism, 509, 510,
333, 498 n.
2,
510, 511
:
of= Kiev,
cauldron,
80
\}.
1
;
i
50—52 ff. 4—7, 370; toy, 370 and Add.; funeral, 50, 75, 87, 88, 153, 155; Greek, 51 "• '» ?7'^. 579; Tartar, 52 f. 7 88, 94,
106
Waldhauer, O. on sculptures, 296 nn. 12, 15, 17 Waldstcin, .Sir C, 289 n. 2, 330 n. 7 Wallachia, 446 Walls, Asander's, 16, 592: city, 294, 29,s; Olbia, 454, 461, 467; Chersonese, 498 506 ff. 334 338, 517, 532, 539; I'anticapaeum,
—
—
564; Tanais, 568; Theodosia, 559 Walters, H. H., 56, 339 n. 14 War, Scythic customs in, 83 Warka, 422 Water-courses, 500, ,'i02, 508, 535 537; supply, 508, 566 Watersnakes, 105 n. 5 Watzinger, C, on colTins 322 n. i sqq.; grave stelae, 295 n. 9, 299 305; Hellenistic pots, 350. 351, 384; shoes, 336 n. i
—
—
Wax, 440 Weaving, Greek, 336;
neolithic, 132; .Siberian, 244; weights, 374 Wei- and Sui-shu on Huns, 122; T'u-huo-lo, no n. 2,
129 n. 4 Weights, 374,
483—485,
475, Russian, xxiii Well, 452, 566, 569 Werewolves, 102
526
n.
3;
Byz.
515;
Westberg,
Maiden
324, 422 n. 4
Vjatka, R., I. 104 Vladimir, at Chersonese, 532 537)
i3i;
15.,
Wake,
X'itruvius, 456,
f.
on barrows in (jreece, 435 n. vase, 189 n. 2; Kgyptian inllueiicc, 4O4; grotes«|ues, 428 n. Si neolithic culture, 1^4 n. and J.
Vernyj, I. 240 n. 3 Verus, L., intaglio, 414 Veselovskij, N. I., 155 Add., 169; excavations, along Kuban, 58, 143 and Add., 223 232 and Add., 370 n. 3; on Kaincnnya Bahy, 239, 240; at Tanais, ;68 Vespasian, 523, 598 n. 7, 600, 602; indication, 333 W'ssels, of clay, v. pots; Greek in Sc. use, 81, 82 metal of Greek make in Sc. tombs, 150, i6i, 173, 179, 180, 182, 187, 196, 198 f. 91, 2CX3 f. 93 and Add., 204, 206, 210, 216, 219, 224, 230 232; Scythic, -jg
Vi'tjazevo,
— 2jo
Chertomlyk
Add. Waggons, Scythian,
—82
152
sacrifices,
Vo/.dvi'zhenskaja,
f. 130 Vergilius Aephnidius, 627 N'erkhne-dneprovsk, IX., bits from, 76, 191 f. 83 \'erkhne-udinsk, I., plate from, 266, 275 f. 197
Vettersfelde, 150,
f.
Votive-rings, 410, 414
Wace, A.
560, 636 f.
Kul
Vorone/.hskaja,
230; red skeleton, 143, 228 Vulci, bowl from, 352; earring, 397 n. Vyshe-stebleevka, III. 423
Venetians, 154 n. i, 443, 446, 558 Verbovka, IX. (Kiev), engraved stones, 146
Veremje, IX., area, 133
1
n. 5,
5123 n. 2
Verebrji'isov, S. I.
n.
plan, 183 f. 76: armlet, 64; buckles, 1H4 f. 77; cup. Hi, 1H6 f- 70, 287; fish, 184 f. 77; gi'igoneia, 184 f. 77, j66; gorytus, 67, 68; helmet, 74; iKckniig, 63, 184 f. 77; ribbon, 184 f. 77; standards, |S6 f. 79; sword, 70; trappings of bridle, 75 n. 4, 185 f. 78, 167, 169, 283. 291 Voronezh, I.\., Govt of, 31; Sc. fiiuls, 173; cup like
Vostochnaja,
307
Vasudeva, 47 V^ault,
719
xxviii
Vlakh 103 Vodjanoe, IX. 259 n. 2 Voevodskij, L. K. 34 Vogell Collection, 339 n. 6 sqq., 356 Vogids, I. 107, 108; horse-burials, 91; sacrifices, 86; sword-worship, 71; soul waits forty days, 91, 106 Voitinas Collection, 338, 452 n. Volcanoes, 20, 22, 619 Volga, I. (=Oarus, 30, Rha, 30 n. 2, Araxes, 30 n. ;, ,
i
113 n. 3), sturgeons, 6; mouth of unknown to ancients, 10; supposed to flow into Maeotis, 30 n. 3; trade along, 104, 105
Fr., 30 n. 5, 34, 52 n. 2. 113 n. 3, 534 West-.Seythians, v. Agricultural Scythians Wheeler, J. T., 33 Whetstones, jj, 165, 171, 173, 177, 197 f. 90. i\-.. 221, 226, 229, 231, 236, 237 f. 145 Whips, Scythic, 77, 157, 161, 202 Wife, 84; sail (?), 153, 196, 216, 222, 253 11. Wilser, L., 98 n. 15 Winckler, H., on Scyths and Assyrians, 42 1
Wind-god, 477 Wine, Greek imported into Scythia, 49, 359, 44/, 443; drunk unmixed, 49; made at Chersonese, 495; jars, 3.^8
360, —disk,
Winged, f.
298; boar,
lion,
V.
vat,
553; etc.,
197
griffin;
495
n. 1
208 f. 106, 411 f. 85, 90, 208 f. 106; bull, 411 f. 298; woman (not Nike etc.), 427 f. 318
61
f.
13,
193
f.
Witchcraft (Scythian), Sb, Sj VViisen, N. C, 253 n. 1, 277 Wizards, Scythian, 86, 87 Wolf, I02, 346; "wolves' teeth," 6j, 197 f. 90
157,
177,
180,
:
hidiex
720 Women, Sarmatian and
Scythian, 39, 44 Add., 84 dress of 61, 62; their belongings Gre«k in make, i8o, 182: position of among Issedones, Massagetae, Tibetans, 112: T'u-huo-lo and Yiie-chih, warlike, legends of, 39 Wood, carved, from Siberia, 251 f. 172, 268; Greek,
no —
322—335: 214
inlay,
Wooden
f. 115, vessels, 82
322—324, 329—331,
Woods, retreat of, 3, 15 n. 2 Woodwork, Greek, 312 jjj Woolsack earring, 191 f. 83, 208
334, 424
f.
314
—
Wormwood,
106,
395
Worsleyaniim, Museum, 510, 554 f. 341 Wreaths, gold, 388 390, v. crown Wrecking, 10 1, 598
—
Wrestlers, Scythian,
Wroth, W. 532 Wu-huan, 92 Wu-sun, I. 92,
100,
Wygnanka, IX.
133
n. 9,
169 f. 62 593 n. i
^oavov,
121,
of,
60,
122
343
56,
f.
249
n.
138
Dynasty, 91
Yu, Great, 91 Ytian-chien-lei-han, 91 n. 3 Yiian-Ti, Emperor, 92 Yiie-chih, I. 92, 93, 100, i/o, iii, ii4n.
121,
3,
122,
n. 2
;
Little Y., i
;
no
n. 3
on Serica,
11411.3 E., 21 n.
5,
165
;
makes Scyths
Slavs, 98
n. 2
Zacatae, 1 1 n. i Zahn, R., on Megarian bowls, 351 n. 6 Zaitsev's "Catacomb," 310 Zakim, belt from, 172 n. i Zalesje, I. 259 n. 2
Zamaraevskoe (misprinted Zaniazaevskoe), cauldron, 80 Zarinaea, 84, 240 Zarubintsy, 192 Zavitnevich, V. Z., 180 n. 2 Zeilas Tarsensis, 627 n. 7 Zela,
589
78;
f.
28,
137
f.
31;
pottery,
f.
70,
/7s; armour from, 74
"cash"
knife,
72;
cylix,
176,
n.
6;
349,
—
328 = Serpent Barrow IX. 16 Znamenka, Siberia, I. 244 f. 152 Zolotarev's Almshouse, Kerch, coffin from, 332 Zopyrion, 123, 459, 460 Zorsines, 597, 598 Zosimus, 608, 609 Zubov's Barrows, IX. 2jo 2J2 fF. 132 137, 239: armour scales, 74 n. 6, 231 f. 134; bit, 76, 231 f. 135; cauldron, 80 n. 5, 230 f. 133; cylix, 232, 361; phialc viesomphalos, 81 n. 4, 231 fF. 136, 137, 232, 382; roundels, 224, 230 f. 132, 277 n. 2; whetstone,
Zmeinyj Kurgan,
Znamenka Gt and
:
Yule, Sir H., on Mongol burials, 88 n.
I.
601,
Ziebarth, E., 475, 541 n. 9, 620 n. 5, 622 625 Zigzag, 244 f. 152, 245 ff. 153, 155, 248, 262, 282, 290 Zfmnij Bereg, neolithic finds, 132 Zinchi, 1 1 n. i Zipoetes, 591 Zjuk, Cape, IX. 21, 621; coffin from, 332 Zlote Bilcze, IX. 133
Young men, 368
name, iii
133
361, 477 Zhu-zhu, 93
122 n. 2
Yi-ta (Ephthalites q.v.), 93, Yortan, 134
Zabelin,
— 599,
32
biinchuki,
—
seat of, 92;
f.
Zhurovka, IX. 174
129 n. 4
Yen-tai-i-li-to (Ephthalites q.v.) 93 122 Yen-ts'ai (Aorsi), I. 107, 120 Yen-tu (India), I. 121
first
594
Zerelia, 134 n. i Zernov, S. A., on the Euxine fish, 6 Zethus Zethonis, 528 Zeus, 516, 615, 616, 621 ancestor of Scyths, 43 = Papaeus, 85: Ammon, 355, 617 n. 6; Atabyrius, 463, 476; Basileus, 462, 476; Genarches, 615; "Txf/taTos, 622; Olbios, 456, 467 (?), 472, 476, 481, 482; Patroios, Philios, 616 n. 4 ; Poliarches, 476; Soter, 476, 545, 608, 616; Urius, 459, 575: in art, 355, 381
Zhuan-zhuan, 93 Zhukovtsy, IX.; areas,
536
i,
Yak, 268, 276 f. 199, 277 Yao and .Shun, 91
129 n. 4
of,
:
61
Yahya of Antioch, 535
Yu
house 603, 604 Zenobius on Issedones, no Zenonis Chersonesus, IX. 21, 621
476, 547, 548, 602, 616 Zeuss, K., on Scythic gods, 86; Iranian theory of Scyths, 98 n. 8 Zhabotin, IX., bone carvings from, 188 f. 80, 260, 273 Zhebelev, S. A., 287; on Archaeanactids, 570; bronzes, 374' 376; Niobids, 363 n. i, 370; sculpture at Odessa, 296 n. 10 Zhebriany, IX. 13, 14 Zhidibern, 536 Zhigulov Hills, IX. 113 n. 3
544
Yavana=Hia,
532
504, 521, 590, 594;
coins,
Xebanocus, 235 Xeno, stele of, 306 Xenophantus vase, 40, 49, Xerxes, army
Zeno Imp. inscr., Zeno Laodicenus
:
f.
7
3,
Zelenchuk, R., 230 Zemarchus on Turks, 94, 114, 281 Zenghi, 92, 93
III.
Lit.
—
73.
—
231
IX. 134 n. i, 177; early Greek pots from, 339; earrings, 62 V. Collection, 282 n. 2, 514 n. 15 Zvenigorodskij, Zydritae, 24 Zygi, IX. 24, 128, 588 Zvenigorodka,
A
O,
463 n-
I
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