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A
SCYTHIANS AND GREEKS
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS ILouHon: FETTER LANE, E.G. G.
GLAY, Manager
F.
m
fM
^ft (HEliinbuvgl)
A.
Ecipjig: iUffa
Bomting
ant)
PRINCES STREET ASHER AND CO. A. BROCKHAUS
loo,
:
Berlin:
5^
F.
gork: G. (Calcutta:
A/l
P.
PUTNAM'S SONS
MACMILLAN AND
riglils
resei-ved
CO.,
Ltd.
SCYTHIANS AND GREEKS A SURVEY OF ANCIENT HISTORY AND ARCHAEOLOGY ON THE NORTH COAST OF THE EUXINE FROM THE DANUBE TO THE CAUCASUS
by
ELLIS H. MINNS, M.A. Late Craven Student and Fellow of Pembroke College, Cambridge
Member Member of the
of the Imperial Russian Archaeological Society Imperial Historical and Antiquarian Society of Odessa
Cambrido-e: o at
the University Press
;
DK
Cambridge
PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A.
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
OPTIMO PATRI OPERIS FAVTORI PRAECIPVO PIGNVS PIETATIS
PREFACE THIS
book
offers a
summary
of what
known
is
as to the archaeology,
ethnology and history of the region between the Carpathians and the Caucasus. The region is of varied importance for different branches of
knowledge touching the ancient world, yet about it the scholars of Western Europe have had a certain difficulty in obtaining recent information, because each found subject
into
unprofitable to master
it
an
outlying
Russian
for the
The language
corner.
sake of pursuing his therefore,
difficulty,
first
my original intention was merely to supply a key what has been written by Russian scholars, since they have been insisting upon the right of their language to scientific use. But such a fragmentary account of things would have been most unsatisfactory, and, though the time has not really come for a complete synthesis, enough advance has been made since the last attempt to review the subject, to justify a provisional summary. Though the geographical limits to which I have confined myself have confessedly been dictated by considerations of language ^i.e. I have, in principle, kept to the area within the Russian Empire which has naturally yet the frontier of attracted the attention of scholars writing in Russian Russia towards the Carpathians and the Danube answers nearly to a real
suggested this work, and to
—
—
historico-geographical boundary, the western limit of the true steppe.
Caucasus, again,
is
a world in
itself,
having
little in
common
The
with the steppe,
nor has the time^yet come to bring any sort of system into
its
archaeology
;
have reason enough for leaving it alone. On the other hand, the unity of the Asiatic and European steppe has led me on occasion right across to Siberia, Turkestan and China without any feeling that I was trespassing beyond my borders. My limits in time are, I hope, equally intelligible an attempt to begin at the beginning has resulted in Chapter vii, which, I trust, will not be useless: since it was printed off, more material has accumulated than I was able so
I
:
to cope limit,
with in the Addenda.
as they
made
The Great
a radical change
interrupted the continuous
life
in
Migrations form a good lower
the population of the steppe and
of the Greek cities on the Euxine coast.
the case of Chersonese alone there was no such break and
followed
its
history to the end.
I
In
have therefore
Preface
viii
same
these
Just
Die Hellenen
i7n
limits
were contemplated by K. Neumann in his 1855), but he only lived to publish
Skytlienlande (Berlin,
volume and that is nearly sixty years ago. In the first three parts of Kondakov and Tolstoi's Russian Antiquities in the Monuments of Art reissued by Reinach as Antiquitds de la Rtissie Mdridionale (St P. 1889) (Paris 1892, henceforward cited as KTR.) is provided a more recent summary. This, intended as an introduction to a more or less popular account of Christian art in Russia, leaves something to be desired in the
first
arrangement and presented, but
I
in
bibliographical
indications of the
have no idea of superseding
it,
as
sources for the facts its
limits
in
time and
much wider than mine, and, though I have been allowed to reproduce a great many of its illustrations, it remains the most accessible book in which to find many more. space are
When
work was compiled, the policy of publishing in Russian dominant (from about 1889, v. p. xxv) and it was difficult had just become for Europe to know of discoveries in Russia from then until 1904, when Pharmacovskij began contributing year by year to the Archdologischer It is just from the Anzeiger his very full and well illustrated reports. period before 1904 that the main bulk of my unfamiliar matter is taken, as the greater part of the illustrations (e.g. those borrowed from the Archaeological Commission) had been selected by then and the earlier part of the book the above
drafted.
Other obligations and work having nothing in common with this have made the writing, and also the printing, of the book a very slow business, further delayed by the continual flow of fresh material, the incorporation of which, especially at the later stages, has presented also resulted certain
unavoidable inconsistencies.
some
difficulty
Important
:
there have
facts
which
I
have learnt since the earlier sheets were printed off are briefly indicated in the Addenda, to which I would ask the reader's attention, but these supplements, necessarily, have been kept down rather jealously. A great cause of delay has been the miscellaneous content of the work :
its
unity being merely geographical, the composition of the different chapters
has meant incursions into different branches of knowledge, the
specialist will
find
me
wanting.
He
also
may
in
each of which
say that what interests
him has not received sufficient space, but there is no denying that the book The notes give him chapter and verse for every is big enough already. fact mentioned and indications as to where further information may be found on any particular point venient.
:
I
believe that even Russians
For readers requiring
less detail,
I
may
find these con-
have endeavoured
to
make such
a representative selection of material as to supply a general account of each subject treated and thus to
make
the book intelligible without the necessity of
Preface
ix
looking- up any references. Accordingly I have shewn enouy^h coins to give an idea of the whole series and have even taken up space with an Appendix of Inscriptions, though Latyshcv's Ijiscriptiones 0?'ae Septentrionalis Ponti
Euxmi
fairly
is
accessible.
With regard quantity
to
could
illustrations,
not afford to
I
have deliberately
sacrificed
quality
to
reproduce photographically the
hundreds have made rough and ready tracings for Chapters VIII XII the source of each being given, those who want finer detail will know where to find it. Illustrations of objects from a tomb will be found where the tomb is described. Critics may point out books and articles that I have overlooked, and such indications will always be welcome. Omissions are inevitable in view of the wide survey necessary. I fear I have not extracted all might have done from Serbian, Bulgarian, Polish, Rumanian and Hungarian authorities, but these lie somewhat on one side even in Russian I have found it impossible to hope for completeness, while in the archaeological literature of Western Europe I must have missed endless articles which would have enriched my work but had I waited to read them all, the book would never have been published. I
:
of objects of which
—
I
;
I
;
;
am
very anxious to direct the attention of the reader to the table for transliterating Russian on p. xxi, in order that he may have all possible I
help
many
names he will meet with in the text, the Preliminary Bibliography and List of Abbreviations (pp. xxiv
grasping the
in
unfamiliar
and also
to
— xxxv)
which explain such references
first
in the
notes as
may
not be clear at
sight.
A
book
like this
is
not written without incurring
many
obligations which
can only be repaid by sincere thanks and a readiness to render service service
if
Most
for
opportunity arise. of all
I
am
indebted to the Imperial Archaeological Commission
during my stay there, I was giyen a place of my own and was presented with a complete set of its more recent publications, and these have been sent me regularly year by year ever since full leave was granted me to reproduce any of its illustrations and over Its individual Members have 130 blocks were sent to England for my use. done all that could be done for me, especially the President, Count A. A. Bobrinskoj, who gave me his magnificent volumes on Smela and his History the Vice-President, Academician V. V. Latyshev, who by of Chersonese a long series of letters and articles has kept me informed of epigraphic at
St Petersburg
in
its
:
library
;
;
progress
;
the Senior
Member, Professor N.
I.
Veselovskij,
and Mr B. V. Pharmacovskij who by sending me up to date in his own special studies. M.
Mr
A. A. Spitsyn
his articles has kept
b
me
Preface
X
At the Imperial Hermitage, I have pleasant recollections of the courtesy Mr E. M. Pridik and Mr O. F. of the late Dr G. von Kieseritzky ;
me
Retovvski have rendered
valuable help and so has
Mr
J.
I.
Smirnov,
whose most generous offer to read my proofs unfortunately came too late. Count I. I. Tolstoi and Academician N. P. Kondakov graciously agreed to my reproducing illustrations from KTR., and from the latter I have I should also like to mention received kindnesses more than I can recount. the names of Professor M. I. Rostovtsev and especially of the late Baron Victor R. Rosen, without whose kindness my stay in Petersburg would have been
far less profitable.
Moscow, Mr A. V. Oreshnikov made me home, and ever since by most valuable letters, articles and
In the Historical
much
very
at
Museum
casts of coins has
been
me
with
has
supplied
Professor Vs.
my
my
at
chief help in numismatics
unpublished
Th. Miller,
material
Mr
;
V. A. Gorodtsov
Chapters
for
Director of the Lazarev
vii
Institute,
and
has
viii.
earned
gratitude both personally and by his books.
At Kazan, the
late
Professor
I.
N. Smirnov
first
made me acquainted
with Volga- Kama antiquities.
From
Kiev,
Mr
N. Th. Belashevskij of the
me
Mr I
in
Town Museum and especially
books, letters and photographs of which
V. V. Chvojka have sent have made full use, and Professor help and encouragement.
J.
A. Kulakovskij has been constant
and Antiquarian Society did me its Director, Dr E. R. von Stern, now the honour to elect me a member Professor at Halle, put its coin collection at my disposal and its Secretary, Professor A. A. Pavlovskij, has supplied me with its Transactions. These two scholars have besides rendered me important private services. At Nicolaev, Mr A. Vogell entertained me and shewed me his beautiful collection, now, alas, dispersed. At Kherson, Mr V. I. Goszkewicz has kept
At Odessa, the Imperial
Historical :
me
abreast of the progress of archaeology in his district.
At Chersonese, Waluzynicz, shewed
from time to time cessor,
Dr
:
me round the site and am also under very I
Mr
me
K. K. Kosciuszkophotographs and reports
definite
obligations to his suc-
the late Director of the Excavations,
sent
R. Ch. Loper, and his draughtsman
Mr M.
I.
Skubetov.
From
General A. L. Bertier-de-La-Garde at
Jalta, I have received books, articles, and other help on many points archaeological and numismatic my constant references to his work are a measure of what I owe him. Dr K. E, Duhmberg, Director at Kerch, assisted me while I was there, and his successor, Mr V. V. Skorpil, has answered questions and sent me valuable articles, while Dr I. A. Terlecki gave me my first real introduction to Bosporan
letters
coins.
:
Preface
xi
have found similar assistance from IVIr A. M. Tallgren at Helsingfors, from Professor A. von Lecoc] and the authorities of the Antiquarium at Berlin, from Professor P. Bienkowski at Cracow, Dr Vasi(^ at In Paris, my special Beli^rad, and Professor M. Rosenberg at Karlsruhe. Paul Boyer, Director of the School of Living gratitude is due to Professor Oriental Languages, my first guide in Russian studies, also to Mr E. Babelon Outside Russia,
I
:
and
at the Cabinet des M^dailles,
Museum, joined
St Germain
encouraged
me
Mr
to
allowing
in
S.
me
Museum, Mr O. M. Dalton who has traversed much of the same ground
me
at the
KTR.
copy figures from
and
other ways.
in
In the British
has been to
who helped me
Reinach, to
of the Medieval Department, in
Treasure of the Oxus,
his
a constant moral support and has besides helped
me
in
many
have always been sure of assistance from I Wroth, from Mr G. F. Hill and from Mr H. Mattingly I have been also specially beholden to Sir Cecil Smith and Mr F. H. Marshall, To Professor W. M. both formerly of the Greek and Roman Department. Flinders Petrie I am indebted for one of my most valuable illustrations. At Oxford, I have received help and encouragement from Sir A. J. Evans, Sir M. A. Stein and Professor J. L. My res. In Cambridge, my thanks are first due to the Managers of the Craven
ways
the Coin Department,
in
;
Mr Warwick
the late
;
Fund, who enabled me to make my^original archaeological visit to Russia, and to my College, which allowed my work upon this book to qualify me for
my
holding
Mr
late
R. A. Neil
talk over
been
Fellowship.
many
B.
My
Emmanuel
— and
at the
I
owe
to
beginning
my
—
I
Professor Ridgeway,
masters, the
had hoped
to
who has ever
thanks are also due to the
Masters of
Colleges, to Sir Charles Waldstein, Professor
Bury, Professor H. A. Giles, Professor A. A. Bevan, Professor E.
Rapson, Miss Jane E. Harrison, C.
how much
who encouraged me
forward.
St Catharine's and J.
cannot say
a point with him
me
urging
I
Mr
A. B. Cook,
H. Hawes, now of Dartmouth College,
Mr
S.
J.
A. Cook, Professor
U.S.A., and other scholars to
have had occasion to turn for information. whom Much of the photographic work was done by the I
of the Fitzwilliam coins.
The
My
Museum, I
very deepest gratitude
the proofs
right
Mr H. A. Chapman me in the matter of
the staff of which has aided have given to the staff of the University Library something that deserves special recognition from me.
trouble that
has amounted to
late
is
due to
through, successive
Mr
A.
J.
B.
Wace, who has read
batches coming to him at the most
Mr F. W. Green, who has made assurance second half of the book by eliminating errors which
widely different places, and to
more sure had crept If
I
for
the
in after Mr Wace's reading. have omitted to acknowledge either here or
in
the
text
b2
any
Preface
xii
obligations incurred within these thirteen years,
some excuse
for
may
the lapse of time be
me.
The Syndics
of the University Press
I
can but thank for undertaking
book by nature unremunerative and ask their pardon for having expanded beyond reasonable convenience and delayed it almost beyond endurance from the staff, especially from Mr Norman Mason, whom I have troubled with an endless series of petty details, I have received invaluable help given with unfailing patience, while the press-readers have saved me from many a
it
:
slips.
The work myself to
it,
illustrations
is
has
dedicated to
very
made by
incidental to
largely
the
making the
my
Father,
who
me
has enabled
1
9 13.
devote
supplemented the liberal allowance for and has contributed to the expenses
Syndics,
scale of the
book
less
inadequate to E.
24 April,
to
its
subject.
H. M.
.
CONTENTS PAGE
Maps and Coin
List of
Plates
xiv
List of Illustrations
XV
Transliteration
xxi
General Russian Bibliography
xxiv
Abbreviations
xxxiii
Museums Addenda
xxxvi et
Corrigenda
xxxvi
I.
Physical Geography and Natural Productions
II.
Survey of the Seas and Coastline of Scythia
III.
Geography of Scythia according
IV.
The
Scythians, their
Bibliographical
to
I
8
Herodotus
Customs and Racial
Summary
...
26
...
Affinities
35
...
Tribes adjoining Scythia according to Herodotus
97 lOI
VI.
History of Scythia
"5
VII.
Pre-Scythic
V.
:
Remains
Migrations in
Russia
130
Tombs
VIII.
Scythic
IX.
Siberia
X.
Scythic Art and Greek Art-work
made
XI.
Art in the Greek Colonies
§
I-
General Characteristics
§
2.
Architecture
§
3-
Sculpture
...
§
4-
Painting
... ...
XII.
149
and other Countries adjacent
Representative Greek
:
to Scythia for
241
Scythians
261
293 294 295 305 322
§
5-
Carpentry
§
6.
Textiles
§
7-
Ceramics
§
8.
Glass
335 338 362
§
9-
Terracottas
363
^
lO.
Bronzes
§
II.
Silver
374 382
§
12.
Gold-work and Jewelry
§
13-
Gems
Tombs
. .
...
386 410 415
XIII.
Colonization and Trade
436
XIV.
Tyras
445
XV. XVI.
Olbia
...
45i
Cercinitis
490
XVII.
Chersonese
XVIII.
Theodosia and
XIX.
...
493
Nymphaeum
Bosporus
Appendix of Inscriptions Coin Plates Index
554 562
:
...
Note and Explanations
639 661 681
ILLUSTRATIONS MAPS AND PLANS I.
Eastern Europe and Northern Asia
II.
Ptolemy's Sarmatia (after Latyshev)
End to
Paper
face page
i r
III.
Bosporus Cimmerius
21
IV.
Scythia Quadrata
27
V. VI.
VII. VIII. IX.
Scythia ad
...
mentem Herodoti
34
Ptolemy's Serica
114
Plan of Chersonese
493
Environs of Chersonese
495
End
Scythia
Paper
COIN PLATES I.
II.
Tyras
...to face page 664
Olbia, Acs Grave
Native Kings
III.
Olbia.
IV.
Chersonese
V.
Panticapaeum
VI.
Panticapaeum.
...
Rulers of Bosporus
VII.
Kings of Bosporus to 100
VIII.
Later Kings of Bosporus
IX.
Smaller States
a. D. ...
...
B.C.
„
666
„
668
„
670
„
672
»
674
„
676
„
678
„
680
ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT In view of my speciul obligations to the Imp. Archaeological Commission which gave me full leave to copy everything and actually entrusted nie with 130 blocks I have marked these (AC): the British Museum and the Society of Anticjuaries allowed me to have electrotypes of those marked (BM.) and (SA.) respectively. The numerous figures marked (K.) are copied by the gracious permission of Messrs Kondakov, Tolstoi and Reinach from their Antujuites de la Russie
Other such obligations to modern works I have acknowledged in their place. from one find are grouped where that find is described, although any particular object may be treated of in some other part of the book and to this reference is, as Mi'ridionale.
All illustrations of objects
far as possible,
given.
FIG. 0.
Heads of Scythians from Memphis,
1.
Balaklava ... Chatyr Dagh Scythia according to Krechctov
2.
3.
after Flinders
xxxvii
Petrie
18
19 32
5° 50
6.
Coin of Scilurus, after Koehne ... Waggon, after Bicnkowski (AC.) Waggons, after liienkowski
7.
Kundure
52
4. 5.
8. 9.
10.
11. 12. 13. 14. 15.
16. 17. 18. 19.
20. 21.
22. 23. 24.
25. 26.
51
Tartars, after Pallas
Scythians and Persians from Greek vases "Pontic" vase with Cimmerians Local Costume, Panticapaeum (K.) Tiara from Besleneevskaja (AC.) Persian Bas-reliefs shewing nomad Costume, after Flandin et Coste Cylinder. Combat between Persians and Sacae, after Rawlinson Coin of Tiridates II, after Dalton (BM.) Bracelet from CJolubinskaja (AC.) Beads, after CR. ... Model Gorytus, after CR. Sword from Aldoboly, after Hampel ... Bit from Constantino vo, after Bobrinskoj (AC.) Bronze Standard with Deer, Belozerka (AC.) ... Cauldron with Palmettes, Mikhailovo-Apostolovo (AC.) Cauldron, Khatazhukaevskij Aul (AC.) Cup from Pavlovka (AC.) Scythic Cup, Constantinovo (AC.) Scythic Pottery, Constantinovo (AC.) ... Skull-cup, after
CR.
27.
Nomads,
28.
30.
Areas near Tripolje, A, after Chvojka ... Grooved Pots, A, after Chvojka Painted Pots and Figure, A, after Chvojka
31.
Areas, B, and Pit-house, after Chvojka
32.
Painted Pots, B, after Chvojka...
33.
Chvojka Podolian Pot, after Chvojka Golden Bull, Majkop, after CR. Silver Cup, Majkop, after OR., cf. Argmterie Orieniale,
29.
34. 35.
36.
after I-yii-kuo-chih
...
...
...
...
...
...
54 55
56 58 59 61 61
64 65 67 69 76 77
79 79 80 82 82 83 96 ^33 135 136 1.37
Figures, B, after
i.
11
138 139 140 144 144
xvi
Illustratio7ts
37.
Tsarskaja, Dolmen, after CR.
38.
Tsvetno, Majdan (AC) Pavlovka, Double Barrow (AC) ... ... ... ••. ... ... ... ... ... Alexandropol, Bronze Standards, after ASH. (K.) Gold Plate, after ASB. (K.) „ Chertomlyk, Plan, after ASH. (K.) Gold Strip, after ASH. (K.) ,, ... ... ... Alexandropol, etc., various objects, after ASH. ... Chertomlyk Vase, after C/i. (K.) ... ... ... ... ... Frieze, Ridgeway, Tho)-oughbred Horse, after CR.... „ ,,
39. 40, 41.
42. 43.
44.
45. 46, 47. 48. 49. 50. 51.
52.
53. 54, 55. 56.
61.
62. 63, 64.
65. 66, 67. 68.
69. 70.
71. 72.
73. 74. 75.
75
di's.
76.
77.
78. 79. 80.
...
... ...
,,
Chmyreva
Bridle Ornament, after ASH. (K.) Mogila, Gold Plates from Harness (AC.)
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
... ...
,,
Bone
„
objects, after
Khanenko
...
•
...
Daggers and Cheek-pieces, after Bobrinskoj etc., after Bobrinskoj ...
...
Section, after
ABC.
89.
,,
90.
„
91.
,,
„
92.
,,
„
93.
,,
„
94.
„
„
,,
„
Frieze „ Mirror, after
ABC.
(K.)
,,
„
Band round Hood,
after
97.
,,
„
98.
„
„
,,
,,
,,
„
,,
,,
...
(K.)
ABC. Bracelets, after ABC. Vase, after ABC. after
(AC)
...
..
... ...
... ... ...
... ... ... ... ...
...
...
...
...
... ...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
Kul Oba, Temple-ornament, Earring; Kerch, Roundel, after Plan and Section, after ABC. ... ... ,, Gold objects, after ABC. ... ... ... „ Cups,
...
...
Mirror, Bit, Earrings, etc., after Khanenko Sinjavka, Skull with Gold Plates, after Bobrinskoj ... Smela, Mirrors, Bone Head, Cylinder, after Bobrinskoj ...
...
...
...
„
Kerch, Royal Barrow, Entrance
...
...
Arrow-heads,
„
99.
...
Horse's Cheek Ornament (AC) ... ... ... Horse's Frontlet (AC) ... ... ... ... „ ,, Gold Plate, Wrestlers (AC.) „ „ Ogiiz, Plan and Section (AC) ... ... ... ... ... ... ... Melgunov's Barrow, Sheath and Sword-hilt, after Pridik ... Details of Sheath, after Dalton (BM.) „ ,, ... Sword-hilt restored, after Pridik ... ... ,, ,, Mountings of Couch and Bird, after Pridik ... „ ,, Kiev District, Plans of Scythic Tombs, after Bobrinskoj ... ... Section of Kalnik (AC.) ... ... ... ... ... „ Plan of Grushevka (AC.) ... ... ... ... ... „ Model Axes, Plaques and Earring, after Bobrinskoj ... „ Ryzhanovka, Necklace (AC), after Bobrinskoj ... ... ... ... Axjutintsy, Deer on Quiver, after Bobrinskoj ... ... ... ... Belt-plate with Scyth, ReJ>. Hist. Mus. Moscow ... ... ,, Volkovtsy, Plan, after Bobrinskoj ... ... ... ... ... ... Gold-work, after Khanenko ... ... ... ... ... ,, Halter Ornaments, after Khanenko ... ... ... ... ,, Kiev District, Drinking vessels, Standards and Dagger, after Khanenko „
87. 88.
100,101.
...
...
.
„
...
...
...
„
95. 96.
... ...
„
85. 86.
...
...
PAGE 146 ".. 148 ••• 152 ... 154 155 156 157 ... 158 159, 160 ...
...
„
82. 84.
...
...
„
81. 83.
CR.
...
... ... Cauldron, after ASH. (K.) ... ... King's Sword-hilt, after ASH. (K.) Sword, after ASH. (AC.) „ Bow-case and Dagger, from Electrotypes ... „ ... ... ... Tsymbalka, Frontlets (K.) ... Krasnokutsk, Horse's Cheek Ornament, after ASH. (K.)
57. 58, 59. 60.
Figures, after
„
,,
...
...
...
...
...
ABC... ...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
..
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
ABC. after ABC.
161 162 162 163 163 164 166
167 168 168
169 169 169 170 171
172 172 172 174 176 177 178 179 181 182 183 184 185 186 188 189 190 191 192
193 194 194 195 196 197 198 199 200 201 201 202 202 203 204
.. Torque with Scythians, ... ... (K.) Deer, Sheath and Two Scythians from Electrotypes ... Phiale Mesomphalos, after ABC. (K.) ... ... Ivory, Judgement of Paris, from Photographs sent by Mr Pridik 204A&B .
.
1
xvu
Illtcstratio?is IC.
02. 04. 0506.
I'AtiE
Kerch, Kul Oba, Ivory, Rajjoof Leucippidcs,from I'liotogruphs sent
Other Fragments „ ,, „ Capital „ „ „ Seven Brothers, Silver Pectoral, after CR. (K.) Various objects, after CR. ... „ ,, „
,,
„
,,
Silver Dish
„ „
..
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
,,
,,
,,
„
10.
,,
,,
„ „
„
14.
,,
„
Quiver Tips, after CR. (AC.) ... ... ... ... ... ... ... Painted Stuff, after CR. ... ... Plans, Gorgoneion, Rhyton-lip Nymphaeum, Rayed Uish,
•5-
,,
„
after CR. ... ... ... and Nymphaeum, Bronze Horse-gear and
i3-
,,
„
Akhtanizovka, Brooch (AC.) Necklet (AC!) „
„
22.
.,
23-
125.
26. 27. 28.
29.
303i' 32.
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
cf.
Ari^fn/erie Oriinta/e,
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
Coffin, after
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
xiii.
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
Quiver Plate, after Mat. xiii. ... ... Bow-case (AC-) Kurdzhips, Ciold Cap and Roundels, after CR. „
Buckle, after CR. ... Kostromskaja, Plan and Section, after Deer, after CR. .. ,, Ulskij Barrow, Diagram, after CR. ,,
Vozdvizhenskaja, Diagram, after CR. (Jold Knob (AC.)
Zubov Barrow, ,,
34-
„
„
„
„
35-
...
Cauldron (.AC.)... Arm(;ur (AC.) ... Iron Bit (AC.) Silver Phiale (AC.)
...
CR.
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
..
...
..
..
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
Novocherkassk, Crown (K.)
3940.
4748.
Collar (K.) Circular Box (K.), cf. Argenterie Orientale, xi. 29 ,, ... ... Bottle (K.), cf. ib. xi. 30 ... ... „ ... ... ... ... ... Gold Strip yK.) „ ... Cup (K.), cf. Argenterie Orientale, x. 25 ... ,, Vettersfelde, Breast-plate and Hone, after Furtvvangler ... ... ... ... ... Fish, after F'urtwangler ... ... ,, ... ... ... Dagger-sheath, after Dalton (BM.) ,, ... ... ... Earring, after Furtwiingler ... ,,
49. 5°-
Siberia,
43-
44 4546.
Murza Bek, Kamennaja Baba (AC.) ... Copper and Bronze, after Radloff „
52-
,,
15 3-556. 57585960.
„ „ ,,
„
„ „
63-
164, 165.
M.
... A.xe-heads, Pekin Knives Mirrors, Axehead, Ornaments, after
... ... ... ... ...
... ...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
Martin
...
...
..
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
..
...
...
...
...
...
I'".
R.
...
Knives, after Radloff (AC.)
61. 62.
...
„
51-
,,
211 211
212
Axe-head, after CR. (.\C.) Mould for Axe-heads, after Radloff (AC.) ... Bronze Axe-head, after Radloff (AC.) ... Clay Pots in form of Cauldrons, after Klementz ... ... Axe-head, after Radloff (AC.) ... Pick (AC.) Scythe, after Radloff (AC.) Bit, after Radloff (.AC.) ... ... Knife-handles, after Radloff (AC.)
213 214 215 215 215 217 218 219 219 219 220, 221
...
38.
142.
...
CR.
...
,,
„
,
...
Rhyton (.\C.) Band of Hood (AC.)
2,7>-
137-
...
...
Karagodeuashkh, Jewelry, after Maf. xiii. ... Plate from Headdress, after Mat. „
21.
,
...
204 c 204 u 205 207 208 209 209 209
;
Nymphaeum, Cheek-piece (AC.)
19.
136
15
17-
20.
...
Quiver Tip, after CR. (K.) ... Bridle Ornament, after CR. (A(^.) Oreat Silver Rhyton, after CR. (K.),
16.
18.
14
I'ridik
09.
,,
IV.
12
Mr
07. 08.
,112.
1
(AC)
l)y
223 224 225 226 227 228 230 230 231 231 231
233 234 234 234 234 235 237 238 239 239 239 242 243 244 245 245 245 245 246 247 247 247 247 247
Illusti~atio7is
xviii
PAGE
I'lC.
i66, 167. 168.
169, 170. 171. 172.
Argalis, after Radloff (AC.)
Siberia,
249 249 249 249
Inset Knob, after Radloff (AC.) Dagger-hilts, after Radloff (AC)
„ „
„
Iron Dagger
(AC)
,,
Objects from
Altai, Horse-sacrifice, after Radloff,
Aus
Kin-Shih-So ... ... ... ... O.Mis Treasure, Sheath ... with Nomad ... ... Plaque ... ,, ,, Ring, after Dalton (BM.) „ „ Criffin, after Dalton (BM.) „ „ Armlets and Animals, after Cunningham „ ,, ... ... ... Incised Gravestone, Ananjino (K.) ... ... ... Dagger, Ananjino, after Aspelin ... ... ... ... Bronze beast, Ananjino (K.) ... ... Bronze from near Sympheropol, after CR. ... ... ... Copper Monsters, Perm, after CR. Ivory Ibex and Boar, Ephesus, after Hogarth (BM.)
Si/'irie/i.
Plate
...
...
...
...
..-
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
251
after
173. 174.
175. 176. 177. 178. 179. 180.
181. 182.
182
his.
183, 184. 185. 186. 187. 188, 189.
190. 191.
192.
193. 194.
195. 196. 197.
198. 199. 200.
201.
202. 203, 204. 205. 206.
(;old Plates, Ak-Mechet (K.) Gold Bird, Vasjurin Hill, after
.
from
.
Siberia, after Radloff (AC.)
Kuban
(K.)
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
260 268 270
267
Necklet, Siberia, after Pridik ... ... ... Deer, Siberia (K.) ... ... Gold Torque, Siberia (K.) Gold Eagle, Siberia, after Dalton (SA.) ... Gold Buckle, Siberia (K.) ... ... Gold Beast, Siberia (K.) ... Bear and Snake, Siberia (K.) ... ... (iriffins and Tiger, Siberia (K.) ... ... Deer, Verkhne-udinsk (K.) ... Griffin and Horse, Siberia (K.) ... ... Eagle and Yak, Siberia (K.) ... Boar and Serpent, Siberia (K.) ... ... Hunting Scene, Siberia (K.) ... ... Scene of Rest, Siberia (K.) Griffin
...
CR
Gold Sheath from near Tanais, after Arch. Anz. 'i'orque and Bracelet, Susa, after de Morgan ...
Gold Horseman,
... ...
255 255 255 256 256 258 258 258 258 258
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
....
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
•...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
212.
213.
Stele of Chreste,
...
...
...
...
214.
Stele
...
...
.
...
...
...
...
215. 216.
Daphnus, Kerch, after CR. (K.) ... Stele of Diophantus, Kerch (AC.) ... ... Tombstone with Funeral Feast, after Uvarov (AC.) Relief of Tryphon, Tanais, after CR. (K.) ...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
209. 210.
211.
217. 218. 219. 220. 221. 222.
223. 224. 225. 226. 227.
Kerch (AC.) of Mastus, Kerch (AC.)
Stele of
.
Painted Stele of Appiie, after CR. ... ... ... Catacomb of Alcimus, Kerch, after CR. ... ... Ceiling of same Catacomb, after CR. ... ... ... Catacomb of 1891, after Kulakovskij ... ... ... Catacomb of Anthesterius, after C/i. ... ... ... Catacomb of 1841, after Ashik (K.) ... ... ... .Section of Stasov's Catacomb (AC) ... ... Coin with Standard and Candys (AC.) ... ... Frescoes from Stasov's Catacomb and Tamg^i, after CR.
etc.
273 274 274 275 275 275 276 276
...
... ... ... ... Chertomlyk Bow-case (AC) ... Chertomlyk Sheath (AC) ... ... .:. Hygiea(?), Olbia, after Pharmacovskij ... ... ... ... Herm of Bearded Hermes, Kerch (AC) ... Marble Head of Archaistic Hermes, after Malmberg (AC.) Marble Lion, Kerch (AC.) ... ... ... ... Anthemion from Chersonese ... ... ... ...
207. 208.
271 272 272 272
...
.
277 278 279 279 279 285 286 292 297 297 299 300 301 301 302 303 303 304 306 309 310 311 313 314 315 316 317
'
Illustratio7is
xix I'M.K
Kit;.
Tainga (AC.) ... Catacomb of 1875 (AC.) ... Catacomb of 1873 (AC.) Wxow/j^ buckle with
228. 229. 230. 231.
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
Catacomb
...
...
...
...
...
232.
Wooden
...
...
...
...
...
233.
Coffin, Jiiz
234.
Coffin, Vasjurin Hill i^AC.)
235. 236.
Coffin, Vitjazevo, near Anapa, after CR. ... ... Same, Details, after CR. Same, Nereid.s (AC.) ... ... ... Same, Mouldings (AC.) ... ... ... ... Coffin, Kerch (AC.) ... Niobid Coffin, .side (AC.) ... ... ... Sanie, end view (AC.) ... ... Niobid and Pedagogue, after Zhebelev (AC.)
.
237, 238. 239. 240. 241.
242. 243.
Oba,
after
CR.
244.
Textiles from Kerch, after
245. 246.
Vase fragment, Kerch,
247. 248.
...
of Soracus, after Kulakov.skij ... Coffin from Olbia (AC.) ...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
CR.
after
CR.
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
.
...
...
...
...
.
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
..
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
... ... ... ... ... ... Side view of fig. 247 ... ... ... ... I>ecane from Kerch, after Trans. Od. Hoc. xviii. ... ... ... .. Lecane from Jiiz Oba, after CR. (K.) ... ... ... ... Xenophantus Vase, after CR. (K.) ... ... ... ... ... Sphin.x Vase, Phanagoria, after CR. (K.) Aphrodite Vase, Phanagoria (Photograph sent by Mr J. I. Smirnov) ... ... ... ... Aryballus, Olbia (AC.) ... ... ... ... ... ... ... Distemper Va.se, Kerch, after CR. ... ••• .•• ... ... Cantharos, Olbia (AC.) ... ... ... ... ... ... ... Pelice, Olbia (AC.) ... Cyli.x, Olbia (AC.) ... ... ... ... ... ... Megarian Bowl, Olbia (AC.) ... ... ... ... Megarian Bowl, Olbia (AC.) ... ... ... ... ... ... Amphora, Olbia, after von Stern (AC) ... ... ... Jug with metallic glaze, Olbia (Pierpont Morgan) ... ... ... ... Porringer with metallic glaze, Olbia (AC.) Glass Bottle, Olbia (AC.) ... Casts from Terra-cotta Moulds, Chersonese, after Malmberg ... Emblema from Mould, Chersonese, after Malmberg (AC.) ... ... Head of Hermes from Mould, Chersonese, after Malmberg .... ... ... Toy, Kerch, after Odessa Museum Terra-cotias ... ... ... Clay Niobids, Kerch, after Zhebelev (AC) ... ... ... ... ... Plaster Coffin-ornaments, Kerch (AC.)... i
.
249. 250. 251. 252. 253.
254. 255. 256.
257. 258.
259-261. 262. 263. 264.
265. 266. 267. 268.
269, 270.
271-275.
283. 284.
... ... ... Ornament, Kerch (AC.) ... ... ... Model of Coffin with Plaster Ornaments (AC.) ... ... Handle of Bronze Crater, Martonosha (AC.) ... ... ... Handle of Bronze Mirror (Core), Kherson (AC) ... ... ... Handle of Bronze Mirror, .Annovka (.\C.) ... ... Couch, Phanagoria (AC.) ... ... ... ... ... ... Urn in stone box, Hadzhi Mushkai (AC.) Canthari, Colander and Hair-pin, Olbia (Pierpont Morgan)...
285.
Gold Wreath with
286.
Gold Gold Gold Gold
276.
277. 278. 279, 280. 281. 282.
287.
288, 289. 290. 291.
292. 293. 294.
295.
Plaster
.
J^,
321 322
323 324 325 326 327 328 329 332 333 334 337 340 340 341 342 343 344 345 347
...
... ...
... ...
...
...
348 349 ... 350 350 ... 352 ... 352 354, 355 ... 356 ... 357 362 ... 365 ... 366 ... ...
367 370 371 372
... .
.
... ...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
373 373 375 376 377 379 380 383
Kerch (AC.)
and Wreaths, Kerch, after Cap, Ak-burun, after CR. (K.) ... Diadems, Olbia (AC.) Aigrette
318 318 319
388
ABC.
...
...
...
...
389
...
...
...
...
...
391
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
••
...
...
...
••
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
Earrings from the Bosporus, after ABC. ... ... Swan-earring, Kerch, after CR. ... ... ... ... Boy-pendant, Olbia (AC.) ... ... Lion-head Earring, Olbia (AC)... Necklaces, etc., from Theodosia, after ABC... ... Butterfly Necklace, Chersonese (AC.) ...
392 396 398 398 398 401 407 c 2
XX
Illustrations PAGE
FIG.
296, 297. 298. 299, 300. 301.
302, 303. 304, 3°5306, 307. 308. 3093io> 3"-
312, 313. 314. 315316. 3173,8.
319320. 321. 322.
323. 324325326, 327. 328. 329-.
329
bis.
33°331332-
... Earrings in Gold and Garnet, Kerch (AC.) Oriental Gems, Bosporus, after ABC. and CR. Gems by Dexamenus of Chios, after Sir A. J. Evans Gem from Novgorod Seversk, after Pharmacovskij (AC.)
Simple Pit-grave, Olbia, after Pharmacovskij (AC.) ... Pit-grave with plank ceiling, Olbia (AC) Undercut grave, Olbia (AC.) Plan of Vault of Heuresibius, Olbia (AC.) Section of the same (AC.) Plan and Section of Tomb, Chersonese (AC.) Paintings from Man's Tomb, Great Bliznitsa (AC.) ... Inlay from Great Bliznitsa, etc., after CR. Gold Calathos, Great Bliznitsa, after CR. (K.) Temple-ornament, Great Bliznitsa, after CR. (K.) Bracelet, Great Bliznitsa, after CR. (K.) Gems and Earring, Jiiz Oba Gold-work, Great Bliznitsa, Stlengis, Great Bliznitsa, after CR. (K.) Collar, Great Bliznitsa, after CR. (K.) Objects from Artjukhov's Barrow, after CR. ... Diadem, Artjukhov's Barrow, after CR. (K.) ... Artjukhov's Barrow, Tomb II, Plan and Section (AC.) Objects from Glinishche Tomb, after ABC. ... :
Bottle
and
Bracelet,
Harness, Glinishche
Akkerman
Castle
Glinishche
Tomb,
Tomb,
after
ABC
after
(K.)
ABC.
409 411 413 414 416 416 417 418 419 421 423
424
after
CR.
(K.)
...
...
Gold Stater (Pseudo-Lysimachus) of Tyras View of Olbia Plan of Olbia Letter of Articon, after Latyshev
333334-
View of Chersonese Gates {E.) in the Greek Wall of Chersonese, from a photograph given by
335-
Greek
Mr
336. 337-
338.
Kosciuszko-Waluzynicz Walls of Chersonese looking SE., from a photograph given by Mr Kosciuszko-Waluzynicz NW. Postern, Chersonese, from a photograph given by Mr Kosciuszko Waluzynicz View between walls looking nw., from a photograph given by Mr Kosciuszko Waluzynicz Plan of sw. corner of Chersonese, after CR., and Elevation of Walls, after Bertier-de-La- Garde
339340341342. 343344345346347348. 349350351-
Objects from Chersonese, after CR. Plans of Churches, Chersonese ... View of Theodosia, after Museum Worsleyanum Plan of Theodosia, after Bertier-de- La-Garde ... View of Kerch Plan of Panticapaeum Plan of Baths, Panticapaeum (AC.) Plan of Tanais, after Leontiev ... Stater of Dynamis, after Oreshnikov Chersonesan Oath, after Latyshev Stele of Timotheus (AC.) Inscription from Phanagoria (AC) Inscription from Gorgippia (AC.)
425 426 426 427 428 429 431 432 433 434 434 435 445 448 450 450 466 493
500 501
503
503 505 507 511
554 557 562 562 565 568 592 645
660 660 659
XXI
TRANSLITERATIONS. Greek.
Greek narnes and words appear
mended
to contributors to
JHS.,
in
names more
i.e.
Greek words
treated inconsistently. into Latin, but
Romans
that the
Delos, and certain words which are
e.g.
in the
Latin transliteration
traditional
tlie
familiar in the
Greek form,
Greek
Russians transcribe Greek by tradition as
recom-
is
transliterated
if
order.
were modern Greek (no
if it
as
fully I-atinize,
Nike, Bouk, are
e.g.
index mostly appear where they would
actually next each other are put in the
if
much
themselves did not
//
i,
;
-q,
v-\
a reform party represents the Erasmic view but has not attained to a consistent system
hampered by having no h for which V i.e. g is used. Latin is pronounced after the German fashion and
etc.) :
.
is
it
transliterated accordingly.
Russian.
The appear
use of diacritical marks has been avoided Polish,
in
for typographical
Bohemian or Serbo-Croatian names of which they
and they only
reasons,
has involved the frequent use of two letters in English for one in Russian which
To
the unfamiliar words very long and hard to grasp.
than to attempt to give the pronunciation exactly and are consistent with a
except
y
is
rendering.
and y (see below)
e
than does the as
fair
German
wanted
;
the
or French, but I have
for a special
vowel
except in a few Greek words) as
words short
I
The vowels English mode
done
is
had
have represented Russian
and
1;
nearly always present before an e sound in Russian
an
I
i
have omitted the
and substituted
/ in
When names their I
own
spelling
have as
J.
The J
diphthongs
oj\
when Greek
far as possible written
from
to depart
by :
^
so
it
and
/'
when I
for consonantal
as
I
To keep
of Slavonic.
and
(ordinarily
less
into
many
unfamiliar
easier to
me
/
the
being
ja or ju) follow
have sometimes yielded to temptation
German
or Polish,
have restored to them
I
write
Greek or Latin
(e.g.
words or names
Pharmacovskij but Funduklej)
inconsistencies (e.g. two values of ch), but anything which
and so
the
je,
so as to bring out their derivation, the terminations being transcribed normally.
me
y
(nor of course ch for kh,
instead of Je i<>
in Italian
Russian better
fits
by using J
c for ts
a or
few letters as
pronounced as
or Latin enter into the composition of Russian
them
make
Tolstoi.
e.g.
of Russians are really French, :
at using as
of expressing consonants
looks unfamiliar and
aj\
have aimed
are of course to be
in scientific transliteration e
apt to
is
avoid this has seemed more important I
have not ventured to use
I
:
This
are an integral part.
distinguish
is
Tliis
has led
makes Russian names
valuable. Westerners being inclined
to
confuse
make a difference between Cherson the Byzantine form of Chersonese and Kherson the modern Russian town at the mouth of tlie Dnepr. The accent is not written in Russian, so I have not made a practice of indicating it, but them.
I
It
has also enabled
have occasionally (especially
vowels are
much
the tonic accent
to
in
the index) put
less clear in quality, I
e.g.
o
is
have not put an extra mark
it
as a guide to pronunciation
indistinguishable from a ;
e
;
:
unaccented
when, as often,
{=jo) only arises under the accent.
<-
has
Titans lite7~atio7^s
xxii Russian
letters.
;in
a
a
a
ai, aj
aft
b
6
as in father,
at in aisle,
b as in boy.
Not used alone except to represent k ch as chwch (but when representing x it
c
ch
Pronunciation.
letters.
H (x)
ox c in Greek or Latin. is
to
be pronounced kh).
d
A
d
e
e
At the beginning of all but a few modern loan-words as ye m yet ox ya m.Yale: after a consonant they' {y) is less distinct but always present except after sh, ch, zh and ts. ^ as in equator: confined to obvious modern loan-words. Accented e in certain cases assumes the sound o^ jo, o, and so I have sometimes written, A special letter now identical in sound with c but never
e
3
e
e
e
i
ej
eu
f
(J)
as in debt, or rather Fr. dette.
turning to
g gh
m
ey
e.
grey.
Only
in foreign
r
Hard
as in get.
r
r
words
sounded as a
the origin
if
;
is
Greek
end of words
spirant, at the
1
(e.g.
use ph.
Bugh)
as ch
in Loch.
Not
h
Greek i
II,
'
is
&:c.
//
is
represented by
sometimes rendered by
(Sometimes -
as in machine.
i
i
Latin
Russian.
in
ft
in
r,
or sometimes x.
r
more often
diphthongs,
left out.
Ainalov,
e.g.
Tolstoi.) i
(ia, ie, ie, iu)
I.
(i)ii,
te,
i>e,
LHJ
b-i-a
almost
is
with
identical
ft
J
j(ji)
ju
ja,
ee in
ift
ij
free but after
y y
at the
(i>ii)
(a, K))
y
before
(aft, eft, oft)
b
-^
as
i
-f
a and
have made no
I
other vowels except
distinction, so with
tii
^ji.
in whisky,
_>'
end of diphthongs
as in ay, grey, boy.
before / after a consonant, as in Goodyear, a,
ti,
as in yarn, yule.
k
K
do not write the j in these cases but it is to be pronounced. k except in Greek or Latin words, in which where possible
kh
X
German
1
Ji
/
m
M
m.
n
H
n.
P ph
n
(e, e, e)
(e, e,
i)
I
I write
c.
ch in
and y as
*
r
P
but in Greek words
:
/
and
iv
as in people,
I
use ch for
x-
"soft" between /
in Fr. ville.
accented open as oa
in
have written ph
words of Greek
broad: unaccented as a
in balloon.
P1
Not
q
acl^
"hard" between
;',
in
in
origin.
Russian.
strongly
trilled
:
when
soft
between r and
y
but not
like ry. s
as in
size,
case,
like Mtisej,
sh
in
shch
m
t.
T
never as in cheese
sh in shut, shell t.
in
(I
have
left
it
in
words
numismdtica, written with z in Russian).
Ashchurch.
:
Russia?!^ Russian
Latin letters.
xxiii
etc. I'roiuinciatiun.
Icllors.
e
til
C/n?iese^
/;
I
have written
th,
as o only occurs in words borrowed from
Russian
the (Ireck, but the pronunciation in ts
U
u
y
V
B
u often re|)resents a
as in its:
/->
is
/.
through
German
hence the
common
Latin
c
influence.
u
in
t*,
at the
rule.
end of words pronounced
spelling
w
Our
w
KC
f,
y
H
A
and
also
/
-off.
does not occur
to render X
as
«/',
in
Russian but (Germans use the
letter
b.
have been dropped from the Russian alphabet.
peculiar vowel between / and u not unlike
value in
its
rhythm, y
ir
Representing (ireek
z
3
English U =
zh
St
(')
'r>
French
Sympheropol.
v as in
Hut Germans transliterating
z.
Russian use
it
for
ts.
y,
English
z
azure.
in
Keeps preceding consonant "hard":
have only used
I
it
in
the middle of words.
Makes preceding consonant
b
(')
write
I
Consonants before before
j and
e,
/,
(')
a, o,
Russians writing their
German
using a French or the only thing
is
are mostly
u, y, (')
that
soft,
is
with a
own names
j
The forms
pronounced hard,
attempt
A
j.
(e.g.
i.e.
more or
less as in
and reduce
names
all
to
one
lost
etc.
consonants but
final
Wade
does
neither
The
system.
render
it
Hsiung-nu, T'u-chiii for Hiung-nu, T'u-kiie): also zh
Oriental Sect, xviii.
is
does not
some of
Pekinese
the
put for Wade's (French)
i.
p.
d61ja='675
gr. troy
,,
f
,
zolotnfks=r lot=^
(_
32 lots=
1
i
= 4'265
iQ4'4 gr. troy) yt f t. -'. "45 oz. avdp. J
=
grm. „
12-78 grm.
= '9 lb. avdp. =409 grm. pud = 36'U lb. avdp. = i6'36 (3
I
grm.
gr. troy
funt
4ofunts=i
in
in
the books
Russian Measures.
Weights.
= -044
96d61jas=i zolotnik = 64'8 ,
is
074.
took them.
I
Russian
3
whom
transliteration
Other Oriental names have been rendered rather haphazard, mostly as found from which
:
.system.
convenient table of transliterations from Chinese, including that used by Russians,
TRAS.
I
English
which Chinese names appear have been revised by Professor Giles, to
restore
to
innovations
a vowel follows
Latin letters are generally cjuite inconsistent, mostly
in
to disregard their individual usage
in
when
:
system, often a mixture of the two or alternately one and the other
thanks are due, in accordance with the
best
"
sound, but this must not be overdone.
Chinese,
my
" soft
/.
puds=
1
versh6ks=
^5 arshins= ^
i
i
inch
arshfn
,,
^^
500sazhens=i verst=iio6 (3 versts
kgr.
Map
=2
miles
:
,
cm.
% =1-007 ^ km-
yds, 2
,
ft
15 versts=: 16 km.,
cf.
Scale on
ix.)
cwt.)
have avoided using these, but many of the books
and inches or of
= 4"445 cm. = 28 inches = 7rn sazhen = 7 feet = 2"n4 m.
versh6k=r75
16
late years the
Metric system.
to
which
I
refer
do
so, others
use our feet
XXIV
PRELIMINARY BIBLIOGRAPHY OF RUSSIAN PUBLICATIONS. In view of the mutual independence of various parts of the book sectional bibliographies
have been appended
amount of
contain a certain
C
in §
to
repetition
each of Chapters
number
ii
—
xiu
iv,
some
of abbreviations,
below even though they be
— xix,
much
throughout give
the notes
:
of these
fairly familiar to
although
it
has meant a certain
this
information but
bibliographical
they
has been thought better to expand
archaeological readers, but
it
only a
is
of abbreviations, not a bibliography of periodical literature, and does not contain
list
cited
titles
form about which there can be no mistake.
in a
works
Titles of
Russian appear
in
in the notes in Englisli
Translations (not always,
The
transHterations are difficult for those unfamiliar with the language to grasp.
Russian
(A) and independent work (B) to which reference has been made,
serial
both in the original Russian language and published English
in
of which
serials
and
titles,
the
character and in
Russian
title
may be expected
every case, a reader
Russian
in
spite
of
be readily identified
its
form of the Russian
to
infer
title
he
will
find
A
in
it
is
it
Articles
by their
published has been given in
work published in Russia is written in and if he wishes to know the exact
that a
being cited by an English
of every
As the place of
has not been thought necessary to give the Russian.
it
publication of every work or else that of the serial in which
fear,
here given
a Latin transliteration.
given, can
is
title is
I
and even
quite consistent), the Russian character has been avoided as generally unintelligible,
title,
Russian works, mostly
Certain
or B.
official
French titles and are cited by these mostly in an abbreviated form, V. § C. The titles of the magazines Propylaea (Ilpoiiiuieif) and Hermes (repMecij, not have been distinguished by the to be confused with the German Hermes, Berlin, 1866 ) publications, have recognised
—
warning (Russian). Caucasica S.
has
a
Latyshev's Wovtiko.
Russian
translation
Russia, which by an oversight
German, letters
etc.
are of course
I
have cited as " Inscr. Chr."
a translation has been added.
who can command
to
]
The
those
citation
in
Russian, his Scythica
of articles in
and notes and so has
unaltered
left
a collection
is
his
Christian
The
Slavonic
titles
Inscriptions
et
from
of works in French,
languages which
use
Latin
of Russian authorities will enable anyone
the help of an interpreter to look up any particular point with as
little
difficulty as possible.
By far the greater some institution or
part of
work on the
antiquities of S. Russia appears in the publications
a serial, and these may conveniently form one and the independent books another (B). I have not made any effort to include books older than i860 and quite superseded, nor have I aimed at any completeness in this practical guide to a wide literature. I have inserted one or two books which have appeared printing of the A helpful book of since the section for which they would have been useful. of
society, nearly always
class (A)
reference
is
CucTeMaTHiecKifi yKasaxejii. KHnrt
lIpo3opoB'B, n. (Prozorov, P.).
iijioJioriii
HaiieMaTaHHUXT. Bt PoccIh
iiHOCTpanuHXT) fl3HKax7>,
CT.
ct xvii
npii6aB.'ieHieMi)
3a
cTOJffeTifl
1893,
11
no 1892
1894
11
CraTen
no PpeiecKOH
voKh Ha pyccKOMi
1895
rojtH.
Cn6.
h
1898.
Ukazdtel' Knig i Statej po Grccheskoj Philolbgii napechdtannykh v Rvssii po 1892 god na russkom i inostrdnnykh jazykdkh, s pribavleniem za 1893, 1894 i 1895 gody = Systematic Index of Books and Articles on Greek Philology printed in Russia fro?n the xviith century to 1892 in Russian and other languages, ivith a Supplement {SisteniaticheskiJ
s
XVII stoletia
for 1893, 1894 arid 1895. See also
losPE.
11.
pp. 339
St P.
1898.)
— 344, and the half-yearly Supplement to BCA.
(v.
inf. p. xxvi).
—
—
Preliminary Bibliography^
The
Acadkmy
Impkriai.
Academia Nauk), Philological
Romains,
—
and
Melanges
(also
I5ii;iaiiTii1cKiii
{Zapiski,
IJaiiiicicii
a
Asiaiiqiies),
{Vizantijskij
ARCHAF.oi.or.iCAi.
Imi'kkiai,
Commission
The movement which publications
St
folio,
Hu^afTtm
—
,
XpoiLKa),
have not often had occasion
led to
its
in
Paris, 1892, with
[ABC]
conservces
h'oMMiicciji,
may be
classed
large
8™
by
S.
Reinach
new introduction and
in
au Musce Imperial de V Ermitage,
his
" Bil)liothe(iue des
edition instead of the
cumbrous
Bceiiojutami'ti'iiiiaru
Monuments
Figures,"
reduced almost
descriptions to the plates, vviiich are
have used
I
large
This rare book
French facing each other.
F^xcept where fine detail or colour are important
to half size.
iiai.
ApxcHuorii'iccKaji
the central organ of Russian archaeology.
establishment produced two works which
published in Russian and
1854,
is
:
Bosphore Cimnicrien P.
was reissued
HaBJis'ieuie
I
1900
Literature),
Vreniennik,
(Umiiki'atoi'ckaii
Imperatorskaja Archeologicheskaja Commi'ssia')
Antiquites du
and
Miscellany)
publications.
its
its
Historico-
ciobcciioctii (Otdclenia riisskago
11
Department of Russian Language and UpoMOiiiiiiiii.
the
Melanges Greco-
in
{Sbornik,
Cfiopiiimi.
jiituica
Impcnitorskaja
llayKi.,
Mhnoires) of
were collected articles
Also Prozorov's book above mentioned, but
1894
with
AKiWMiji
(HMiiKi-ATorcKAH the
a Bulletin from which
slovesnosti, of the
i
tlie
to cite
The
Scikncks publislies
P.,
xxv
Serials issued in Russia.
Bulletin) OrxliJioiiiji pyccKaro
M:jB'i;cTifl {/zvistia,
jazyka
of
St
Class, also
1855
and
Official Publications
A.
^
\
convenient
this
original.
OT'icra ooi,
apxco.iorii'ieciciixii
posucKaniKxi.
18-58
rii
r.
vsepbddannejshago Otcheta ob Archeologicheskikh Rozyskdniakh v 1853 godii = Extract from a most humble Report on the Archaeological Explorations in 1853), by Uvarov {/zvleclicnie iz
and Leontiev, 4'", St The Commission also the
1855.
P. is
constituted as a part of the Ministry of the Imperial Court, as
Hermitage Museum.
Compte Rendu [CR.]
From 1859
(OT>ieTT>,
to
1881
Its
most important publication
Otchet) de la
is
is
:
Commission Imperiale Archeologique.
the text (410) of this contained
a
Report
French) of the
(in
German (1859 French) dealing with various objects either yielded by recent excavations or preserved
excavations conducted in each year, and a Supplement by L. Stephani in is
in
in
the
Hermitage
;
there
were occasional woodcuts (unnumbered) and
few
very
plates
except in the text for 1872, which has as a second supplement V. Stasov's French account of a catacomb illustrated
with
each
18 plates;
part
is
accompanied by an
of six
atlas
and in Reinach's ABC. there is a short summary of the contents of this series and a meagre index to the whole. The Reports for 1882 1888 were all issued at once (sm. folio) with an atlas of the same type, a description of its six plates and an index this volume appeared in a French magnificent plates
Each
part has a superficial index,
—
;
and a Russian edition. CR. from 1889 to 1898, henceforward with
many
reports of particular excavations but
separate volume.
From 1899
no index: indices
To be distinguished from the Imp. .-Xrchacographic (Apxeorpa(t)iiMec"KaH) Comm., which publishes documents dealing with Russian history, e.g. M.
Russian (sm.
folio
without
to
the years
1882
the fuller reports have been transferred to
volume has been supplied with an index. '
in
an
atlas
cuts in the text), contained the Reports year by year, an appendix with
CR. comes
— 1898
but fuller
form a
BCA. and
each
out four or five years after date.
versions of Ps. Nestor's Chronicle, and in its Chronicle {Letopis) articles upon such subjects,
d
—
—
A
Preliminary Bibliography^ \
XX vi The Imp.
Commission has
Arcliaeological
also issued
[ASH.], two two numbers of
A7itiquites de la Scythie d'Herodote
large atlas, forming the
first
contain monographs
folio),
finds or classes of antiquities
Russia
South
308
n.
4
V.
pp. 363 n.
V.
320
p.
French) and
text (in
n.
:
Kerch, vi., xix. Kulakovskij, Catacombs at 11. (= ASH.) Malmberg and Oreshnikov, Bertier-de-La-Garde, Chersonese Finds, viii. Strzygowski and Pokrovskij, Shield (?) from Kerch, 509 n. I xiii. Malmberg and LappoXVII., xxiii. Latyshev, Inscriptions;
Nos.
:
;
VII., XII.
;
I,
553,
;
IX.,
3;
Pridik,
—
with excellent plates, dealing with the following particular
i.,
Danilevskij, Karagodeuashkh,
xxxi.
216; xxiv. Zhebelev, Panticapaean Niobids,
v.
p.
Melgunov's Find,
v.
Archaic Bronzes,
v.
South- West
p.
Russia
n.
374
xi.
:
172
p.
n.
1;
v. p. 370; Malmberg, Three
Zhebelev and
xxxii.
4.
Antonovich,
Excavations
in
the
country
of the
Drevljane
to Slav).
dates, Sc.
(all
4'",
1873,
—
Archaeology of Russia), Nos. in.
V. p.
1866,
Parts,
no Apxeojioriii Pocciii [Mat.] {Materidly po Archeolbgii Rossii, Materials for the {ASH. Leing reckoned as Nos. 1. and 11.), 1888
MaTepiaJii.1
(sm.
:
iv. Avenarius, Drogichin Cemetery (Govt. Grodno) xiv. Spitsyn North-West Russia and Romanov, Ljutsin Cemetery (Govt. Vitebsk); xxviii. Siz6v, Gnezdovo near Smolensk (Liv (?) and Slav graves x. xi. cent. a.d.). Novgorod Frescoes xxi. Examination of Suslov's scheme for restoring Frescoes in ;
:
—
:
S.
xxx. Pokryshkin, Report on restoration of S. Saviour's, Nereditsa. North Russia xviii. Brandenbourg, Barrows S. of L. Ladoga (Finnish, viii.
Sophia
;
:
XX. Spitsyn and Ivanovskij, Barrows of St P. Govt. or Finnish, xi.
—xv.
East Russia
:
x.
Cemeteries at Ljada and Tomnikovo (Tambov Govt.)
Kama and Oka (Finnish, Kama (Finnish, — xiv. a.d. i.
Smirnov, Syrian Dish from Perm Siberia:
iii.,
Transcaspia
Herat
:
:
v.,
xv., xxvii.
(vi.
I.
—
v.
p.
—
vii.
Radlofif,
xvi. Zhukovskij,
xxxiii. N.
x.
xi. a.d.);
257
n.
;
xxv. Spitsyn,
3);
xxii.
Chwohlson, Pokrovskij and
a.d.).
Antiquities of Siberia,
v.
p.
241 n.
i.
Ruins of Ancient Merv.
Commission Imp. Archiologique), large 8vo, 1901 fuller
reports
—
—Mitteilungen—de
(45 Pts in Aug.
of particular
excavations,
important enough for Mat., reports of decisions of the Commission in
;
(Slav
Veselovskij, Cauldron dated a.h.- 559.
Nos. XX. and xl.), contains
changes
xi. a.d.)
Gdov
xxvi. Spitsyn, Antt. of the Chud' folk
HsBicTiH IImh. Apx. KoMM. [BCA,] (Izvestia Imp. Arch. Conim. - Bulletin la
—
a.d.).
Antt. of the
on the
xxix. Glazov, Barrows at
;
1912, indices in
various
w^ith
articles
not
regard to proposed
churches and other ancient buildings (forming a special series called Vopr6sy
Restoration). Two numbers a year are furnished with a = Supplement), in which are collected reprints of newspaper articles touching Archaeology and a list of Archaeological publications for the half-year. restavratsii.
Questions
of
IIpHdaBJieHie [Pribavlenie
Besides these the Commission has issued
Ajs6omt.
piicyuKOBT)
iiOM'biii.eHimx'i.
bi>
pomcshchcnnykh v Otchetakh za 1882
CR. 1882— 1898),
St P.
Oriexax'!.
—
ua
1882
— 1898
1898 gbdy = Album of
rojtu
{Aldom
risunkov
Illustrations that appeared in
1906.
Also Kondakov's Russian Hoards, Smirnov's Argenterie Orientate, Kulakovskij's
Past
of Taurida, Latyshev's XlovTiKa, Rostovtsev's Decorative Painting and von Stern's Watercolour Vases,
V.
§
B.
—
—
A
Preiimi?ia7"y Bihliograpliy^ \ The
Russian Akchaeologicai. Socikty (Hmiici'atopckok
Imi'krial
OfiinccTBo) of St
Polenov, D. V.,
(v.
founded
P.,
1846, has
in
Apxco.ioiinccKoe
I'yccitoc
issued several different series of pul)lications
Tpj^OBh H.
Oooiipt.iiii!
r)ii6jii()ri)a(l)ii'u>cK0('
xxvii
I'.
A. 0., Jiihlio^rapliical
Survey of the Works of the I.R.A.S., St P. 187 1, and N. I. Vcselovskij, History of the I.R.A.S. 1846 1896, St P. 1900, pp. 97 142). 'I'liose touching the subject of this book are:
—
Mimoires de
la
—
French or German
sometimes
articles,
Ap.veojioriiuociCAro
Hmii.
gichesko-Numismaticheskago
1847
XIV.
1847
vi.
OoiuocTna,
— 1852,
Vol.
after
— Sanctpeterburgskago
Imp.
afterwards
Obshchestva,
—
in.
Archeolo-
Archeologicheskago
O.),
i.
— 1858.
H.A.O.
HaB'JiCTin
Transactions
{Zapiski
O6111,.
i.
with those appearing in
identical
Apxoojiorii'iecito-IIyMiciMaTH'iccitaro
('aiiin'iioTep6ypi'CKaro
3aniicKii
de Numismatujiie de St P., Vols.
Societe d' Archeologie et
{Izvestia
I.A.O. = Bulletin)^
\.
—
1857
x.
— 1884,
but
concerned
little
with
Prehistoric or Classical Antiquities, then took their place. :5aiiii(icii
{Zapiski [IJ.H.P.A.O.
~ TRAS.], new
revived by a resolution
series),
—
coming out in three parallel sets, Oriental (1886 General (Vols. i. ), Russian and Slavonic (Vols. in. and iv. 1882, 1887, Nos. and 11. being This last was united with the General, so that its Vols vii. ix. 1896 i.
made
—
vi.
in
— 1895)
in the old series).
— 1901
—
1882 and
1886
are each in
and West European, but restored and the old numeration resumed with Vols. v. and the Classical, etc. started afresh 1903 with Vols. I. A Numismatic section began to publish Zapiski in 1906. 1904 Society also published Koehne's Chersonese, Sabatier's Sotivenirs de Kertsch, 'i'he two
parts,
i.
Russo-Slavonic,
has a small
—
,
.
Latyshev's losPE, Inscr. It
Classical
—
—
—
ii.
Christ.,
and
Cattc.
Sc. et
Museum, Catalogue by
v.
§
B.
A. A. Spitsyn,
1908.
The Imperial Moscow Archaeological Society (Hmiikpatopckok are concerned in
Labours) are called, Moscow, 1865
lit.
ApxeojioniHecKiH
and
Notes),
MocivObckoi' Apxoo.iorii'iocKoe
Mosk6vskoe Arch. Ob.) has not produced very much with which we ,l,peBiiO('Tii {Drevnosti ^ Antiquities), as its TpyjtH {Trudy or Transactions,
OCiuccTBO = Imp.
HsBhcrid 1893
—
11
.'JaMl/rKii
—
{Archeologicheskia
fzvestia
i
Zainefki ~ Arch. Bulletin
.
MaTepiajiw no Apxeo.ioriii BocTOMUMXh
{Materials for the Archaeology of the Eastern
ryfiepiiifi
Governments), 1893 MaTepia.irj no Apxeojioriii KaBKaaa {Mat. for the Arch, of the Caucasus), IXaMHTHiiKii
important
v.
Ainalov, Lavrov, Shestakov in
has been chiefly instrumental
which the Trudy {Trans.)
1869;
St P.
XII.
.
—
series,
S'ezd), of
VII.
—
XpiicriaHCKaro XepcoHeca {Pdmfatniki Christidnskago Chersonesa - Monuments of Chersonese), Pts i., 11., in. (1905 191 1), however, promise to form a most
Christian
It
1894
11.
1872;
III.
in in
Kiev, 1875;
§
B.
organizing the Archaeological Congresses (Cvla^tT.,
4'° are IV.
most valuable.
Kazan, 1878;
They were held
v. Tiflis,
1881
;
vi.
i.
Moscow,
Odessa, 1884;
viii. Moscow, 1890; ix. Vilna, 1893; x. Riga, 1896; xi. Kiev, 1899; Kharkov, 1902; xin. Ekalerinoslav, 1905 xiv. Chernigov, 1908; xv. Novgorod, 191 1.
Jaroslav, 1887;
;
Preliminary reports of papers are publisiied in the Izvestia or Bulletin of the Congress.
The
Moscow Numismatic Society (MocKOBCKoe
HyMiiaMaTH'iecKoe
06ui,ecTB0,
Numismati'cheskoe Obshchestvo) publishes Tpyjtia {Trudy, Transactions), 1897 IlyMiiSMaTniiecKift C6opHiiK'i> {Numismaticheskif Shorn ik
Moscow University V.
§
= Numismatic
Moskovskoe and a
—
,
Miscellany), 1908
published Miller's Ossetian Studies and Oreshnikov's Catalogue oj
its
—
.
Coins,
B.
d2
—
'I'lie
Ai-Exandkr
Impf.riai.
McTopiiHecKin My:iCH
1899— 'I'lie
A
Prelijninary Bihliog7~aphy^ §
xxviii
Museum of
Historical
III.
HMemr HMiiepaTopa
:
Moscow (Hmr.
Russia,
Poccificidu
AjieKcau;i,pa III.) issues Reports (Otmcti., Otchet),
.
Imperial Historical and Antiquarian Socieiy of Odessa (Hmil OjteccKoe 06iii,ecTB0 ;I,peBHOCTeH = Imp. Odesskoe Obshchestvo Ist6rii Drevnostej) published
HcTopiii Vol. Vols. i.
I.
i
II
of
I.
;}ainiCKH
its
— XV.
are
Investigations,
ii.
4'°;
= Trans. Od. Soc]
[15.0.0.
Vols.
Materials,
xvi. iii.
—
xxx.
in
(1912)
Miscellanea,
{Zapiski
8™ have
Obituaries,
iv.
=
Transactions)
v.
1844;
in
paginations
separate
for:
Minntcs (TIporoKOJiH) of
Meetitigs. It
has also issued in sm.
Das Museum
text in
folio,
German and Russian und Alterthuniskunde :
der Kaiserlich Odessaer Gescllschaft fiir Geschichte
[Od. Mus. (1898), (1897), A. A. Pavlovskij and E. R. von Stern, [Theodosia], by E. R. von Stern.
Terra-cottas], by
Terracotten
ii.
i.
iii.
und
Theodosia
(1906),
A.
A.
—
Derevitskij,
seine
Keramik
Mysen Hiin. Oa. OGiu,. Hex. JI,p. [Od. Mus. Guide] {Krdtkij UkazdteV Musea Imp. Od. Obs/ich. = A Short Guide to the Museum of the Imp. Od. Soc), ed. 2, 1909, by von Stern, mentions some important objects not yet published.
KpaTKifi yKa.3aTCJii.
11
The Municipality of Kherson
is
{KhersonskiJ GorodskoJ Musej
issuing V.
- Kherson
Goszkewicz's XepcoHCKifi
I.
Toji'u
Museum),
(Coins)
i.
I'opoACKofi
19 10;
Myaen
(Chronicle
ii.
1909-11) 1912.
The Tauric Record Commission
ApxiiBnaa KommiiccIh, Tavn'cheskaja
(TaBpiiHecitafl yMeiiaa
Uchenaja Archivnaja Commissia) publishes
HaB'fecTiK
its
{Izvestia
=
Bulletin) since
1887,
46 numbers, 8™.
The Ministry of Public Instruction in St P. publishes its iKypnajn. [)'K.M.H.n. = Journ. Min. Pub. Instr.] monthly since 1834; it contains some articles concerning S. Russia in the body of the magazine and many in a special CI issic il Section with separate pngination. Kiev University 186 1
The
—
(the
University
of S.
Vladimir)
which Antonovich's Descriptio7i of
in
,
Archaeological Institute
Russian HucTiiTyTi,
B'l,
in
publishes its
H3Bt,CTiH
{Izvestia
=
Bulletin),
coins appeared.
ConstantinoplJ!;
KoHCTaHTiinoiio.'if.) publishes H:5Bl;cTiji
Apxeojioni'iecKift
(Pyccitiri
{Izvestia) but they are not
concerned
wiih our region.
Private Magazines in Russian npoiiHJieii {Propylaea), ed. P.
Leontiev,
v.
«I>iiJiojioriiqecKoe OooijpliHie {Philologicheskoe
now ropMec'B,
8™, Moscow, 1851
— 1856.
Obozrenie ~ Philological Review), Moscow, 1891
—
,
defunct. Hay'iiio-iionyjiHpHHri
Scientific S.
vols.
Messenger
of the
B1!Cthiikt>
Ancient
AnTiiiHaro
Mipa {Germes,
World),
P.
St
1907
—
,
i.e.
ed.
Hermes, a Popular A.
I.
Maiein
and
O. Cybulski.
ApxeojioniiecKafl JliToniiCb DatHofi Pocciii {Archeologicheskafa Chronicle of S. Russia), published Starind,
1899
— 1901,
Letopis Jtizhnoj
Rossii,
Arch.
by N. Th. Belashevskij as a supplement to Kievskafa
and then independently, Kiev, 1903
— 1905.
—
H.
AinAlov, D. V.
(AiiiuuoB'r.,
XpaMOB'i>
{Pdtnjatniki
Clirislian
Chersonese,
Antonovich, V.
B.
and medals preserved Arkas,
(Apitach,
Z.
Ashik, A.
Kcp'iciiCKUi
chenskia
A
bi.
sv.
IIo.ayocTpoBa
of the
Kiev,
Vladimir).
S.
Peninsula
Heracleati
1896.
010 {Opisdnie
,'I,peBiio('Teii
11
and
its
and Nicolaev. 1H79.
11.
HapcTBo {Vosporskoe Tsdrstvo = The Bosporan Kin};dom).
Bociiopcivoo
(AiiiiiK'h, A.).
xpaiiflmiixcji
Monet i Meddlej Vladlmira = Descr. of coins
{Opisdnie
of the Univ. of
Drevnostej ego = Descr.
i
Trans. Od. Soc. Vol.
Odessa, 1848
4".
Universiteta
MoAa.ici1
11
BjiajU'Jiipii
HpaKjiiricKaro
Oiiiicaiiio
Pohiostrova
Iraklijskago Antiquities).
Museum
in the Nuniisni.
'{.).
cb.
Musec
khranjdshchiklisja v numismaticheskom
Pa:tBa.iiiiiiJ
i.
Klirdmov - Monuiiicnts of
Razvdliny
Moiioti.
Oiiiicaiiic
!>.).
yiiiiBcpciiTOTa
My;ici.
l.
Moscow, 1905.
Ruins of Churches).
i.
(AiiToiioBii'ii.,
H.
iiyMii:!MaTii'i(>cK()Mi.
Cliersonesa,
etc.
Xciuoiioca,
XpiiCTiaiicicaro
IliiMiiTiiiiKii
B.).
;!,.
Cliristid/iska^^o
xxix
[^J
of Jyooks published in Russia,
Titles
/''////
— f)
B
Prelimina?y Bibliog7~aphy^ \
— 1849. O
liaraKOMot.
nairniKaiiCHCKofi
/I,peBHOCTir.
Dreimosti.
Pantikapejskoj
Panticapaean Catacomb adorned with frescoes).
Bertier-ue-La-G.-vrue, A. L.
yKpaiiiciiiioil
{Kir-
4'Pft'ivaMii
Catacbmbe ukrdshennoj frescami = Antt. of Kerch.
(r)Op'ri.e-;l,ojiarap;vi.,
A.
Odessa,
Folio.
06inaro Karajioia Moiieri)
lIoiipaBitii
.1.).
1845.
BypaMKOBa {Poprdvhi Obshchago Catdloga Afonet P. O. Burachkbva - Corrections 4'*'. Moscow, 1907. of P. O. B.'s General Coin Cat.). II.
0.
BoBRiNSKoj, Ct A. A. (BoopiiHCKoR, III.
1887
St P.
Folio.
vols.
rpai|)i.
A. A.).
Cjiluia
— 1901. 8™.
St
iioji,HPceiiiiFjfi
Tp.
Xepcoueci. TaBpiiHecKiu (Chersonesus Taurica). ApxeojioriiMCCKiixh C'raTeu
C6opiiiiKi.
{Smela [Sm.J,
P.
v.
175
p.
n.
i),
1905.
A.
A.
B.
bt.
25
Jicub
Ji'hTiH
Komm. 1886-1911 {Sbbrnik Archeologicheskikh Statej podnesennyj Gr. A. A. B. v den' 25 letia predseddtel'stva ego v Imp. Arch. Comm. = Miscellany [Misc.] of Archaeological Articles presented to Ct A. A. B. on the 25M antiiversary of his J'residency of the Imp. Arch. Conunission, 1886— 191 1) [resume, Arch. Anz. 191 2, pp. 147 npeAct.;i,aTCjibCTBa ero bi.
8™.
T53].
BoNNELL, E.
Braun, Fr. V
St P.
1.
Beitrdge zur Alterthumskunde Russlands. ra.uJCKainji
(Bpayiri,, 0. A.).
Pt
bi,
8^°,
11.
vols.
St P.
1882,
o6jiacTii roro-ciaBHiiCKiixT, onroiiieniri
Otnoshenij = hivestigations
Goto-Slaifinskihh
bblasti
Relations),
in
the province
(BpoKray:n.-E4)poH'b).
= Encyclopaedia).
8"'°.
St P.
3Hu,HKJioneAii'iccKiii c.
CjiOBapt
1897.
[Razyskdnia
of Gotho-Slavonic
Sbbrnik, Russian section of the Ac. of Sc. St P. Vol. lxiv.
i.
Brock haus-Jefron Slovdr'
191
Hmii. Apx.
12,
1899.
{Entsiclopedicheskij
1900 and Supplements.
2 Pts. From iJaiiiicKH ^epHOMopbe {Chernojnbrje - The Black Sea Region). Yi Mmh. HoBopocciiicKaro J'miBepciiTeTa {Zapiski hup. Novorossijskago Universiteta), Vols,
Brui;n,
XXX.
xxviii.,
Burachkov,
p.
jKamuxi,
Catalog Rossii
Odessa, 1879, 1880.
O. [B. or Bur.] (Bypa'iKOB'b,
Bji-iifHCKHMi.
Monet prinadlezhdshchikh
= General
li'hat is noui S.
Funduklej,
I.
in
II.
(yHAyKjieri,
Valbv
Kiev Govt).
4'", I.).
i
Pt
i.
0.).
npcA'feJiaxb
EUinskim
Catalogue of Coins belonging Russia).
Obozrenie Mogil, (
Camps
KojioiiiflMb...B'b
(all
Ooiuift
to
issued).
the
Greek
Colofiies...
Pocciii
iipiiiia;i,Jie-
{Obshchij
nyneshnej Jiizhnoj
within the bounds of
Odessa, 1884.
OooapIiHie Moriijn>, Ba.iOBb k
1848.
romHoil
Colbniam...v predelakh
Gorodishch Kievskoj Gubernii
Kiev,
KaTajion, Moiion,
HUH'tmHeu
ropoji;!!!!!,!.
KieBCKoH FyCcpHiH
= Surrey of Barrows, Banks and
XXX
B
Preliminary Bibliography^ §
Chr. [G.]. Kleine Beitrdge [Kl. Moscow, 1886.
B.]
GiEL,
GoERTZ,
K.
K.
Ed.
Peninsula).
up
to
.
.
Tsirkvi
11.
Acad, of Sc.
8^^^,
h
Hscji-feAOBaHiii
O'lKptiTiu i
E.
E.
(rojiy6iiHCKi»,
Hist. Puss.
GoRODTs6v, V. A.
Ed.
Ch.).
Ha TaMaHCKOMi.
Otkrytij na Tatndnskom
Moscow, 1901
HepKBii
PyccKoft
Hcropiii
E.).
11.
(ropoji,uoBT), B. A.).
Apxeojiorifl {Pervobytnaja Archeologia
TTepBofihiTHaH
BuTOBaa Apxeojioria {Bytovdja Arch. = Cultural Arch.). M. 1910. These books came too late for me to make use of them in Chapters GoszKEWicz, V.
and
(roiiiKCBmn,, B. H.).
I.
I.
H.
(ilrnMT),
Karamzin, N.
St P.
B.
and
I.
—
ix.
Dr^nosti = Treasure-
i
Pocciii h
B.).
Asia {Rossia
Asia).
i
St P.
1876.
.
1884.
(KapaM3nHi>,
Khanenko =
{Kiddy
;I,peBHOCTii
iv.
Hernpe KpnTiiKO-najieorpa(})ii
Rossijskago - Hist, of
Khanenko,
Kjia;i,Ki
it
B.).
graphicheskia Statfi
Acad, of Sc.
=
Kherson, 1903.
Antiquities).
Grigoriev, V. V. (rpuropBeBi, B. Jagic,
Russkof
{Istoria
— 1904.
Moscow, 1908.
Primitive Arch.).
trove
1898.
P.
St.
1859 g. = Hist. Conspectus of Arch. Invest, and Discoveries on Taman Pen. St P. 1898. Ed. I. Drevnosti, iv. (1876). Ed. 11. 8™, Acad, of Sc.
E.
—
Ed.
(1870).
11.
{Istorkhesktj Obzbr Arch. Izsledovanij
r.
4'°.
Tonorpa4)ia TaMaHCKaro IIojyocTpoBa Tamdnskago Pohibstrova = Arch. Topogr. of t/ie Tainan
ApxeojiorHiecKHX't
1859
Siidrusslatids.
.do
.
1859).
GoLUBfNSKij,
Drevnosti,
063op'b ;^o
.
.
Numismatik
ApxeoJioniHecKas
K.).
Topogrdphia
i.
HcTopii'iecKifi
HojiyocTpoBt.
Polubstrove
K.
(TepuT,,
{Archeo/ogic/ieskaja
zur Atitiken
(G—K)
Collection
HcTopia
H.).
Russian
t lie
V.
(XaneHKO,
I.
Khanenkd).
FocyAapcTBa
State).
B.
FoHo.
St P.
1816
H.
B.
it
Gosuddrstva
{Istbria
—
XaHeHKO
Co6paHie
H.).
1899
Kiev,
PocciScKaro
— 1826. {Sobrdnie
.
Klementz, D. (KjieMGHU'L, \.). Jl,peBHOCTii MiiHyciiHCKaro Myaea {Drevnosti Minusinskago Musija = Antt. of Minusinsk Museum). Tomsk, 1886.
Koehne,
HacjiiAOBaHia o6i> HcTopin h JI.peBHOCTax'b Popojia XepcoHeca TaBpiiiecKaro
B. de.
ob
{Izsledovattia
Istbrii i
Drivnostjakh
History and Antiquities of the
into the
Archaeologico-Numismatic Soc.
St
P.
its
Mcmoires,
v.
Description du
KoNDAKov, N. Jl,peBUOCTH
p.
inf.
p.
Gbroda Chersonesa city
of Chersofiesus
St P.
1848.
Tavricheskago = Investigations
Published
Taurica).
The German
text
by the
had appeared
Musee de feu
le
Prince Kotschoubey [MK.].
(KoHjiaKOBt, H. n.), with Ct
Ba IlaMaTHiiKax'b
I.
I.
HcKyccTBa {Riisskia
2
vols.
Tolstoj (Pp.
I.
St P.
4'°.
I.
1857.
PyccKia
ToJicTori).
Drevnosti v Pdmjatnikakh Iskusstva
—
1
=
—
Russian Antt. in Motiutnetits of Art), vi. Pts, 4'°. St P. 1888 1899. S. Reinach issued Pts i. iii. as Antiquites de la Russie Meridionale [KTR.]. Paris,
in
551.
4'°.
89 1.
KoNDAKov, N. {Riisskie
P.
Pyccide
KjiajtH,
H3Cjiiji;oBaHie
Kiddy, Izsledovanie Drevnostej
Investigation into the Antiquities of the
not appeared).
Issued by the Arch.
JI,peBHocTeH
BejiiiKOKHaatecKaro
Velikoknfdzheskago Perioda
Grand Ducal
Comm.
St P.
Period).
ITepiojia
- Russian Hoards, an
Folio.
Pt
i.
(Pt
11.
has
[896.
KuLAKOvsKij, J. A. (KyjiaKOBCKift, K). A.). Kapxa EBponeRcKori CapMaiiii {Kdrta Evropejskof Sarmdtii po Ptolemefu). Folio. Kiev, 1899.
no
IlTO.iieMeio
Preliminary Bibliography^ KuLAKOVsKij,
A.
J.
LamAnskij, V. B. H.
Jl.
II 1)0111. IOC
Comm.
by the Arch.
(.laMaiicKiri,
I.
Kiev,
Lappo-Danilevskij, A. S. Drivnosti = Sc. Antt.).
LAtvshkv, V. V.
V. I.
(JIaTHiiicBi>, B.
and
1890, Vol.
II.
and such
graffiti
found during
like,
061. Hcxopiii
Vol.
which
III.,
to contain
is
BCA.,
Russ. Arch. Soc. Scythica et
cum
et
Cauc]
[Sc. et
1885,
containing inscriptions
v.,
Juzhnof Rossii -
More
1896.
[Inscr.
Pocciii
lOiKiiofi
ii;ii.
iz
Collection
recent inscrip-
by the Imp.
Inscr. Christ, are published
No
Vol.
TRAS.
to
Graecis
Scriptoribus
e veteribus
Latyschev.
a Supplement
as
Greek, Vol.
i.
or as Vols.
xi.
et
Latinis
and Vol.
ii.
collegit
Issued
Latin.
11.
in
of the
11.
index.
A
(Russian.
IIon-iKa
Both losPE. and
Rossica edidit B.
— 1906,
Classical Series.
BCA.
1.
on amphorae,
P.
St.
Caiicasica
versione
1890
parts,
or
iv.
Vol.
4'".
inscriptions
Vol.
XpiiCTiaHCKiixt BpeMGHi.
CfiopHiiKi rpeiecKiixi Hajiniiceft
losPE.
Investigations
----
said to be contemplated.
is
Christ.] {Sbbrnik Grecheskikh Nddpisej Christidnskikh Vremen 8™. of Greek Inscriptions of Christian Times from S Russia). tions are in
rocvAiipcTBciiiioMi. Crpot.
ii
Reprinted from Journ. Miu. Puhl.
being prepared by E. M. Pridik.
is
{Skytkskia
.XpeBiiocrii
Gosuddrstvennom Strbe goroda Ol'vii
century and published in
this
CiniocKifl
1887.
1 90 1.
IV.
Articles
1887.
iv.
Huc.if.jtOBaiiiii
B.).
iioK.ioiiiiiiKiiMii
= Miscellany of
V. I. L.
Orae Septentrionalis Ponti Euxini [losPE.].
Inscripttones Antiqtiae
Vol.
Issued
1908.
P.
C).
A.
Sect. Vol.
Slav.
eio
nocB}iiuniiiii.ix'r>
Constitution of the city of Olbid).
Jan.— Apr.
St P.
Instr.
St
vols.
2
L.).
ropoAti O-ibBiii {Izslcdovania ob Istbrii i into the History
xxxi
Past of Tauridd).
T/ie
pokldntiikaiiti
(\i^6
(.Taiiiio-JI,aHiijeBCKifi,
TRAS.
('raTcfi
(Joopiiiiici.
{Sdornik Stattf posvjashcluntiykh
dedicated by his admirers to
[K—N)
1906.
W).
J}.
Tavrldy =
{Pros/i/oe
lip ii/UJ
I'ii
8^".
B
§
of
selection
his
and
scientific
on
articles
critical
History,
the
Archaeology, Geography and Epigraphy of Scythia, the Caucasus and the Greek Colonies
on the shores of the Black
LAvROv,
A.
P.
(.'laBpoBt,
the
Chersonian
Chersonese.
Mansvetov,
I.
SS.
Moscow, D.
Miller, Vs. Th. 3 Pts, 8"°.
Nestor
19
bTj
NiEDERLE,
L.
P.
1897.
Lidstvo
v
doistoricheskia
1898.
H.
JI^.).
rpeKO-CjaBfliicKoii
bi.
of
11.
Oimcanie
HcTopiiiecKoe
= Lives of Monuments of Chr.
no to
Chersonese
and
the
.laBpeHTieBCKOMy
EtfMy =
CniicKy
vremend) [Preh.
Man]
by Th.
11
otkrytykh in
it).
Ossetian Studies).
in
po
Lavrentievskomy
issued
by the Archaeo-
{Letopis
Ed.
iii.
French Translation by L. Leger,
bi.
i
— 1887.
Laurentian Version).
Me-iOBt'iecTBO
Xepcoiieca
monuments discovered
OceTiiiicKic Btiojiij {Osetinskie
the
.^pcBiuiro
Opisdnie drHinfago Chersonesa
dobe predhistoricke {Man
Translated into Russian as
St P.
No.
Literature).
Hist. Descr. of Anc.
.T-feToniicb
St
1909.
Greco-Slavjdnskoj Pis' jnennosti
Published by the Univ. of Moscow, 1881
Comm.
Dr
7>
iiaMiiTHiiKOBi {Istoricheskoe
Spisky - Chronicle according graphic
Svjatykh
St P.
n.
(MiLi.iepi>, Be. 0.).
(so-called).
Cbhthxi.
XepcoiiCKiixi.
./KiiriH
Graeco- Slavonic
in
(MaHCBexoBi.,
hcml %) ncm pdmjatnikov — Moscow, 1872. OTKpi.rniixT>
A.).
IT.
Chersonskikh
{Zhitid
IIiicbMCHHOCTii
Comm.
Issued by the Imp. Arch.
8^°.
Sea).
Paris,
Prehistoric
jioiicTopH'iecKiH
K. Volkov and
1884.
Time).
Bpemoiia ed.
by
Prag,
1893.
{Chelo7'echestvo 1).
v
N. Anuchin,
Preliminary Bibliography^
xxxii
B
§
(^N—S)
Dr L. Staroveke Zprrivy o zemepisu vychodni PLvropy se zfetelem na zeme Slovanske {Descriptio Europae Regionum quae ad orientem spedant veterum Scriptorum locis
NiEDERLE,
Cecil,
iiiuslrata),
" Rozpravy
from
ceske
Akademie
slovesnost
a iimeni" [Trans. Cech Acad, of
VII.
Prag,
I.
i.
Emp.
Frantiska Josefa
pro
vedy,
for Sc,
and
Art).,
Cimmerischen Bosporus.
8™.
Ci'safe
Eraficis Joseph
1899.
Slovanske Starozilnosti [Slavonic Antiquities) [Slav. Ant.].
Or£;shnikov, A. V.
Lit.
A.
B.).
JlpcBiiocTefi
Tp.
(OpIsiiiiiiiKOBh,
Zur Miinzkutide
Prag, 1902^
des
—
.
Moscow, 1883. Karajior'h
HapcTBa
Cofipauiii
II
JI,peBnerpc>iecitiixi
A.
('.
Bun.
ysapoBa;
ropoji,OBi. iiaxoAiiBiiiiixcji
bi.
[Catalog Sobrdnia Drevnostej Gr. A. S. Uvdrova, Vyp. i
Drevnegricheskikh
MoHeTU
vii.
vii.
BociiopcKaro
HUH'IiiiiHeri
iipeji,f,jiax7.
Pocciii
Monety Vospbrskago Tsdrstva
Gorodbv tiakhodivshikhsja v predelakh tiyncshnej Rossii = Cat. of the
of Antt. of Ct A. S. Uvarov, Ft vn. Coins of the Bosporan Kingdofn and of the Moscow, 1887. ancient Greek cities within the limits of modern Russia) [Cat. Uvarov]. 4'". Coll.
MocKOBCitOMy yHHBepcHTeiy Monet prinadlezhdshchikh Imp. Moskbvskomy Universitetu = Published by the Cabinet belonging to the Imp. Moscow Univ.).
Oiiiicanie JI,peBiie-rpe'iecKnxi. Moiicti. iipiinaji.JiejKauuix'B Hmii.
[Opisd/iie
Drevne-grcchcskikh
Descr. of ancient Greek coins
Moscow
of Fine Arts,
MaTei)ia.iM no
Numistndtike
Univ., 8™,
Jl,peBiieri
PoDSHiVALOV, A. M.
'lepHOMopcitaro IlofiepejKba [Materidly po drevnej
HyMiKjMaTiiict.
Poberezhia
Chernotnbrskago
Black Sea Coast).
1891.
[Mat. for Num.] (IToAiniiBajiOBTi,
= Mat. touching the Moscow, 1892.
ancient
Numismatics of
the
8™.
Beschreibung der unedirten und wenigbekannten
A. M.).
und Bosp. Cimm. aus der Sammlung A. M.
Afiinzen von Sarmatia Europaea, Cher. Taur.
P.
Moscow, 1882. HyMii3MaTiniecKiri KadiiHexT, MocKOBCKaro ny6jiHMHaro 11 PyMflHueBCKaro MyaeeBi., i. [Numism. Cabinet of Moscoiv Public and Rumjantsev Museums, i. Sarm., Cher. T., Bosporus). Moscow, 1884.
PoMjALovsKij,
I.
V. (IToiniJiOBCKiri, H. B.).
KaBKaaa [Sbornik Grecheskikh Inscrr. of the Caucasus).
RosTOVTSEv, M.
Made
CoopiiiiKi. Fpe^iecKiixi
11
Nddpisej Kavkdza -
Latinskikh for
M.
(PocTOBUCB'i),
I.
i
.laTiiHCKiixi.
HaAniiceil
of Gr.
and Lat.
Coll.
the vth (Tiflis) Arch, Congress, St P.
H.).
1881.
FocyAapcTBeHHaro OrKyna Bh PiimckoR
HcTopiii
HMnepiii [Istoria Gosuddrstvennago Otkupa v Rimskoj Imperii = History of State Contracts in the Romafi Empire). Also in German, Leipzig, 1902. St P. 1899. AuTii'iHaH JleKopariiBHaH /Kiibohiici, Ha E)rt. Pocciii [Antichnaja Decorat'ivnaja Zhivopis'
na Juge Rossii - Ancient Decorative Paifiting Issued by the Arch. Comm. too late for my Sabatier, p.
Num.
Souvenirs de Kertsch
Soc. St P.
.Safarik, p.
1849.
A
'et
chronologic
in
S. Russia).
use.
St
J.
(CaMOKBacoB'h, \.
Hist, of Russian
Law).
Pt
11.
Folio,
many coloured
in
Prag,
Issued by the Arch.
1851.
1862-3.
HcTopin Pyccicaro IIpaBa Warsaw, 1884.
fl.).
plates.
1913.
du royaume du Bosphore.
Russian translation appeared
Slovanske Starozitnosti [Slavonic Antiquities).
Samokvasov, D.
P.
[Istoria Riisskago
Prdva =
Shestakov, S. p. (lIIecTaKOB'i,, C. 11.). O'lepKii 110 Hcropiii Xepconeca bt> vi-x B-feKax'i, no P. Xp. [Ocherki po Istbrii Chersonesa v vi x vekdkh po R. Chr. = Sketches of the Hist, No. in. of Monuments of Chr. Chersonese. of Chersonese in the vith xth cetduries a.d.). Moscow, 1908.
—
—
—
Pre/imina?y Pr.
SiBlRSKij,
Phistoire
a.
a.
Bihliogj-ap/iy^
Catalogue des Mddai/ks de
el les a/iliqiiili's
Vol.
pays.
ce
i.
B
\
[s—'/}j^
dti
Bosphore
all
produced.
prkiW
Citnmdrien
St P.
4'".
d\'tudes
sur
1859.
A Russian
exist.
Fragments
was produced next year but only three or four coi)ies of either Trans. Od. Soc. and TRAS. first series.
translation
xxxiii
^-'(^0
are published in
and Marti,
Skoki'ii,, V. V. liypraii'li
Bh
Kiirgdne
v
rop.
Ki'rchi
gor.
KopaMii'iccKiji Ila.uiiicii xpainiini)ic)i
J. J.
- Ceramic
ri> ]\r(M('K
Nadpisi kliranjaslichiasja
{Keramicheskia
Kop>iii
Inscrr.
in
i.-Mccmciickomi,
v Mvlek-Chesmciiskoin
Melek-Chesme Barro7V,
the
Kcnii).
4'".
Odessa, 19 10.
Smirnov, II
(C.MiipiioHi.,
I.
J.
Poccii1cKoi1
IlMiiopiii
Argenterie
130 plates.
Folio,
G.
Spasskij,
A.
introduction
P.
Sbornik = Arcli.-Num. Miscellany).
Stern, E. R. von.
Sumarokov,
p. (CyMapoKOBi.,
of a Crimean Judge). T0LST61, Ct
I.
I.
UvAROv, Ct A.
S.
Pocciii:
I.
St
Pp.
P.
\\.
;
KpumcKaro
Cy;tbii {Dosiigi
also transliterated
E.
(i5af)f>.iiiiri>,
Life).
11.
M.
Siidji
= Leisure
Ouvaroft").
ApxcoJoriH Age).
8™.
Moscow, 1876.
very short, have been
Abbreviations.
left
Antwerp, 1643
Anon.
Anonymi
Periplus Ponti Eu.xini, in
Ant. Gem.
.'\.
Ant. Sib.
W.
Arch. Anz.
Archciologischer
F'urtwangler,
which have not been
v.
—
.
A, p. xxv.
i;
GGM.
Die Antiketi Gemmen.
or Sc. et Cauc.
Berlin,
v.
1886
Berlin,
Instituts. §
Suppl.
Anzeiger,
A,
p.
—
to
Jahrb.
Arch. Soc, q.v. in
25.
k.
v.,
deutschen
xv.,
xxvii.
Archciologischcn
.
g
A,
p.
Antiquites de la Scythie d'Herodote.
Ath. Mitt.
Afitteilungen des k. deutschen Arch.
Aus
W.
Sibirien.
Oerliard, Auslesene Gr.
in
connexion with the Imp. Moscow
xxvii.
ASH.
Aus
p.
xxviii.
Russian Archaeological Congresses held
RadlofF,
d.
v.
1900.
Radloff, "Antiquities of Siberia " in Mat., Nos. in.,
Chron. of S. Russia,
E.
titles
unexplained.
ABC.
Arch. Congress.
Theodosia, 1884.
Hcropia PyccKOil rKnauii {Istoria Riisskoj Zhizni - History
E.).
vols.
Antiquites du Bosphore Cimmerien.
M.
To
F'olio.
A.
Krymskago
Uwarow and
OcoAOciii {Theodosia).
B. K.).
(niiiiorpa;i,OBT.,
Acta Sanctorum (BoUandi).
A.V.
Vases). §
Kdmennyj Vek = Arch, of Russia: Stone
AA.SS.
Sib.
{Ank.-Num.
Kondakov.
Ordinary abbreviations of classical authors and their works, and
Arch.
Coopiiiiivi>
= Watercolour See too Odessa Soc. in
191 3.
V.
C.
down
trotivk I-'rench.
Moscow, 1882.
of Russian
cut
in
/m/x'rii
1803-5.
11.).
(YBapoBh, Pp. A. C.
Vinogradov, V. K. Zab^lin,
P.
,l,ocyrii
II.).
4'''.
(To.icroit,
St
or
et
Moscow, 1850.
4'".
KaMeHiiurt Bfeui. {Arch. Rossii:
vols.
II.
Comm.
.\rch.
Rossijskoj
1909.
Ba;$H (^A(juarcl' nya Vdzy
AiiBapcir.iirJH
be issued by the
V.
iipoALiaxi,
Zolotbj Pcsiidy
i
argent
en
Apxeojioro-HyMii;iMarii'it'CKiii
A.).
Bi>
Russian, table of localities
in
Issued by the Arch. Comni. St
(Ciiaccidii,
v predelakh
orientate
vaisselle
Copci'ip)! 11011
,[,poBnliriiiieii
iipciiMyiuccTBCuiio
Atlas Drevm'jshej Sen'brjanoj
d'ancienne
Short
Russie).
Ar.iaci.
tiajdennoj preimiislichestvenno
Recueil
Orientate.
principalenient en
Oei)o6po.
Ilpoiicxoaijteiiiji iiafiAcmioii
{Voslochnoe Serebro.
Proiskhozhdenia
Vostochnagp --
BocTOuiioe
II.).
jl.
IIocyAM Hocro'iiiaro
oo.iOToil
Leipzig,
v.
A,
S
Instituts.
xxvi.
p.
.Athens,
1876
1884.
Vasenbilder.
Berlin,
1840.
e
Abbreviations^ B
XXXIV Burachkov.
Bur. (coins).
B.,
v.
B,
§
—K
xxix.
p.
BCA.
Bulletin de la Commission Impcriale Archeologi(/iie.
v.
BCH.
Bulletin de Correspondance Hellenique.
—
B.de-La-G.
BG.
Athens, 1877
Bertier-de-La-Garde. Beschreibung,
B.M.
British
Bobrinskoj Misc.
V.
BSA.
B,
§
University,
Bull, of XII. Arch.
v.
_
\
v.
§
Coins.']
,^
}•
Uvarov.
Cat.
§
,.
V.
«!
p.
A,
V.
A,
^ B,
Cat.
386
v. p.
n. 6.
London, 1896.
s.v.
Kiev.
xxvii,
s.v.
Imp. Moscow Arch. Soc.
.
)i
K.
5
,
xxvm.
\i.
i^
xxv.
p.
••
^^
xxxii,
p.
s.v.
.
•,
,
Ureshnikov.
J
CIAtt.
Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum (= IG.
CIG.
Corpus Inscriptionutn Graecarum (Boeckh).
CIL.
Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. Classical Revieiv.
Rev.
Khanenko.
Coll.
v.
B, p. xxx, s.v.
§
London, 1887 Khanenko.
—
.
Comm. Imp. Arch.
CR.
Compte Rendu de
K. Miillenhoff, Deutsche Altertumskunde.
Dar.
et Saglio.
Daremberg
la
Numorum
Eckhel, Doctrina
Drevnosti.
v.
'E«^.
'E<^T/ju,€pis 'Ap^aioAoytKT^'.
Athens, 1837
Rome, 1872
A, p. xxvii,
§
s.v.
Eph. Epigr.
Ephemeris Epigraphica. C.
Furt.
A. Furtwangler,
p.
xxv.
1870
— 1900. 1877
Paris,
—
.
—
—
,
Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum.
Miiller,
Paris,
1841-70.
Berhn, 1883.
Vettersfelde.
FitzwiUiam Museum, Cambridge. Giel.
GGM.
C. Miiller, Geographi Graeci Minores.
H.
Hudson.
Paris,
1855-61.
Hermitage. Herodotus.
Her.
HN.
B. V.
IG.
Inscriptiones Graecae.
Inscr.
A,
Vienna, 1792—98.
Veterum.
G. (coins).
(coins).
§
Berlin,
Imp. Mosc. Arch. Soc.
FHG. (coins).
v.
et Saglio, Dictionnaire des Aniiquites.
D.N.V. 'Ap;(.
11).
i,
DA.
Chr.
losPE. J.
BM. Jeioellery,
:
Chersonese.
Cher.
FW.
and Berlin Coin
xxxii,
p.
Greek Coins
xxviii,
p.
„
j
Moscoiv Univ.
Cat.
A,
§
^
Bull. Imp. Ac. Sc. St P.
B,
§
Cat. of
Bobrinskoj.
s.v.
C-ple.\
Taur. Rec. C.
Bull.
=
the British School at Athens. v.
Congress,
Bull, of ' Russian Inst, in
BMC.
:
xxix,
p.
Podshivalov,
e.g.
Museum
Annual of
Bulletin of Kiev
FI.
•
(coins).
Beschr.
CI.
A, p. xxvi.
§
Head, Historia Numorum.
Christian Inscriptions of S. Russia. Inscriptiones Antiquae
Jurgiewicz,
(coins).
JUS.
Oxford, ^1887, ^1911.
v.
p.
"i
Orae Septentrionalis Ponti Euxini.)
v.
§
s.v.
B, p. xxxi,
Latyshev.
449.
Journal of Hellenic Studies. v. § A, p. xxviii.
London, 1881
—
.
Journ. Min. Publ. Instr.
—
JRAS. J{R)AS. Khan.
Bengal.
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. London, 1834 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Calcutta, 1832 Khanenko. v. § B, p. xxx.
Kl. B.
Ch. Giel, Kleine Beitrdge.
KTR.
N. P. Kondakov, Paris,
I.
I.
v.
§
.
—
.
B, p. xxx.
Tolstoi, S. Reinach, Antiquites de la Russie Meridionale.
1891.
I
K— Z
Ahhreviatio7is^
KW.
G. von
Kieseritzky, C.
Berlin,
Watzinger,
xxxv
Griechische
aus Siidntss/an,/.
Grahreliefs
1909.
V. V. Latyshev.
I.at.
L.-D.
Lappo-Uanilevskij.
M. (coins). M. Mat.
Minns.
v.
R,
J?
xxxi.
p.
Moscow. Materials touching the Archaeology of Russia published by the Imp. Arch.
Com.
St
1888—.
P.
V.
A,
S
xxvi.
p.
Mat. Arch. Cauc.
Materials touching the Archaeology of the Caucasus published by the Imp. Mosc. Arch. Soc. v. A, p. xxvii.
Mat. for Num.
Oreshnikov, Materials for the Numismatics of the Black Sea Coast.
J5
1892.
V.
MK.
B.
Mon. Mon.
Monumenti Monuments
Ined. Plot.
Coin Cat.
Mosc.
de Koehne, Mus('e Kotschoubey.
v.
^
Plot.
B, p. xxxii,
s.v.
Pliny,
,
f
.>
V.
ij '^
lerra-cottas.)
Naples,
1824.
v.
§
A,
p.
xxvii.
'
Oreshnikov.
Os. Studies.
Vs. Th. Miller, Ossetian Studies,
P. (coins).
Pick.
Per. P.E.
Periplus Ponti Euxini, after Latyshev, Sc.
^o^TlKa.
v.
Man.
§
v.
p.
Man.
L. Niederle, Prehistoric
A,
P.- IV.
Pauly-Wissowa, Encyclopiidie.
p.
§
B,
xxxi.
p.
et
Cauc. pp. 271
v.
§
Rheinisches
1894
Stuttgart,
—
.
Antt.
V. V. Latyshev, Scythica A. S.
Ant.
Sib.
Vogell.
V.
et
6.
A,
p.
xxviii.
Rome, 1886
Cassel,
—
—
.
.
1908.
Caucasica.
v.
-^
P.
St
B, p. xxxi.
TRAS.
v.
§
1890
— 1906.
B, p. xxxi.
Ant. Sib.
L.
Sm.
Ct A. A. Bobrinskoj, Smela.
Niederle, Slavonic Antiquities,
v.
§
B,
v. § B, p. xxix,
p.
and
xxxii. p.
175 n.
St P. 1887
i.
— 1902.
Stephanos Byzantius.
Byz.
St Petersburg.
St P.
Sylloge, e.g. Dittenberger.
Syll.
Trans. Mosc.
Trans.
n.
339
p.
Lappo-Danilevskij, Scythian Antiquities in
Slav. Ant.
St.
v.
§
Frankfurt-a.-M., 1842
deutschen Archdologischen Instituts.
d.
Sammlung
Boehlau,
;
v.
Sitzungsberichte.
Cauc.
et
Museum fiir Philologie. Bonn, 1827-41
Mitteilungen J.
p. 25.
B, p. xxxi.
Report of the Historical Museum at Moscow, Mommsen, Roemische Geschichte.
Rh. Mus. Rom. Mitt. Samml. SB.
cf. inf.
xxviii.
Rep. Hist. Mus. Mosc.
R.G.
— 288,
Latyshev.
B, p. xxxi, S.v.
v.
§
v.
449.
Propylaea.
Sc.
.
A, ^ p. xxvni.
Or. (coins).
Sc.
—
\
„,
Od. Mus.
Preh.
Rome, 1857
.
Odessa.
Od. Mus. Guide. ,
Paris,
Naturalis Historia.
Numismatic Miscellany,
O. (coins). ,
xxx.
B, p.
i^
Oreshnikov.
NH.
^
1894 —
Paris,
Real Museo Borbonico.
Misc.
v.
Inediti del! Instituto Archeologico.
Mus. Borb.
Num.
Moscow,
B, p. xxxii.
§
Num.
Od. Soc.
Soc.
Transactions of the
Moscow Numismatic
Society,
v.
Transactions of the Odessa Historical and Archaeological Society,
Trans. {Imp.) Russ. Arch. Soc.\
TRAS.
A, p. xxvii. v. §
A,
p. xxviii.
Transactions of the Imp. Russian Archaeological Society. V.
J
§
U. (coins).
Uvarov
Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenldndischen
v.
!^
St P.
A, p. xxvii.
ZMDG.
Coll.
§
B, p. xxxii, s.v. Oreshnikov. Gesellschaft.
Leipzig,
1845
—
e 2
.
—
XXXVl
MUSEUMS Objects
The
from coins
(a[)art
Museums
following
for
which see
p.
66 1) from
S.
Russia are well represented in the
:
Herinitage at St P. receives the best things from the excavations of the Archaeological Far the greater part of objects mentioned below are, largely from chance finds. Objects from South Rus.sia are also represented is otherwise indicated, in the Hermitage.
Commission and
unless it in the Alexander
III Mtisewn.
Historical Museum at Mosco7v has much Palaeolithic and Neolithic material and some Attached Scythic, from the Greek Colonies the Burachkov Collection and many new accjuisitions. to the University is the Alexander III Museum of Fine Art.
The
The Town Museum at Kiev has received the results of Chvojka's excavations and has incorporated with it the Khanenko Collection and that of Count Bobrinskoj as published in their works, in fact nearly everything from the Kiev district except the Ryzhanovka find which went to the Academy of Science, Cracow. The Museum of the Odessa Society is the best place for studying Petreny, Tyras, Theodosia, Berezan and perhaps Olbia as it has most of the material from those sites except Pharmacovskij's Things published in Trans. Od. Soc. are it has also a good deal from Bosporus. finds at Olbia mostly in this Museum. :
The Town Museum
at Kherson
is
concentrating the finds from the lower Dnepr.
Chersonese has two museums, one in the Monastery containing the finds made before the Archaeological Commission began digging, the other those made by it as far as they are not sent to the Hermitage. llieodosia has a small
At Kerch there
is
the
Museum supported by the Odessa Society. Museum of the Archaeological Commission and
its
collection
the Odessa Society has inscriptions in the Melek the Royal Barrow But the best things go to the Hermitage.
Inscriptions in
Barrow.
;
At Kazan the
Town Museum
At Minusinsk
is
The provincial small museums.
of
Chesme
has objects illustrating the Volga-Kama culture.
the best collection of Siberian bronzes, etc. Universities
and the
St
P.
and Moscow Archaeological
Societies
have
Private Collections of importance are Ct Uvarov's at Porechje (everything), Ct Stroganov's at St P. (Permian Plates), Teploukhov's (Permian Culture) near Perm, Suruchan's (Greekj at Kishinev, Terlecki's (Bosporus), Novikov's (Eltegen) at Kerch, Mavrogordato's, Konelski's (Olbia) Vogell's at Nicolaev (Olbia) was mostly dispersed at Cassel in 1908 (v. p. 339 n. 6), at Odessa.
the things chiefly went to German museums. Nicolaev by the Scottish Admiral Greig.
The
first
museum
in S.
Russia was established
at
On extent,
the whole things from our area have not found their way outside Russia to any great they are best represented at Berlin, there is little at the Louvre but much from the
Caucasus
at St
Germain.
Museum has MacPherson's and Westmacott's finds made during the Crimean a few purchases: the Ashmolean, Oxford, the things published by E. A. Gardner the Fitzwilliam, {JUS. 1884, PI. XLVi, XLVii) and others since given by Mr AVardrop Cambridge, three inscriptions (v. App. 67, 68, 69) and one or two stelae brought back by Dr E. D. Clarke. The War and
British
:
ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA p. p.
p.
p.
27, nn. 6, 7, otters and watersnakes, v. p. 105 n. 32, gold from Urals and Altai, v. p 441. 8 sqq. esp. p. 34 and Chapters 11. vi. passim, v. 5
1.
7
1.
— —
5.
A
How and Wells, Commoilary on Herodotus, Oxford, 191 2, 1. pp. 302 344, 424 434. A. M. Tallgren, Zt d. Finn. Altertutnsges. xxvi, thinks this stopped axe older than 41 n. I. those from Hallstatt and all such, even in Britain and the Urals, Mediterranean in origin.
—
Addenda
a7id Corrige?tda
xxxvii
That Greeks had met people with Mongolian blood is shewn by the caricatures 44 sqq. on Kig. o. The cyrbasiae shew these figures to be Scythians, probably Sacae from the Persian forces quartered in Egypt. No. i has the sloping eyes, No. 2 the high cheek-bones, No. 3 the round face of the Mongol, but their beards shew them no longer as Hippocrates describes them (v. p. 46) but intermixed with other blood yet not more than the Hiung-nu on p. 96 f 27. Nos. 4 and 5 shew the almost Iranian type of the Kul-Oba Vase p. 201 For a brilliant account of Nomad life in general v. J. Peisker, Camb. Mud. Hist. 1. f 94.
Frc.
o.
Caricatures of Scythians from Memphis, Vth century B.C.
\V.
M. Flinders
Petrie,
Memphis,
I.
II. (1909), p. 17, PI. XXIX. 78, 79, 80 (i, 2, 5), cf Meydunt and (1909), p. 17, PI. XL. 42, 44 (3 and 4) Memphis., III. (1910), p. 46, PI. XI. Ii. 136 -My very best thanks are due to Professor Flinders 138. Petnc who sent me these photographs before his \'ol. il. was publishe
—
—
Addenda and Corrigenda
xxxviii (Cambridge, 191
1)
pp. 323
— 359 and more —
fully
Vierteljahrschr. f. Social-
Wirtschaftsgesch.
11.
(1904), "Die iilteren Beziehungen der Slawen zu Turkotataren und Germanen und ihre sozialgeschichtliche Bedeutuiig," pp. 187 360; 465 533: most of his conclusions as to Sc. (pp. 187 240) are much the same as mine, i.e. that the true So. were Turkotartars imposed upon a more or less Aryan population represented by the Georgi, etc. and themselves strongly mixed with Aryans not only thereby but during the men's domination in Media, which he fully accepts, when they adopted Iranian speech from Median wives. These 111.
—
—
women
p. p.
as not nomads could not ride but had to be carted and also had different bathing customs from the men. A careful examination of the forms underlying the straight hair in the Greek portraits (I.e. pp. 216—224) shews them not Aryan but just like e.g. Kara-kirgiz. Hippocrates may have seen purer Turkotartars but the Greeks even in Upper Asia mostly came in contact only with a border of half-castes. Vegetarian Sc. in Ephorus ap. Strab. vii. iii. 9 are Aryans raided by Sc, cf. Tadzhiks. Other carts, v. inf p. 370 n. 3 and Addenda thereto. 50 n. 4. 61 1. 43. Rostovtsev (v. Add. to p. 218) regards the "woman" on all these plaques as a
goddess. p. p.
p. p. p. p.
p. p.
p.
66 67 70
n.
p.
bezel,
v.
p.
427
f.
318
top.
Bow-cases. After "p. 284" add and Addenda to p. 287. n. 12. For D. A. Anuchin read D. N. Anuchin. Add for this and two more sheaths v. p. 567 n. 3. 71 n. 2. For Bezchastnaja read Bezschastnaja. 74 1. 13. Add Ul, Arch. Atiz. 1910, pp. 199 201 ff 3, 4. 78 n. 7. 80 n. 5 col. 2. For Zamazaevskoe read Zamaraevskoe, dist. of Shadrinsk. Mr A. B. Cook pointed out to me this sentence from the Etyin. Mag. s.v. TroTror 85. 01 yap %KvOai.^ aydXfxaTa two. t)(OVTe<; VTroyaia t
—
100 ,,
p.
For stone read
7.
16.
1.
123 130
1.
29.
11.
31, 20.
1.
n.
logy,
I.
V.
Addenda
to p.
44.
For Le Coq read Lecoq. For these Getan (?) kings, v. p. 487.
37, 48.
Add
V. A. Gorodtsov, Pruiiitive Archaeology, Moscow,
For G. A. Skadovskij read G. L. Skadovskij. 2. After civilization of Servia add and Glas Srpske Kraljevske Akademije {Voice of the Serbian Royal Acad.) lxxxvi., " Gradac," where he finds this culture surviving to La-Tene times. At end add, cf. Wace and T\\QVi\i^'iox\, Prehistoric Thessaly, pp. 231 234, and 256 259;
p.
131
n.
4.
p.
134
n.
I
col.
—
—
p.
p.
p. p.
p.
p.
1908: Cultural Archaeo-
1910.
—
Gorodtsov, Cultural Arch. pp. 133 151; E. Meyer, Gesch. d. Altert.^ i. 2, pp. 734, 741, 742. Veselovskij found on the Ul a model waggon and long-necked female 142 1. 16; p. 143 n. 5. statuettes of alabaster like Aegean types, BCA. xxxv. PI. i., 11.", iv., Arch. Anz. igiOjp. 195. Majkop. Pharmacovskij (Hist. Congr. London, 1913) shewed the bulls, etc. to belong 144. to a portable canopy and the cups to exhibit the earliest (b.c. 1400 1000) East- Anatolian or Urartu style preceding ordinary Hittite. A. M. Tallgren, Zt d. Finn. Alt. Ges. xxv. i, " Die Kupfer- u. Bronzezeit in Nord- u. Ostrussland," arrives at this date independently. For viii. 2 read viii. i. 148 n. I. Anuchin, Veselovskij and Pharmacovskij {BodrinskoJ Misc. p. 63 n. 2) agree 155 last line. that Zabelin was wrong in thinking Chertomlyk barrow to have been plundered. Pharmacovskij (I.e.) shews that this pottery points to about the middle of the 165 1. 21. nnd cent. B.C., e.g. a cantharos like p. 349 f. 254. 168 n. I. Add cf. silver vessels from Chmyreva, p. 383, Arch. Anz. 1910, pp. 215 226 ff.,
—
12
— 25
iind cent. B.C.;
—
xlv. pp. in 131, he thinks the horses killed as usual,
and Vs. Sakhanev
BCA.
—
who cf.
refers
their
ornament
to
the
Lemeshova Mogila, Arch. Anz.
1912, pp. 376, 377. p.
p.
Martonosha crater. For iv read vi. Cup from Vor6nezh v. Add. to p. 200. 173 n. 2. Ct Dobrinskoj's excavations. After xx. p. i add xxxv. pp. 48 85; xl. pp. 43 175 n. I. 61 Arch. Anz. 191 2, pp. 378, 379. For Pomashki read Romashki. 192 1. 3. 200 f 93. The Kul Oba vase has a close analogue in one of silver gilt found near Voronezh in 191 2. n. I. For v. p. 39 f. 3 l>is read v. Addenda to p. 44 f o for physical type of Scythians. ,, 210 n. 3. For Dionysius read Dionysus.
—
;
p. p.
p.
Adde?i(la a7id Corrigenda pp.
Karagodeuashkh. Rostovtsev, BCA. xi.ix. "The Idea of Kingly Power in 218, 219. Scythia and on the Bosporus" {-- " Iranism and lonism," Hist. (!ongr. London, 1913), sees on the rhyton, f. 121, two horsemen face to face each above a prostrate foe hut one holding a sceptre, the other adoring him, i.e. to judge by Sassanian investiture scenes, a mounted form of Mithras conferring divine right on a king: on f. 120 R. .sees at the top the king's Tvx»/ or hvareno, then Mithras with a (luadriga and below A])hrodite Argimpasa-.AnahitaAstarte
(cf.
617-619 and
1*1. viii. 12, 14) receiving in communion the sacred rhyton analogous scenes of communion and unveiling, pp. 158, 203 the Jiosporus reiranized by the iind and iiird centuries a.d. this conception symbolized by sceptres and crowns, v. p. 434 and f. 325, and on coins like
pp. 85,
and round-bottomed 45, 98.
On
of kingship
is
ff.
PI. viii.
p.
xxxix
232 232
1.
36.
vase,
cf.
10.
For Parthian read Parthian.
—
Add CR. 1906, pp. 91 95; Arch. Anz. 1909, p. 148 (cf. inf. 1911, pp. 193, 194, ff. I, 2 (Kasinskoe, Govt Stavropol). Fig. 144, the Uvarov cup, ff. 140, 141 and the Ust-Labinskaja bottle are all figured in p. 235. Smirnov, Ar^i^. Orient, x. 25 (cf. 26), 27, xi. 29, 30 (cf. xii. 31 34), ix. 280 (cf. 281;. For AS. Bengal read AS. Bengal. p. 254 n. I. For Vol. xxvi. Helsingfors, 1910 read Vol. xxv. i, Helsingfors, 191 1. p. 257 n. 2. H. Appelgren-Kivalo, Zt d. Finn. Altertumsges. xxvi. " Die (irundziige des n. 5. ,, Skythischpermischen Ornamentstyles," derives the eagle from a Ganymede subject by a jug from Nagy-sz.-Mikl6s and traces the further degeneration of the deer into a row of men. Add Beak-heads are quite Greek, e.g. a girdle-mount from Olbia, Arch. Anz. 191 1, p. 266 1. 15. Indeed nearly all Sc. p. 223, f. 30; so is a mirror like the Romny one, ib. p. 224, f. 31. motives are finding their source as we learn more of Ionian art with its Minoan survivals. This sheath is from Elizavetovskaja, v. p. 567. p. 270 f. 186. Siberian plaques, v. G. Hirth, Formenschatz, 1909, No. 85 (cf. 40); 1910, No. 1. p. 271 stjq. p.
p.
n.
4.
Kuban
382); 1910,
p.
Barrows. 197 (Ul)
;
JR
p. p.
273 287
n. 3.
For
f.
—
J
333 read\i. 507,
f.
339.
Pharmacovskij, "The Gold Mountings of the Bow-cases from the Iljintsy and Chertomlyk Barrows," Bobrinskoj Misc. pp. 45 118, sets the whole matter on a fresh The Iljint.sy grave had the usual wooden chamber, which collapsed when being footing. plundered the chief object besides the sheath was a .set of horse's gear like p. 185 f. 78 but ruder in workmanship. He says that the Iljintsy cover was made by preparing first the wooden foundation and carving the design upon it, then beating into the carving a plate of base gold with a pure gold face and finally touching up with a graver, whereas that from Chertomlyk was produced by laying a slightly inferior gold plate over the Iljint.sy sheath and beating it into its lines this is shewn by the traces of the Iljintsy engraving on the wrong side of the Chertomlyk cover and by the design not always having come out on the latter particularly where it is rather weak in the former. The finishing of the Iljintsy cover was the less elaborate (much of it pointille) and pathetic, but the more intelligent. The plate from the butt end of the bow-case was found at Iljint.sy (that from Chertomlyk is figured ASH. II. p. 118): each is rounded below and has a midrib flanked by affronted griffins rampant and acanthus-flowers above; so the thickness of the bow case, greatest 4 cm. from 9-8 in.) and the bottom, was 6-5 cm. (26 in.) as against a breadth of 21 25 cm. (8-25 The midrib answers to the division separating the bow (put in a length of 43 cm. (17 in.). string upwards) from the arrows (said to be in bundles point upwards) at Iljintsy there were 142 bronze and 12 bone arrows. The subject of the reliefs is the whole life of Achilles, not merely his time at Scyros, and so does not go back to one great composition e.g. of Polygnotus, but consists in Hellenistic wise of scenes divided by adjacent figures being set back to back reckoning from left to right we have, above, i, 2, Phoenix teaching Achilles to shoot 3—8 Achilles (6) seizing arms from Odysseus (5), 3 being the Scyran queen with Neoptolemus, 7 a nurse and the next scene is cut in two, 9 is Lycomedes (his right arm is clear upon the 8 Ueidamia Iljintsy sheath) parting with Achilles (10) while the four women to the left below ought to be looking at them they are the queen between two daughters and a nurse marked off as a group indoors by dotted curtains in the following scene we have Agamemnon and Achilles now reconciled by Odysseus and Diomede; Achilles is putting on a greave before going out the last figure is Thetis bearing away her son's ashes. to avenge Patroclus The animals, especially the lank griffins, are in the Hellenistic manner while the ornament shews exactly the same elements as the ba.se of a column at Didyma near Miletus (Pontremoli-Haussoullier, Didyims, p. 145): Lesbian cyma, acanthus, twist and palmette all 1.
35.
—
:
:
—
—
:
:
;
:
;
;
;
—
Addenda and Corrigenda
xl
not before the middle of the iind century B.C. which agrees with the pottery Add. to p. 165). So Pharmacovskij refers the gold work to Miletus in that century and the tombs themselves and with them most of the big Scythic tombs to a slightly later time. Additions to almost every page of Chapters xi. and xii. might be made from 435. pp. 293 Pharmacovskij, Arch. A/iz. 191 1, pp. 192 234; 1912, pp. 323 379. For p. 566, f. 345 read p. 565. p. 295 1. 18. 31. A head of Egyptian work from Kerch, B. A. Turaev, "Objets egyptiens et egyptisants p. 298 trouves dans la Russie Meridionale," Revue Archeologique, 191 1, 11. pp. 20 35. Deified dead and chthonian divinities, v. p. 606 n. 10. p. 310 1. 30. p. 304 1. 7 309 327, PI. 11., in. After Mat. vi. add 3lX\6. Rom. Quartalschr. viii. pp. 47- 87 p. 320 1. 25. Egyptian Porcelain. Cf. Addenda to p. 298 1. 31. p. 338 n. 4. in a late stage (v.
—
—
—
1.
;
„
n.
p.
339 ff ,,
„ p-
340
Pp-
347 348 349
P-
Ionian Pottery.
5.
Cf.
inf.
p.
564
n.
;
3.
Naucratis, BCA. xl, pp. 142—158; xlv. p. 108, f. 5. Ionian Pottery, Arch. Anz. 1911, pp. 223, 224, ff. 29, 32; 1912, pp. 354 371, nn. 7, 8. Early pottery inland; v. inf. p. 441 n. i. 51, 61. 41, 44, 46 Add cf. Arch. Anz. 19 12, p. 360, f. 51. n. 9. Add Milesian sherds from Chersonese itself, Arch. Anz. 191 2, p. 349. n. 14. Substitute Mr J. D. Beazley refers it to Oltus. n. 6. Panathenaic Amphorae, Kerch, Tanais, v. p. 626 Chersonese, Add. to p. 516. n- 520. Von Stern's IVatercohmr Vases (v. p. xxxiii) will deal fully with the whole class. 1. Add BCA. XL. p. 430, bl. f. cotyle from Cherkassk. n- I. n.
„
—
— —
Add
6.
—
—
;
For Reliefkeramite read Reliefkeramik. n. 3Polychrome glass, cf. Arch. Anz. 191 1, p. 199, f. 6. 362 n. 4iv. and Add. to p. 298 1. 31. Bes, cf. BCA. xlv. pp. 71 75, PI. n. 367 n. 14. 370 n. 3- Add For toys see von Stern " From the Children's Life on the N. coast of the t,o = Arch. Anz. 1912, pp. 147 Euxine," Bobrinskoj Misc. pp. 13 148, feeding-bottles, dolls, dolls' sets of furniture, etc., animals, waggons, an eicositetrahedron with the alphabet, some „
PPP-
P-
—
—
things Milesian ware. 1Add s. tortoise-shaped bronze lyre-body from 3-
379
p.
p. p.
p.
P-
203,
ff.
p.
Kerch deserves
notice, Arch. Anz. 191
1,
II, 12.
383 n. 9. Chmyreva vessels, v. Addenda to p. 168 n. i. 386 1. II. For a large hoard of Byzantine and Sassanian plate (vi. vn. cent.) from Malaja Pereshchepina near Poltava v. I. A. Zaretskij, Trans. (TpyiBi) of the Poltai'a Record Comm. IX. 1912, N. E. Makarenko, BCA. xlvi. and a future publication of the Imp. Archaeol. Comm. 390 n. 7. These crowns support Rostovtsev's theory of Bosporan kingship, v. Add. to p. 218. ^^1^ early earrings, Olbia, Arch. Anz. 1911, p. 222, f. 27 ; 1912, p. 355, ff. 42, 43; 395 "• 5-
—
Bosporus, p.
—
ib.
pp. 333, 346,
ff.
16— 18,
31.
—
Scarabs from Berezan, cf. B. A. Turaev, .5 C^. xl. pp. 118 120 and Add. top. 298. Add Burial at Olbia came in about 550 B.C. before which burnt bones were put l>eh7v cuts. into amphorae in special pits among the houses, v. Arch. Anz. 191 2, p. 351 an excellent early grave ensemble, ib. p. 354, f. 41 sqq. 458 n. I. Add A similar house just to the S. of this is described in Arch. Anz. 191 2, p. 363 sqq. losPE. I. 97^ as supplemented in iv. p. 271, Trans. Od. Soc. xiv. p. 22, BCA. \ 468 n. 4 XLV. p. I = Arch. Anz. 191 2, p. 366, dedicates tovs vTyous (i.e. three celiac) o-vi/ 476 1. 26 T^ o-Toa on behalf of Alexander Severus, the Roman Senate and the prosperity of 478 1. 20 Olbia ^eoi? ctttjkoois Sarapis, Isis, Asclepius, Hygiea, Poseidon (and Amphitrite). 479 bottom J 471 1. 10. For (f>paTLpai read (f>paTpiai. 479 1. 15. Add a.n(i BCA. XLV. p. 7, No. 2, Aip. Xpva-[nnros tov 8eivo<;?]/MrjTpl Oewv [dvfOiJKa' ?]. 486 1. 16. Bertier-de- La-Garde casts doubts upon this Pallas type in silver. 497 1. 7 1 The foundation of Chersonese is put back to the vith century B.C. by Ionian sherds and archaic terra-cottas found on its "New" site, Arch. Anz. 191 2, p. 349. 515 1. 21 J 516 1. 9. After 380) fl^^ and a Panathenaic vase. Arch. Anz. 191 2, p. 349. 524 1. 28. After Dia... add and Thrasymedes, BCA. xlv. p. 40, No. 2, c. 100 a.d. BCA. XLV. p. 40, No. 2 shews that there were only three vop.o(f>v\aK(% and that ] o «"' Ttts 8ioiKi](Teo% regularly acted with them and must be restored in BCA. c 2 7 f
412 415
n.
12.
:
p.
I
j
,
^'*
1
No. I XIV. p. 104, No. 9. 84 add BCA. xlv. p. 65, No. 1 2, a dedication to the Chersonesan Maiden. For fiivo read ^iov. cf. reprint of this defixio by R. Wiinsch, Rhein. AIus. lv. pp. 232 236.
HI- p- 21,
J
544 n. 1 1. 598 n. 7 620 n. 4.
After 1.
8.
Add
;
iv.
—
;
CIIAPTKR
I.
PHYSICAL CxEOGRAPHY AND NATURAL PRODUCTIONS.
The scope of the present work includes the History of the Greek Settlements on the north coast of the Euxine from the mouth of the Danube to that of the Kuban, and the Ethnology of the country at the back of that coastline from the slopes of the Carpathians to the lower course of the Volga and the foothills of the Caucasus. This tract extending through twenty degrees of longitude is quite different from any other tract in Europe, wherein the only region at similar is that of the Hungarian Puszta, which is in a sense its all westerly continuation and has always been deeply influenced by the neighbourhood of the greater plain. But this greater )jlain is itself but a continuation, almost a dependency, of the still wider plains of Northern Asia, and this continuity is the governing condition of its historical It is only within the last hundred years or so that Southern development. Russia has been definitely added to Europe. Before that time Asiatic tribes have been more at home in it than European. In Europe and Asia it is one continuous belt of steppe or prairie. The most striking feature of this broad stretch of country is the absence of mountains they only come in as forming its border on the west and on the southeast, where the coast range of the Crimea is a continuation of the Caucasus, just as the plain of its northern region is really one with the mainland plain beyond the Isthmus\ But though the whole region may be broadly regarded as a plain, Right across this must not be taken to mean that it is one dead level. from the Carpathians to the coast of the Sea of Azov near the Berda there runs a belt of granite, which crops out wherever it is crossed by To the north of the granite belt is a limestone one of the great rivers. Where these rocks occur the plain attains a considerable formation. elevation, to the west in Podolia it becomes diversified with hills, and again further east about the Donets, where are the chief coal-mines of Russia, there is hilly country that ends in steep cliffs about Taganrog.
Even where Much
the
rise
of
the best survey of the is to be found in Helknen iiii Skythenhvide, pp. 14 inclined to exaggerate the former '
graphy of Scythia
M.
the
plain
Physical (ieoK. Neumann's to 99.
He
is
extent of the
is
gradual,
it
attains
a height
of
woodlands. Cf. also Elisde Reclus, Nouvelle G^oUnivcrselh\ Vol. v., and L. Biirchner, Die lusiedcluni^ dcr Kiisten dcs Pontos Euxeinos, i::raphie
I't
i.
Introduction, pp. 5-22. I
T*hysical
2 300
above the
feet
Geography
as in Ekaterinoslav.
sea,
[ch.
In general
it
slopes gently
so that the cliffs which are a few feet high towards the south-west near the Danube are not less than a hundred and fifty at the mouth To the east of the Dnepr the coast plain is very of the Dnepr. Between the Crimea and the mainland the boundaries of land and low. water are so ill defined that a change of wind will make the sea encroach, but the steppe reaches the level of the western plain about the fortyseventh parallel, and further north it attains four hundred feet south of the Great Meadow'. In spite therefore of the general flatness the actual heights reached :
by some parts of the plain are far too great to allow any talk of serious changes in the course of the rivers during the last two thousand years. These have not been able to do more than deepen their beds and very The outlines of their course have been fixed slowly edge westwards. by the geological formation which has made the remarkable correspondence of the sudden bends from ese. to wsw. round which Dnepr, Donets and Don have to find their way to the sea. The plain and the rivers are
features
the
of
had nothing of the It rises.
the
country
sort in their
that
own
specially
struck
the
Greeks,
they
land".
is the great rivers that shew up the heights to which the plain Each has a steep or "hilly" bank to the west and a flat or
"meadow" bank
to the east, and flows winding along a broad valley, which at the lower end has been cut down to below the level of the If the river sea forming the liman^ so characteristic of Russian rivers.
has
to
cross
and
the granite belt
it
has there failed to
make
its
course easy
broken by rapids, most important in the case of the Dnepr. The lesser streams have made proportionate valleys and into these leads a whole system of ravines, which carry off the melting snow but are dry during most of the year. All these depressions make no difference to the view of the steppe, as they are not noticeable until the traveller comes to the edge of one of them, but they present considerable obstacles to anyone not acquainted with the precise places where they can be crossed conveniently. They provided much too complete a system of drainage and the now diminished rainfall is carried off at once from the surface of the steppe, compare the expression of Hippocrates, i^ox^Tevovcri. For the inhabitants of the steppe they are of the utmost importance. In them the flocks can find shelter in the winter, and in them the first beginnings of agriculture can be made. There is little doubt that the agricultural tribes of which we read in Herodotus confined their attempts to these valleys, and it was not till the other day that the open steppe was cut up by the plough. Till then it had been merely pasture, but some of it pasture unsurpassed in the world, at any rate during its season. for
1
itself
is
The marshy widening
NlCOpol. Her.
IV.
82, &(i)Vfj.dtTia Se
of Tj
the valley about X'^f'V "VTrj
ovk
e'xfi
noTapovi Tf TToXXw pcylaTovi kciI dpidpov TrXfto-Tovr. TO di dnn^mviiaaai ii^iov koi nupe^ twv T70Tap.S>v KOI Tov peycWeos tov TTfSiou k.t.\. So
Xpis
Tj
OTi
De
U
Hippocrates, aerc, etc. 25, 'H 2Kv6e(ov ('prjfilr) KoKevfifvr] nfoids i(TTi Koi XeifiaKoiSrjs Koi "^tKrj, Koi (vv^pos jxerpious- TTOTapol yap dcrl fxcyaXoi, 01 e'|o;(erei/ovai to vdwp ex twv Tre8i
2
Steppes
il
and
Rivers
3
From
the time of the snow's meltinij to the micklle of summer the growth of the grass in the richer regions seems by all accounts to have but even so the sun would scorch it up and animals been marvellous had to come near the streams until the autumn rains and again they had to find shelter in the valleys for the depth of the winter, so that the nomad life was not quite as free as is represcMited, for these wintering places are quite definitely the property of particular tribes. Throughout great areas of the steppe, especially towards the south and east, the rich pasture gives way to barren lands offering but wormwood and silk grass, or tussock grass that does not even cover the surface of the sand. Worse still in the government of Astrakhan, at the eastern boundary of here the only land of any our area, there is but unrelieved salt sand This is why the trade route of value is that along the lower Volga. which Herodotus gives particulars goes so far to the north. Yet commentators gaily assign such a district as the only local habitation of more great characteristic of the whole region is or less important tribes. lack of trees, but in the river valleys, besides the meadows which kept the cattle alive in the winter, there were some woods at any rate. Especially was this the case on the lower Dnepr where much land, since invaded In the north also the forest belt by sand-dunes, was formerly wooded. seems to have come further south down to the edge of the glacial deposit, along the line shaded on the general map, and to have sent The retreat of the woods is due partly to outliers into the open plain. man and partly to the drying up of Eurasia' to which it has itself This drying up of the interior has also had a strange effect contributed. even upon the coastline. The shores of such a country as we have described do not naturally To begin with the gentle slope of the offer facilities for commerce. some parts under the sea hence the shore between plains continues in the m.ouths of the Dnepr and the Don, if we leave out of account the southern part of the Crimea, as ever a strong contrast to the rest This initial difficulty of the region, is not to be approached by ships. is increased by the deposits of the great rivers, deposits which are heaped up with the more ease in that there is no tide to carry them away. As soon as the stream meets the dead mass of motionless sea, still more some current of the sea or of another river, it drops its load of silt along gentle curves mathematically determined by the meeting So the Sea of Azov acts as a kind places of the opposing currents. The coarsest falls of settlinof tank for collectintr the silt of the Don. to the bottom at once to add to the growth of the delta, the finer has to pass successively the dead points produced by the opposing currents hence the spits of the various streams that fall in from each side running out between the river mouths and especially the strange Arabat spit that encloses the Putrid Sea' and makes an alternative entrance to :
:
:
A
:
:
the
Crimea.
' Cf. Prince Kropotkin London, Aug. 1904.
in
Geographical Journal,
^
lanpa
"Kifivrj,
Strabo, vn.
iv.
i.
I
—
Thysical
^
Geography
[cH.
too the fact that during certain winds vessels have to lie ten miles from the shore off Taganrog', and the complaints of the silting up of the Maeotis expressed by Polybius' who regarded the completion of the process as not very distant, and the recent Imperial commission on the
Hence
subject".
After all this the current that flows out of the Maeotis has left only 4*25 metres on the bar at Kerch. The same process goes on at the mouth of the Dnepr. There is the bar and delta below Kherson, another bar (6 metres) at Ochakov running across from Kinburn spit ("AXo-os 'E/carr;?), and a third, the Tendra, along the line where it meets a coast current from A/3o/i,o5 'A)(tXXeajs, east to west. The Dnestr only just keeps open. Here the bar has long been dry land, save for two small openings of which that used by ships has a depth of only five feet. The small rivers such as the Kujalnik and Tiligul are entirely closed. Yet this process is quite modern. In 1823 the Tiligul was open, nov>^ Within the bar in every case is an the highroad runs along its bar. This inconvenient phenomenon estuary (liman) which used once to be open. of shut river mouths is due partly to the unequal flow of rivers which
carry snow water more however to their inability to keep a current in a channel that they had excavated in ages of more It is abundant rainfall. one more evidence of the drying up of the country. The Greek colonies of Tyras and Olbia were founded on the steep side of a liman where the current came near the coast, the position of Tanais was somewhat similar. All the other ports depended on the entirely exceptional formation of the Crimea Chersonese had the use of the many harbours about Sevastopol, some of which are steep to. Theodosia had a small harbour and fine roads, and the towns on the Bosporus though troubled with shoals were not yet strangled by accumulating silt. Beyond the Bosporus Bata (Novorossijsk) and Pagrae (Gelendzhik) had clean harbours, but the former suffers from a unique disadvantage, the Bora, a wind which blowing from the mountains covers ^_ ships with such a coating of ice that they have been known to sink under the weight \
have
to
;
sufficient
:
Of modern towns Odessa is comparatively free from silt, but its harbour is entirely artificial. In fact the headland that sheltered the roads But both Nicolaev and Kherson suffer from the is being washed away. shoals and bars encouraged by the drying up of their respective rivers. This drying process has tended to make the climate of Scythia more extreme in character. Of course most of the ancients regarded only its cold, and regarded it as cold all the year round': just as it requires an effort '
2
xiv.
Clarke's Travels, I. p. 428. IV. 40. So too Aristotle,
Mcieorolo^^ica,
i.
39.
The Don delta gains 670 metres yearly. The gulf below is I ft 6 in. less deep than 200 years The sea should last another 56,5ck) years, ago. ^
E. Reclus, op. cit. p. 789. ^ N. A. Korostelev, The Bora at Novorossijsk. Mem. de PAcaii. Imp. de.<; Sciences de St Peiersboiirg, Classe Physico-Mathcmatiqiie., viii" s^n, T. XV. No. 2, St P. 1904. ^ Her. iv. 28. Hippocrates, De acre, c. 26.
Clijfiatc
i]
and
Faufia
5
most of us to think of Russia and Siberia as very hot in the summer. Strabo' even refuses to l)eHeve in the heat, aro^uin<^ that those who found it hot cUd not know real heat'. A curious fact is that the Greeks undoubtedly looked on Scythia as damp and fogt^y, whereas it suffers from Probably there was more wood and so there was oft-recurring drought. more moisture, and probably also the Greeks connected the north with cold and wet and thought that further to the north there must be more Also there certainly were marshy foggy tracts at the mouths cold and wet. of the big rivers, the points where they had most comnK.Tce with Scythia, and the readiness with which i)eoi)le believe the worst of foreign climates accounts for the permanence of this idea. One or two little points served to confirm this impression. A Greek felt a kind of horror of a country in which the myrtle and bay did not grow^ and the attempts to mak(; them grow at Panticajxieum were probably not very skilled, for the vine did not do well, and that succeeds there quite for
nowadays^ So too the fact of the sea
easily
freezing struck them as evidence of an inActually this tends to come about chiefly in places where the fresh water contributed by the rivers has made the sea hardly more But this again was just in regions where the Greeks were than brackish. most likely to see it. Also the uncertainty it introduced into commerce at certain times of the year would bring it home to the Greeks of Hellas, and every Greek had heard of the brazen pot split by the frost and dedicated by Stratius in the temple of Aesculapius at Panticapaeum and the epigram thereon I The Fauna of the steppe region is not specially striking. It is on the The ancients were interested in the accounts of the Tarandus, whole poor. a beast with a square face and a power of changing colour, apparently the reindeer with its summer and winter coat": that no longer comes so far south. So too the otter and beaver have retreated with the forests place-names shew the former extent of the latter". though wild white horses about the source of the Hypanis may either The have been the western extension of the grey pony of Upper Asia or they tolerable climate.
may have merely Vun
wild*.
in the marshes there were hunted deer He also mentions and wild boar, and on the plains wild asses and goats.
Strabo
(vii. iv.
mentions that
8)
the Colus, a kind of buffalo or bison. On domesticated animals the climate was supposed to have such an effect that asses (in spite of Strabo's wild asses) and mules succumbed',
and horned •
2
VII.
iii.
cattle lost their horns'".
xxv.
summer. ^ Theophr. Hist. Plant, XVI.
6,
recognises the hot
iv.
v.
3.
Pliny,
NH.
137.
li.
i.
i6.
c. 30. Theophr. Frag, Her. IV. log. Her. I.e.; Strabo, Ul. iv. 15; Th. P. Koppen, On the Distribution of the Beaver in Russia, Journ. Mitt. Publ. Inst. St P., June, 1902. * Her. iv. 52. .Aristotle, de Ani?nalibus, viii. 25. '" Arist. op. cit. viii. 28. This circumstance was explained by the statement that the cold prevented "
172
* Until By/antine times the Greeks never seem have gained occupation of the mountains of the Crimea and their warm southern valleys with Mediterranean vegetation. Besides these were quite an exception on the north coast of the Euxine.
to
Strabo,
°
18.
Aristotle, Problem,
Arist.
;
''
'••
cic
Afirabilibus,
Natural
6
T^roductioiis
[ch.
Very characteristic of the steppe are the various rodents, susliks and baibaks, relations of the jerboa, but regarded by the ancients as exaggerated Such hence the story that skins of mice were used for clothing'. mice :
their curious watchful attitude, along with Indian ants and Babylonish garments, may have their part in the origin of griffin legends. We may also mention adders and snakes'-, bees'' and ephemxera\ More important than the land animals were the fish that abounded in
creatures with
the rivers and formed the main object of export^. The most important species were the Pelamys, a kind of tunny, and the avTOiKaLOL or sturgeons. Of the former Strabo (vii. vi. 2) has an idea that they were born in the Maeotis and made their way round and began to be worth catching when they got as far as Trapezus, and were of full size at Sinope. The difficulty is that I am assured by Mr Zernov, Director of the Marine Biological Laboratory at Sevastopol, to whom I offer my best thanks, that no sort of tunny does this that a kind of herring does so but that the scumbria, which answers to the general description of the pelamys, and a mackarel now called palainida, do not go into the Sea of Azov at all. The palamida is quite rare in the Black Sea though common in the Mediterranean. Moreover the tendency is for the Mediterranean fauna gradually to conquer the Black Sea, so it is not likely that this particular species was commoner in ancient times. Yet Strabo from his birthplace ought to have known all about it. The oLVToiKaLOi or sturgeons are first mentioned by Herodotus (iv. 53) at the mouth of the Dnepr. This fishery does not seem very abundant now. The other great locality was in the Maeotis, both along the eastern shore at the mouths of the rivers Rhombites" (this is now represented by fisheries at the same points and at Achuev which is just at the mouth of the Anticites) and at the Cimmerian Bosporus, where the Greeks were much struck by the fishing carried on through the ice and believed that fish as big as dolphins were dug out of the solid'. As a matter of fact though ice is collected on the shore every year the strait does not freeze over very often this happens more regularly in the upper part of the Maeotis at the mouth of the Don. There are three kinds of sturgeon. Accipenser Stellatus {sevrjilga) with a sharp nose forms the bulk of the catch in the Sea of Azov. A. Huso [Behlga) has whiter flesh and used to be common at Kerch and at the delta of the Dnepr. This seems to be the one that Strabo means when he talks of its being as big as a dolphin. Finally we have A. Sturio [osjotr), our sturgeon, which is more characteristic of the Volga. It has a blunt nose, and so differs from the fish represented on the Greek coins (PI. v. 18, 20). The ancients thought that the fish went into the Pontus to escape the larger fish that preyed upon them outside and to spawn, as the ;
;
:
Yet we have Greek representations of the saiga with its splendid horns, and the tarandus or reindeer was known with its horned hind. ' Justin II. 2, pellibus murinis utuntur, cf. Hipp. de acre, c. 26. ^ Arist. de Mirabilibiis, c. 141 Her. IV. 105. ^ Her. V. 10. Arist. de Animalibus, V. xxii. 8. their growth.
;
*
lb. V. xix. 14.
M. Koehler, TAPIX02 in Mem. (k VAcad. des Sciences de St Petersboiirg, VI ™« sdr. T. I. p. 347, St P. 1832. « Strabo, XI. ii. 4. Strabo, VII. iii. 18. '-
''
Cf. especially
Fauna and
Flora^
Mi?icrais
water was more favourable to the young. That is true of the but the middle of the sea is full of bacteria which jjroduce sulphuretted hydrogen, so that the fishes from the Mediterranean can only make their way round gradually and have not yet elbowed out of existence the archaic but excellent sjjecies proper to the Aralo-Caspian-Iuixine fresher
coastline,
basin.
As
to the Flora of the northern coast of the Euxine, leaving aside the
Crimean mountains, we have already spoken of the scarcity of wood, a scarcity which seems to have increased in modern times. What trees do grow are confined to the river valleys and include deciduous species only, as indeed is noticed by Theophrastus' who speaks of figs and pomegranates growing if earthed up, also excellent pears and apples, and among wild trees of oaks, limes and ashes but no firs or pines. There is however In the open country the ancients noticed the a special Pimis Taurica. ;
luxuriance of the grass or when they wished to find fault the stretches of wormwood', to which however they ascribed the good quality of the They speak also of eatable roots and bulbs ^ and of various drugs, meat'. also of hemp used both as a fibre and as a narcotic". special lack in Scythia was that of good stone. About Odessa and Kerch there is a soft local limestone easy to work but only durable if protected from the weather by a coat of plaster in the Crimea, especially at Inkerman, there occurs a stone of higher quality: but in general stone is not to be found, and this has been one reason for the absence throughout the whole region of important architectural monuments. Of other natural productions we need mention but amber", which is occasionally found near Kiev, but does not seem ever to have been systesalt', given as occurring at the mouth of the Dnepr, matically worked and indeed spread over a whole section of the steppe (the carting of salt into the interior was a great industry until the railways came, and followed immemorial tracks, the Greeks must have profited by it in their time), and gold which does not occur in Scythia itself, but has been abundant to the west in Transylvania whence the Romans obtained much gold, and to the north-east in the Urals where the mines of the ancient inhabitants {Chiidskia kopi) have been worked by the Russians, and further towards the middle of Asia, in the Altai, where also the modern miner has come across traces of former exploitation. In ancient times there were no doubt placer workings that yielded gold more readily than it can be attained now. These regions also contained ancient copper mines and the turquoise of the east country was not without influence on the development of decorative art in the whole region. So we may conclude a very hasty survey of the natural conditions which the Greeks met on the north coast of the Euxine and which groverned the evolution and history of the native tribes they found there.
A
:
;
:
' '^
'
Hist. Plivit. IV. V. 3. Ovid, Episf. ex Ponto, Pliny, i\'H.
Plant. IX. ^
* III.
XXVII. 45.
.wii. 4.
lb. VII. xiii. 8, IX.
.\iii.
2.
i.
23.
Theophrastus, Hist
Her. iv. 74. Th. P. Koppen,
On the Kindinj( of Amber in Russhi, /ourft. A/in. I'ubl. Inst. St P., Aug. 1893. " Her. iv. 53. Dio Chrys. XXXVI. «
CHAPTER SEAS
II.
AND COASTLINE.
Before we even approach the coast
of Scythia and discuss the knowpossessed by the ancients, something must be said of their ideas concerning the Euxine Sea and its subordinate the Palus Maeotis'. Herodotus", for instance, takes the former to be ii,ioo stades in greatest length, measured from the mouth of the Thracian Bosporus to that of the Phasis, and in greatest breadth 3300 stades reckoned from Themiscyra at the mouth of the Thermodon to Sindica. Moreover he thought that the neck between the Halys and Cilicia was only five days' journey "for a well girt manl" That means that he imagined the Euxine naturally, for this part, as stretching too far to the south at the eastern end protected by the Caucasus, has a much warmer climate than the western^ As a matter of fact the broadest part is from the mouth of the Dnepr to Heraclea in Bithynia, but Herodotus was evidently ignorant of the great bay along the south side of his square Scythia, whereas we may put the Rugged Chersonese and Sindica opposite to it some way up the eastern In the figure he gives for the greatest breadth coast of the same. is not very far out, it being (but in the western half) 325 geoHerodotus but between the points he mentions it graphical miles or 3250 stades is only 235 geographical miles or 2350 stades. His error with regard to the length is more serious. The extreme E. and w. points are Batum and the bay south of Mesembria, but he neglects the westerly bight of Thrace and makes a straight line from the Thracian Bosporus to the Phasis 11,100 stades, about double the real distance. may take it that in reckoning 70,000 fathoms for a ship's journey in a day and 60,000 for a night he was taking the utmost possible, wherein he made no allowance for contrary winds and other obstacles. The cross measurement is more correct, as a ship could often take a straight passage north to south. She would not go for long out of sight of land, for a little to the west at the narrowest part of the sea the highlands of the Crimea (Criu Metopon) and Cape Carambis may be seen at the
ledge
of
it
:
;
We
same
time.
This exaggerated idea of the size of the Pontus present to the mind of Herodotus must have reacted on his view of Scythia and induced him ' I.
E. Bunbury, History of Ancient Geography, II. 261-282.
pp. 175-636, ^
IV. 85, 86.
^ ''
I.
72.
H.
Berger,
Gesch.
Erdkunde der Griechen,
d. wissenscha/tlichen Leipzig, 1903, p. 103.
J
CH.
iLuxtne
II
Q
out on too large a scale, another reason for our not extending it interior. In later times after the publication of Peripli and the advance of geography the ancients had a very good practical knowledge of the shape of the Euxine, comparing it justly to the asymmetrical Scythian bow'. They naturally exaggerated its size, but their methods of calculation yet they paid much attention to the subject. always produced this effect Pliny'' gives five different reckonings of the circumference of the Pontus, they vary betw'een 2000 and 2425 m.p. (= 16,000 to 19,400 stades), the real amount is about 1914 geographical miles ( — 2392 m.p. or 19,136 stades). He also quotes Polybius for the distance of 500 m.p. across from one to lay
very
it
far into the
:
Bosporus to the other, which
is
approximately correct.
One
curious error persisted. Eratosthenes and Strabo' both regarded Dioscurias (Sukhum Kale) as the extreme point of the whole sea, lying in a corner (/xuxo?) 600 stades east of the mouth of the Phasis, which some old poet, Herodotus and Ptolemy make the extreme point. This should The error seems to rest really be at Batum, which is still further south. on a commercial superiority of Dioscurias which lasted during Hellenistic It was the last point of the navigation of the and early Roman times. the mountainous coast between it and the Cimriofht side of the Pontus :
merian Bosporus being dangerous and unprofitable. For all their familiarity with it the Greeks never forgot that the Euxine's first name was Axenos and most of them regarded a journey across it with some trepidation. To this day it is not a favourite sea with sailors, who dislike its fogs, its sudden storms and the scarcity of good harbours along the These causes tended to isolate the Greeks of its greater part of its coast. in spite of the close commercial connection with the homenorthern shore land no one voyaged to Olbia or Panticapaeum except on business, and Herodotus and the exile Dio Chrysostom are the only extant ancient authors of whom we can say that they visited the north side of the Euxine. ;
Maeotis.
Wrong as was' Herodotus with regard to the Euxine, his ideas of the He thought of it as not much Palus Maeotis were even more erroneous\ He smaller than the Pontus, whereas its real area is about one twelfth. knew that it was nearly twenty days' journey to the Tanais, elsewhere he gives 4000 stades from the Bosporus, and this he seems to have imagined as its width rather than the longest line that could be drawn Already Scylax was a little less wild and thought of in a narrow triangle. The distance across to the Tanais as half the size of the Euxine'. it was usually put at 2200 stades*, not so very much more than the actual 700 but most authors continue to give its circumference as distance of Right on into mediaeval times a very strange exaggeration. stades", 9000 :
1
'
Hecataeus,
Amm.
Marcell.
Eratosthenes
xxn.
and Eustathius ad 2
NH.
*
IV. 86.
M.
IV. 77.
viii.
loc.,
10.
Pliny,
and Ptolemy, ap. Dion. Perieg. 1. 157,
NH. * *
iv. 76.
XI. ii. 16. § 68.
"
Strabo,
\'ir. iv.
NH.
5,
Agathemerus,
18.
78; Strabo, I.e.; Agathemerus, 10 Schol. in Dion. Perieg. GGM. \\. p. 457 Peripl. Anon., 118 (92), etc. '
;
Pliny,
iv.
;
2
Seas
lO
and
[ch.
Coastline
mouths of the Tanais were supposed to be exactly on the same as the Bosporus, though Hippocrates speaks of the lake as
the
meridian
The ancients consistently stretching towards the summer rising of the sun. hence regarded it as a lake or marsh and as the greatest lake they knew Some even went so far as to perhaps their exaggerated idea of its size. regard the Cimmerian Bosporus as the true mouth of the Tanais\ On the other hand, some authors could not disabuse themselves of the notion that the Maeotis was connected with the Northern Ocean or at any rate :
with the Caspian". Caspian.
With regard to the Caspian Herodotus and Ptolemy agree in making an inland sea, though the former shews a tendency to make it balance the "Red" sea or Indian oceanl But Strabo^ Mela', Pliny^ and Plutarch^ all going back to Eratosthenes and perhaps to the Ionian geographers ^ make it connected with the northern ocean. Considering how little they knew about it, it is remarkable that both Herodotus and Strabo had a very fair idea of its size. The latter's information came from Patrocles, who was sent exploring by Seleucus. The idea of a passage from the northern ocean was due to the Greek belief in the symmetry of the world", and the existence of an arm of the sea running not so much north as east. Of this Patrocles seems to have been aware, but no one ever got near the Volga mouth, which indeed with its seventy channels is singularly unlike a sea strait. Herodotus seems to have thought of the Caspian as having its greatest length from north to south, but later authors put it from east to west". it
Survey of Coastline.
The
ancients never had a settled idea of the shape of the Scythian inaccuracy of the outline given by Ptolemy is a measure of the difficulty they found in getting their bearings. The requirements of their navigation demanded no more than a rough knowledge of the distances separating the cities, harbours and chief headlands as measured across the openings of unimportant or unnavigable inlets. Such knowledge they possessed in a very fair degree. The accuracy of the figures given by Ps.-Arrian and the anonymous compiler of the Periplus Ponti Euxini is remarkable when we consider the chances of corruption arising from the Greek methods of writing numbers. Of the inside of the country the Greeks knew hardly anything. They knew the appearance of the steppe and that great rivers made their way through it to disembogue in broad
The
coast.
Ps.-Arrian, Per. P. E., 29 (19 H.). Plutarch, Alexander, XLIV. For the silting of the Maeotis, v. supra, p. 4. ^ Her. I. 202, 203; IV. 40. Arist. Meteorologica, 1
e.g.
^
up n.
i.
10.
*
XI. vi.
*
I.
9.
I
;
vii.
i.
^
NH.
^
Berger, op.
vi. 36.
'
cit., p.
1.
c.
57.
Myres, Geogr. Journal, Viii. (1896) the maps used by Herodotus. 10 For the Araxes question and the rivers running into the Caspian v. infra, p. 30. ^
p.
v.
605,
J.
On
L.
1
2
Survey
Ill
Mouths of Da7iube
of Coastline.
1
shallow estuaries, but of the real direction of these streams' flow they had They imagined a symmetrical scheme of rivers coming down no notion. The supposed flatness of the steppe would at right angles to the coast. of course offer no obstacle to channels running from one stream to another, a hypothesis representing trade routes connecting the lower course of one Such portages have always been in river with the upper part of another. The granite ridge that runs from Podolia to Taganrog causes S. Russia. the well-known rapids of the Unepr and bends that stream into such an elbow that its upper waters are more conveniently approached either from one of the lesser rivers that fall into the Maeotis, or from the Ingul or Hence the confusion between Hypanis and Borysthenes, the Ingulets. But it is better to discuss difficulties with the Panticapes and Gerrhus. the position of rivers with that of the tribes so intimately bound up with them in the description given by Herodotus. Till the time of Ptolemy we have no details of the Hinterland save the schematic picture of the river system and the names of innumerable tribes, whether assigned to localities Herodotus just mentions the point Exampaeus and the or indeterminate. city of the Geloni, but these would be fixed by the river and tribe scheme, Before adventuring if any determination of their place could be reached. ourselves in the boundless interior let us see how much the ancients knew of the coast between the mouths of the Danube and the steep slopes of the Caucasus where they overhang the sea'. Different accounts of the Danube mouths^ are given by different authors', and none of them agree with the present state of things, but a comparison between the actual lie of the country and the various descriptions of its ancient condition renders it possible to account for the apparent contradictions of our authors and to trace the history of geologic change since the time of Herodotus. The delta begins between Isakcha and Tulcha, where the Kilia and St George arms separate, and forms a triangle with two sides of 46 miles miles long, to which is added a four-sided piece enclosed and a base of by lake Rasim, the Dunavets, the sea, and the St George arm. All this space is marsh, subject to floods except for five sandbanks upon which t,;},
For the sake of convenience in handling, I have reproduced the central part only of Latyshev's combination of Ptolemy's maps of European and With Asiatic Sarmatia, Dacia and the Caucasus. the outlying parts from the Baltic shore to the N\v. round by w. and s. to Transcaucasia on the To the N. are very few SE. we are not concerned. names which represent living information, but mostly they are the Herodotean tribes which obviously could not be accommodated in the comI here give paratively well-known central regions. some interesting points to the N. and E. as placed Ptol. does not locate tribes exactly. by Lat. Borusci long. 63°, lat. 58°; Rhipaei Montes Nasci Alexandri Arae 63°, 57° 63°, 57° 30' Fontes Tanaidis 64°, 58°; Modocae 63°. 57°; 67°, 60° 30'; Zacatae 67°, 59° 30'; Caesaris Arae 68°, 56° 30'; Asaei 68' 50', 59° 40'; Perierbidi 68° 30', 58° 50'; Fontes Rha Occidentales et Finis Montium Hyperboreorum 70°, 61°; Svardeni 71° '
;
;
;
Chaenides 74°, 59°; Epistrophe Rha Confluentes Rha 79°, 58° 30'; Zinchi 74°, 48" 30'; Montes Hippici 74°, 54° 81°, 52°; Finis M. Coracis 75°, 48°; Caucasus M. 75°, 47° 85°, 48°; Alexandri Columnae 77°, 51° 30'; Fontes Vardanis 78°, 48° 30' Portae Sarmaticae 78°, 47° 30' Alterae P. Sarm. 81^, 48° 30'; Sacani 82°, 51°; Ceraunii M. 84° 52'; Epistrophe Rha 85", 54°; 82^, 49° 30' Ostium Rha 87° 30', 48° 40' Fontes Rha Orientales 59° 30';
30',
74°, 56°;
—
—
;
;
—
;
90', 61'. ^
Braun, Investigations, pp. 182 sqq.
Herodotus IV. 47, Ps.-Arrian /"fr/))/. 35 (24 H.), Ephorus ap. Strab. Vii. iii. 15, Dionysius Perieg. Pliny, 301, and Anon 93 (67) give five mouths NH. iv. 79, Ptolemy HI. x. 2, who has a completely wrong idea of the Delta's shape, six; Strabo vii. lii. 15, Pomponius Mela li. 8, seven. Nowadays we have but three Kilia Mouth, Sulina Mouth, and .St George's Mouth. ^
1.
;
;
2
—
2
Survey
1
of Coastline
[ch.
This tract cannot correspond to the ancient delta, poor villages are built. which included the island Peuce whereon the Triballi with their wives and children took refuge from Alexander when he drove them from their For the banks of this island were steep and the current, confined country'. by the high banks, swift. Alexander only prevailed by crossing the main stream and discomfiting the Getae on the left bank. and therefore outside the Peuce then was an island with high banks Still most of our authorities say that it was between two present delta. Some- put it between the St George arms of the river and the sea. mouth (Ostium Feuces, '\(.pov o-rofxa) and the next to the n. (Naracu stoma, NapaKLov a-Tofxa), on what is now called St George's Island: and Dionysius But Strabo (vii. iii. 15) says merely has much the same idea (1. 301). lies near mouths and that there are other islands above and that it the it, directly on the sea, but even 120 stades=i5 miles below i.e. it is not We have no data for exactly determining the amount the up stream. delta has grown in the last 2000 years, except that according to the Feutinger Table Noviodunum (Isakcha) is 65 Roman miles=520 stades Ftolemy makes it from the Sacred mouth along the course of the river This brings us to just about 477 stades or 60 miles in a direct line. about a line of sandbanks reaching from Vilkov by Ivancha to Teretsa, and representing an old coastline which we may take as the coastline at the beginning of our era. This line gives about the right amount, 47 versts (31 miles = 279 stades), which we get as the distance between the old mouths from N. to s. in Arrian (280 stades) and Strabo (300 stades). If now we measure our 15 miles up stream from our ancient Sacred mouth we come upon rising ground which takes up the rest of the Dobrudzha up to Tulcha. Braun supposes that formerly an actual branch of the Danube cut off this triangle from the main land and fell into the sea somewhere opposite the channel Fortitsa, within twelve miles or so of Istropolis {? Karanasup), having sent off an arm into a marsh, now represented by lake Babadagh, and having formed lake Rasim. Bruun' anticipates Braun and says there exist traces of such a channel. This state of things is represented by Fliny's confused account\ When this branch got silted up confusion arose in the mind of Ftolemy, who found the southernmost mouth given variously as the Peuce mouth and the Sacred mouth, and he identified them and so was brought to seek the island Peuce in the modern delta and to throw out all the measurements and distort the shape of the whole delta to try and reconcile diflferent accounts both founded on fact but referring to different :
;
times.
Without detailed investigation of the actual lie of the land between main course of the Danube and Babadagh it is impossible to say whether Dr Braun has really disentangled the labyrinth of the Danube mouths. If it is at all possible, such a solution would best fit the case. the
1
Arrian Anaii.
Scymnus,
I.
2
—
4.
Anon. 94 (68), Pliny and Ptolemy. Under the name of Ptolemy we may quote data due to Marinus of Tyre whose work formed the basis of Ptolemy's. For our purposes no distinction can be made between them. 2
1.
787,
3
Cheriioviorje,
I.
pp. 48
—
59.
Peuces, mox ipsa Peuce insula in qua proximus alveus [nomen deest] apex pellatus xix m. p. mag^na palude sorbetur eodem alveo et supra Histropolin lacus gignitur Ixiii m. p. ambitu, Halmyrin \ocant. ^
1.
c.
Primum ostium
:
Mouths of Daiiube
ll]
I
3
conceivable that within historic time Peuce never was a real or Portitsa a real mouth of the Danube, but that the first was defensible across a short isthmus and along the course of a minor stream flowing into Habadagh lake, and so gained the name of island, to be a refuge for the Triballi and later (when it almost certainly was no longer separate) for the division of the Bastarnae hence called Peucini. So there may have been a false mouth to the south of the delta as there was to the N. or ships may once have gone in by Portitsa and across lake Rasim VVe can see by to ascend the stream now represented by the Dunavets. the varying accounts of authors that the real mouths of the river closed and shifted, as has happened with all the Black Sea rivers, but that old names and old descriptions lived on in Geography books and led compilers It
is
just
island
Only Strabo who prided himself on direct up-to-date information and avoided padding copied from other books, gives an intelligible account The question of the number of of the district as it was in his time. mouths is never settled, to-day one may count anything from three to twelve and no doubt it was the same in ancient times. We may take it then that while it is hopeless to identify the lesser mouths (we have ten different names preserved in various authors) Peuces ostium was originally what is now Portitsa, Ostium Sacrum (later also called Peuce) corresponded to St George's mouth, Naracu stoma was half-way between that and Galon stoma, the Sulina mouth (lately canalised and made really navigable) that Pseudostoma, Boreon stoma, Spireon stoma corresponded to branches of the Kilia mouth, and Psilon stoma was a still more northerly channel running out through the marshes (Thiagola) at Zhebriany. The stretch from the Ister to the Tyras is not important. Strabo tells us of two lakes, one open and one shut, corresponding to Sasyk and probably Alibey, two limans now communicating with the sea by narrow astray.
;
channels.
Between them came the place
ra. 'AvTL
his Cremnisci,
seem some traces left in the foundations of a tower. It is ascribed to Neoptolemus the Admiral of Mithridates, and appears to have been a lighthouse'.
A difficulty is in the distance given by our authorities for the space Strabo and Anon, make it between Danube mouth and Dnestr mouth. 900 stades. Really it comes to about 600. Ps.-Arrian obviously left the coast at Portus Isiacorum (Odessa) and cut straight across to the Danube mouth, making it 200 stades, probably by adding on half the distance for possible He says that there were no settlements in that space curves of the coast. eprjixa. /cat dvcouvfjia, whereby he did an injustice to Tyras, which was still Anon, filled in the gap with names gleaned we coining in Arrian's time". 1
' Becker, Trans. Odessa Soc. HI. p. 151, On the coast of the Euxine between the Ister and the Borysthenes with reference to ancient settlements.
'^
v. p.
An argument 24, n. 3.
for its not
being the real
A rrian,
Survey of Coast
14
know not whence, and made the total why Strabo should be 300 stades out
[ch.
But distance agree with Ps.-Arrian. is hard to say, unless he applied a rneasurement stretching to the southern and most used Danube mouth to the northern nearest one. Pliny gives 130 m.p., that is 1040 stades, from Tyras to Pseudostoma. The ancients all seem to have overestimated this unattractive Ptolemy on the other hand makes too little of this very piece of coast. distance. From Thiagola (Zhebriany) to the Dnestr mouth he gives what represents
390
Dnepr, he
is
stades,
while
further
substantially correct.
comes the break
in his bearings,
it
to
the
e.,
Dr Braun has due
to his
e.g.
between Dnestr and
well
shewn
that just here
having Byzantium two degrees
Harpis, the other too far to the n., in the same latitude as Marseilles. point he gives, is still orientated from the s., and represents Eskypolos, the town at the end of the Roman wall that guarded the lower Danube. Strabo says that 140 stades up the river Tyras are the towns of Pliny says that the town Niconia on the right and Ophiussa on the left. need have no doubt that it is Tyras was formerly called Ophiussa. What we know the present Akkerman, mediaeval Moncastro or Belgorod. Niconia of its history and coinage will be found further on (ch. xiv.). Strabo adds would be Otarik, where some antiquities have been found. another datum, 120 stades, for the distance between Tyras town and the mouth of the river, more close than the figure he has first given and agreeing with Anon., who says that to. Neo-rrToXeixov was 120 stades from Tyras river, surely a mistake for Tyras town\ The position of the island Leuce, now Phidonisi, is accurately defined by Strabo, who says it lies 500 stades from the mouth of the Tyras, and Demetrius (ap. Anon. 91 (65)), who gives 400 stades as its distance from This is fairly correct. the mainland at the Danube mouth. Other authors confuse it with the Apo'/Ao? 'A^tWew?, or the nameless island near the mouth of the Borysthenes, now called Berezan. First mentioned by Arctinus, Leuce is spoken of by Stesichorus in his Palinode, by Pindar {Nem. iv. 49), Euripides [Androm. 1259), Lycophron {Alexandra 186), and gradually the romantic legend grew that we find in its fullest form in Philostratus
We
Junior".
To the E. of the Tyras the next place mentioned is Physce in Ptolemy, probably at the mouth of the Baraboi, and Ps.-Arrian's Portus Isiacorum, interesting as being the forerunner of modern Odessa, and 50 stades (Anon. 87 (61)) further on Istrianorum Portus, probably by the mouth of the Kujalnik or Hadzhi Bey limans, once estuaries navigable from the sea. The cliffs gradually rise along this coast, and the name Scopuli (Anon. 87 (61)) may be justified. The next point is Ordessus (Ptol.) or Odessus (Ps.-Arr. and Anon.), probably at the mouth of the Axiaces or Asiaces (Mela), now the Tiligul, cut right off by a bar, but once open. Here, near Koblevka, Uvarov found traces of ancient habitation I '
Vide E. von Stern,
Akkerman, Trans. Od.
On the latest excavations at Soc. XXI II. p. 58.
Heroicus XIX. 16 (pp. 327—331). Latyshev, Cauc. I. p. 637. V. account of Leuce in Ukert and Trans. Od. Soc. I. p. 549, 11. p. 413, 2
Scyth. et
and a discussion of the whole question and of the worship there paid to Achilles by the Olbiopolites, in Latyshev, Olbia, pp. 55 61 and inf chap. XV. K.'A.Ou.vs.row, Recherches sur lesAntiquites de la Russic Meridionale, PI. xxvi. and xxvii. •'
O
—
1
5
Daiiube
ii]
D7tepr
to
1
Opposite the liman Berezan is the island of the same name referred by Strabo and Ps.-Arrian. This island was early settled by the Greeks, as upon it have been found vases of Milesian type and archaic asses of to
Olbia'.
It
is
confused
constantly
with
From
Leuce.
here
it
is
just
60 stades (Anon.) on to the mouth of the great liman in which the Bugh and Dnepr join. Altogether the distances along this coast are very much what Ps.-Arrian and Anon, make them. The common estuary of the Bugh and Dnepr is one of the fuiest in Europe, its very size prevented casual observers understanding how the Dio Chrysostom [Or. xxxvi.) gives us the best description. land lies. Herodotus and Dio alone grasped the fact that the city which its citizens called Olbia, and strangers Borysthenes, lay upon the Hypanis, the Bugh, The confusion was natural, but not upon the Borysthenes river, the Dnepr. The the site of Olbia could never have been determined from the texts. mounds, coins and inscriptions dug up at Sto Mohil (the hundred Barrows), a mile to the south of the village of Iljinskoe or Parutino, have settled the Alector mentioned by Dio must be Ochakov opposite the long matter. Between them is a bar spit of Kinburn, well known in the Crimean war. with a very narrow channel under the guns of the fort. When you have passed the fort the great liman is spread before you and even at Olbia the opposite side of the Bugh is so far distant that the impression produced rather than a river. Hence the variations of distance is that of a lake given by the authorities, Scymnus and Anon, making it 240 stades up from the mouth of the river, Strabo (who says Borysthenes) and Dio 200 stades. Pliny with his 15 m.p. must have measured from the point where a ship On the Boryleaves the Dnepr channel and begins to ascend the Bugh. On its sthenes itself there seems to have been no important settlement. left bank and on the islands of the river still survived into last century remains of the woods which gained the district the name of Hylaea, of which Herodotus, and after him Mela and Pliny, speak. It hardly required many trees to attract attention in the bare steppe land. We need not suppose that Valerius Placcus meant anything when he wrote ^Arg. vi. 76) :
Densior baud usquam nee celsior
extulit ulla
fessaeque prius rediere sagittac Arboris ad summum quam pervenere cacumen. Silva tiabes
He
had read
in his
Mela
:
:
Silvae deinde sunt quas
The
Hylaea
maximas hae
terrae ferunt-.
a favourite subject for discussion, but the difficulty only arises if we put the Panticapes' (which flows into the Hylaea) to the west of the Borysthenes and identify it with the Ingulets, But if so as to give room for the Georgi between it and the Dnepr. position of the
is
V. chapters XI. Xli. and XV. For the former extension of trees where now there are none, see Burachkov (who spoke from personal knowledge); On the position of Carcinitis, Trans. Od. Soc. IX. p. 3 K. Neumann, op. cit. pp. 31 and 74 sqq., who has collected various testimony to shew that trees did really exist along the '
^
;
river valleys, but it,
is
inclined to
make
too
much
of
and W. W. Dokoutchaiev, Les Steppes russes
autrefois
et
aujourd'hui,
Congrh
Ititernational
d'Archcolpgie prchistoriquc et (T Anihropologie, Session (i Moscott, Vol. I. 1892. ^ Her. iv. 54. Vide infra, p. 29.
li'.
6
Survey
1
we suppose
that
precisely into the
of Coast
[ch.
was the Konka across the Dnepr valley wooded region to the south of the estuary'.
it
it
would flow
In face of such a mistake it Ptolemy puts Olbia on the Borysthenes. But near seems risky to assign positions to the other cities he mentions. Great Znamenka and Little Znamenka overlooking the well-watered flats of the so-called "great meadow" we find the remains of fortified settlements with Greek pottery", which may mark his Amadoca and Azagarion. At the mouth of the Dnepr liman we have Kinburn spit, which is probably the site of Ptolemy's "AXo-o? 'E/carr;?', which Anon, puts on the next spit, the west end of the Tendra or Apo/Ao? 'A^tXXew*?, whereupon there seems to have been a sanctuary of the hero mentioned by Strabo. A stone with a dedication to Achilles was dredged up off Kinburn^ and others with his name were found on the Tendra\ The formation of Kinburn spit and the Tendra is unstable and channels in them open and shut so that what has been an island becomes joined to the mainland and again becomes an island according to the caprice of the currents. The Island of Achilles mentioned by Pliny hereabouts may well be of such Some authors, e.g. Ps.-Arrian, have hence confused the Ayooju,os formation. with Leuce. But in the main the descriptions are accurate, telling of the sword-like stretch of sand curving at each end and serving as the raceDzharylgach, the other end, seems to be course of the fleet-footed hero. what we must understand by Tamyrace. Between it and the place where the Tendra joins the mainland Ps.-Arrian gives eKpoa Xt/xt'i7s, probably a temporary gap in the continuity of the beach. Behind Tamyrace spit was some sort of shelter for the few ships that came that way. Between Tamyrace and the opposite coast of the Crimea is the gulf called the gulf of Tamyrace or Carcinitis running up to Taphrae on the Isthmus of Perekop. How little the ancients visited these parts is shewn by the vagueness of the measurements given. Tendra is about 80 m. long or 750 stades, but Strabo calls it 1000, Ps.-Arrian 980, Anon. 1200, Agrippa 80 m. p. =640 stades. The 60 stades given as the distance from the shore is not far out. So with the gulf called Carcinites or Tamyrace the 300 stades is not far out for the distance across the mouth, but the ancients had the most exaggerated idea of its extent to the eastward. Strabo puts this at 1000 stades and says some multiplied this amount by three. On the other hand, Pliny and Strabo both give the breadth of the Isthmus of Perekop, Taphrae, at 40 stades (5 miles) which is very near. Strabo adds that others reckoned it at 360 stades, which is about the distance from the gulf of Perekop on the w. to Genichesk on the sea of Again they give a very good description of the Putrid Sea (Sivash), Azov". but make it very much too big. This is one of the most unmistakeable Cf. Niederle, Staroveke ZprAvy o zeniepisu vychodnl Evropy (Ancient Information as to the Geoj^raphy of Eastern Europe), p. 35 sq. CR. 1899, p. 28, and Braun, op. cit. p. 21 sqq., 371-3, also Ouvarov, op. cit. PI. D. '
''
1
Later called oK^ro^ alone and afterwards the ,S. Aetherius, upon which the Russians refitted their dug-outs [Const. Porph. de adin. Imp. ^
Island of
c. IX., cf.
Latyshev, 'Island of S. Aeth.' in Joiirn.
Min. Pub. Instr. St losPE. iv. 63. ^ losPE. i. 179 '^
P.,
May
1899,
p. 73].
V. ch. XV.
— 183.
This
probably the site of Asander's wall, v. ch. xix., no doubt on the site of a former ditch that gave its name to the place, "
is
7
II
Djiepr
]
to
Crifnea
1
coast line and naturally impressed those who came Pliny- gets hopelessly confused. He mixes up the Putrid Sea, the liman of the Utljuk or Molochnaja and the Hypanis (Bugh) with one of the limans about the Peninsula of Taman at the opposite corner of the Sea of Azov and the Hypanis (Kuban), and one can make no sense out of his jumble of names. Lacns Buccs...Corctiis Maeotis features of the whole At this point near'.
reQW Scythia Sindica One cannot help thinking that as now, so formerly, the same nominatur. geographical names were repeated along this coast. Every other salt lake Sasyk, the cutting through a spit of sand is called Bugas, there is called are two Kujalnik rivers, an Ingul and an Ingulets (a diminutive though it is the bigger river), a Don and Donets, two sandspits called Dzharylgach, two places called Ak Mechet, two Sivash lakes, two rivers Salgir, and two Karasu, so in old days there were two rivers Hypanis, Bugh and Kuban, perhaps two Gerrhus, more than one Panticapes and several Iiiones, Insulae Achillis and so forth. Just as the Russians have adopted Tartar words as names, so the Greeks took native words meaning river or salt lake or Hence the confusion produced by the attempts of Ptolemy or channel. Pliny to distinguish these names without local knowledge. In the Gulf of Carcinites Pliny mentions the islands Cephalonnesus, Spodusa and Macra, and Ptolemy gives position to the first of these. Mela, Pliny and Ptolemy also mention a town, Carcine, which is merely the Carcilacus simis...anines Ihices, Gerrhus... hardly tally with
^
of Herodotus (iv. 99) and Hecataeus (fr. 153). Herodotus says that the falls into the sea and Mela (11. 4) copies him inaccurately, Hypacyris here sinus Carcinites, in co urbs Carcine, quam duo flumina Gerrhos et Ypacares tmo ostio effluentia adtingunt. Pliny is still further removed and speaks of The only stream that runs into the gulf is the Kalanchak, the Pacyris (sic)^ now quite unimportant, but from its mouth hollows and what were once water-courses may be traced far inland almost to the Dnepr about the land This may have been a way of getting quickly up to that called Gerrhus. district, but it must have been early abandoned owing to the failure in water of which we can trace the effect all over the steppe region. The position of Carcinitis town has been a great bone of contention because it has been assumed that it must have been situated on the gulf Carcinites, whereas the town Cercinitis is plainly put in the western Crimea by Ps.-Arrian and Anon, (who adds a name Coronitis). Across the gulf 300 stades from Tamyrace we find mentioned Calos Limen, 700 stades further Reckoning back exactly on Cercinitis, and 600 stades beyond Chersonese. from the well-known site of the latter we get Cercinitis at the mouth of the closed estuary Donguslav, the position approved by Bruun and Another 700 stades brings us too far round the corner to give Burachkov. If we take all the distances to the required 300 more to Tamyrace. somewhat exaggerated may put Cercinitis just to the west as usual we be of a Greek modern Eupatoria on where there are traces the a spot of nitis
town '
2 '
(v.
Strabo
NH. NH. M.
Chapter xvi.)\ vii. iv.
i.
Coins occur marked *
IV. 84.
'
IV. 93.
viii.
NH.
KEPKI and KAPK,
similar in
IV. 84.
Excavations of N. Ph. Romanchenko, pp. 219 236.
—
TRAS. 3
,
Survey
i8
of Coast
[CH.
type to the coins of Chersonese (PI. iv. i, 2, 3, cf. iv. 17), and even an inscription has been found and we can put Calos Limen at Ak Mechet or at So Cercinitis is another example of the the next Httle bay along the coast. curiously inaccurate naming of places along this coast by which the town Borysthenes (Olbia) was not upon the Borysthenes and Istrus not actually upon the Ister. The gulf Carcinites was the gulf just beyond Carcinitis, up which the men of that town traded by way of the Hypacyris until the latter dried up, and so it was thought of as standing at the mouth of that river. If this was the view of Later Ptolemy calls Carcinites itself a river. Herodotus we can see why he had no idea how much the Crimea is divided from the mainland, and a river being provided we need not trouble '
;
about Donguslav lake. At Chersonese we again reach a definite point. A discussion of the topography of the district lying immediately about it will best go with the sketch of its history and remains that will be given in Chapter xvii. Strabo (vii. iv. 2) gives 4400 stades as the distance we have come from the Tyras. But with moderate allowance for the curves of the coast the distance can hardly come to more than 3000 stades. Strabo must have reckoned in the circumference of the Carcinites gulf and made his ship go right up to Olbia and other places of call on the way. Anonymus (83 (57) 87 (61)) adds up to 3810 but gives 41 10 (89 (63)), having missed He says that Artemidorus gives 300 stades somewhere about Tamyrace. 4220, but that is going round Carcinites gulf. Beyond Chersonese Strabo (I.e.) rightly mentions the three deep bays and the headland now C. Chersonese. C. Fiolente is much more picturesque, but not so important geographically as C. Chersonese, and is not likely to be meant by Strabo. Portus Symbolon is clearly Balaklava, and by it was Palacion or Placia, built by the natives as a menace to the whole
—
Oe«osA« "'q wc r&
^^^^'^
''^t^'iValaJeUvJ.'
Haf £ou.- U»k^^ b.S.W
\ \ Fig.
Minor Peninsula.
I.
The
fancy that this narrow inlet is the harbour of the for it but the names of Dubois de Montpereux, after Pallas the first scientific explorer of these parts, and K. E. von Baer" who was rather a scientist than a historian.
Laestrygones has nothing
'
BCA.
X. 20.
2
Ueber die homerische Localitdien in der Odyssee, Brunswick, 1878,
v. inf.
Ch. xni.
Chersonese
"]
Theodosia
to
19
The southernmost
cape of the Crimea was called by the ancients Criu It was supposed to be just opposite well known. to Carambis on the coast of Asia Minor and they could both be seen from a ship in mid sea. The high land behind the capes can really be seen. This comparatively narrow part was reckoned to divide the Euxine into two basins, but it is hard to settle what particular headland was the actual Ram's Head. Pliny' gives it as 165 m.p., i.e. 1320 stades from Chersonese town, which would bring it to Theodosia; and 125 m.p. = 1000 stades on Anon. (81 (53)) to Theodosia, which would bring it back to C. Sarych. makes it 300 stades from Symbolon Portus. That would be about Aju Dagh. But he also makes it 220 stades from Lampas (Lambat), which would bring it again to near Aj Todor, not in itself a very prominent cape, chiefly interesting for a Roman station of which M. I. Rostovtsev has given an account ^ But above it Aj Petri rises high and can be seen further than Aju Dagh, and the latter is considerably to the north, so that The most southerly perhaps it is best to call Aj Todor Criu Metopon. point is actually Kikeneis or Sarych, still further to the west. The position given by Ptolemy also leans in favour of Aj Todor. Ptolemy's Charax Pliny ^ mentions Characeni may well have been the settlement on Aj Todor. In the interior Strabo mentions Mount Trapezus,
Metopon and was very
—
—
Chatyr Dagh
(vii. iv. 3),
and
it
is
at least
"CKat^ "Da^K "TriAprivSTiIws •
Fig.
.
as
f-o**
much
like a table as a tent.
KW.
2.
The modern place-name Partenit near Aju Dagh suggests that here may have been a sanctuary of the virgin goddess to whom all the Tauric ,
mountains were holy. Lampat, the next village, has also preserved its Greek name mentioned by Ps.-Arrian (30 (19 H.)) and Anon., and Alushta is the 'AXovcrrot' of Procopius\ Beyond Lampas 600 stades further east we have what Ps.-Arrian calls \i[i.y]v ^KvOoravpcov €pr)fjio<;, 200 stades short of Theodosia. Anon. (78 (52)) calls it also Xdrjvalojv. These 200 stades bring us to Otiiz, the most probable site, for 600 stades from Lampas makes the site too close to Theodosia. The name of Sugdaea, Sudak, so important in mediaeval times, does not occur before Procopius (1. c). Theodosia is again a certain site, and has recovered its old name '
Ch. XVII I.), From near Theodosia an earthwork goes across to the beginning of the Arabat Spit on the Maeotis. This seems to represent the boundary of (v.
'
V.
NH.
3
IV. 86.
Journ. Mill. Pub. Inslr. inf. Ch. XVII. -
.St
W, May
1900,
*
yv//. IV. 85. De Aeii. \\i. 7.
3—2
Survey
20
of Coast
[ch.
the kingdom of Leucon as against the Scyths and Tauri of the peninsula rather than the Wall of Asander'. At 280 stades from Theodosia Ps.-Arrian (30 (19 H.)) and Anon. (77 (51)) give Cazeca, clearly Kachik the eastern headland of the bay of Theodosia, about 30 miles from that city following the coast round; 180 stades further east, according to Anon., was Cimmericum, evidently Opuk, where Dubrux" discovered traces of a fortified town with a harbour. This is rendered quite certain by the existence opposite here of two skerries From the head of Lake Uzunlar, once an mentioned by Anon. (76 (50)). arm of the sea, goes another embankment to Hadzhibey on the Sea of Azov. At a distance of 60 stades Anon, gives Cytae, also mentioned by Pliny' and The 60 stades would bring it to Kaz Aiil. called Cytaea by Scylax (68). would (Pliny) come at Takil Burun, 30 stades from Cytae Acrae Acra^ or marking the entrance The site of the Cimmerian Bosporus. on the headland After uncertain. another stades reach Nymphaeum, we of Hermisium'^ is 65 undoubtedly Eltegen, where there are evident remains of a city and harbour Tyritace" seems to have been at the head of Churubash (v. Chapter xviii.). Dia of Pliny is uncertain, but must have been Lake, once an arm of the sea. between Tyritace and Panticapaeum. This latter was more than the 85 stades from Nymphaeum by Tyritace, given by Anon., but there seems no reason to As to Panticapaeum, there can be no doubt question these identifications. that its Acropolis was the hill now called Mount Mithridates (v. Chapter xix.). The identification of the several small settlements about the Cimmerian Bosporus, and on the Peninsula of Taman, is rendered difficult by the uncertainty as to changes in the one case in the position of sandbanks and spits which would necessarily modify the distances reckoned from one place to another, in the other to still more considerable changes in the water-courses which intersect the peninsula, deriving from the Hypanis or Kuban, and subject not only to ordinary silting up, but to the more unusual action of the mud volcanoes that abound in the district. Next to Panticapaeum, on the west side of the strait, we have Myrmecium, mentioned by most of the authorities as being 25 (Anon.) or 20^ This would fairly bring us to the place called the Old stades away. just the other side of the bay. Quarantine, Somewhere near must have which early issued coins marked APOA and AP (PI. ix. 10), been the town and which seems to have been absorbed in Panticapaeum, unless Apollonia was indeed the Greek name for that city. Forty stades further on (Strabo) we have Parthenium, while Anon, makes it 60 from Myrmecium to Porthmium, Probably these both represent the site of Jenikale lighthouse at the narrowest point of the channel, whose breadth is regularly given as 20 stades, which is It is really about 90 stades from Panticapaeum. about right. Ps.-Arrian and Anon, reckon the strait to be the mouth of the Tanais, and this is not unreasonable according to the view that makes the Maeotis a mere marsh and no sea. 1
Strabo
2
Tnms. Od.
3
NH.
*
supra, p. i6, n. Soc. iv. p. 69 and PI. i.
vii. iv. 6, cf.
IV. 86.
Anon, and .Strabo
xi.
ii.
8.
6.
NH.
Pliny, IV. 87, Mela H. 3. Stepli. Byz. s.v.; Ptol. 'Xv^nKTunx) TvpidTiiKr). '•>
"
"
Strabo
vii. iv. 5.
;
Anon. 76
(50)
TheodosJa
ii]
to
Sea
Bosporus.
of
Azov
2
1
On
the west of the Maeotis, between the Bosporus and the Don, except perhaps near G(Miichesk), Herodotus and his Cremni (iv. 20, 10, Ptolemy is the only authority, and the names he gives are mere names not to be identified, for he has a wrong idea of the he of the land, and in any Only case there seems to have been no important settlement on this coast. entrance Zjuk, miles to the west of the to the straits, the headland about at 40 we have remains of a Greek village", which may have been Heracleum or Zenonis Chersonesus. So too no purpose can be served by endeavouring to for
i
identify the rivers of this coast.
Of Tanais town of the Don is a more interesting point. Its site in the second and and its inscriptions we will treat later (Ch. xix.). third centuries a.d. was clearly near Nedvi'govka on the Dead Donets, but it is quite probable that the original Tanais town destroyed by Polemo was cannot on the site of Azov, or in the delta at Elizavetovskaja Stanitsa". identify the island Alopecia, mentioned by Strabo (xi. ii. 3), Pliny' and Ptolemy. It has probably been joined to the delta, which is growing very In any case it is hard to see how it can have been 100 stades fast. below the town. The east coast is more important because of its fisheries, which supplied much of the TapLxos exported from the Pontus^ The first, 800 stades from the Tanais, was at the Great Rhombites, probably the Jeja. At Jeisk, at its mouth, is still a great fishery. After another 800 stades
The mouth
We
came
the Little Rhombites by Jasenskaja Kosa, where there once flowed the sea the Chelbasi and Beisug rivers which now reach it only during the spring floods 600 stades more past the northern delta of the Kuban brings us to Tyrambe, possibly Temrjuk or Temrjuk Settlement, between which an important branch of that river (the Anticites or Hypanis) reaches the Maeotis. At a distance of i 20 stades was Cimmerice or Cimmeris village, probably the nw. point of the island Fontan. This was the point from which vessels reckoned their course across the Maeotis. 20 stades beyond was Achillis vicus, at the narrowest point of the strait, opposite Parthenium. These figures all seem put too low by Strabo (xi. ii. 4Perhaps'the current that flows down the Sea of Azov helped the 6). vessels along and led the navigators to underestimate the distance. The natural course would be for ships to go right straight across to Tanais and come down the east coast to take in their cargoes of fish. Ptolemy mentions these same points as Strabo, but his authority is not to be preferred. The topography of the Taman Peninsula is, as we have said, particularly difficult. The interweaving of land and water made it hard for Strabo (xi. ii. 6- 10) to describe, and the changes since his time, both in his text and in the land surface, make it still harder to apply his description^ In general the very greatest caution should be used in explaining difficulties of ancient topography by geological changes, but here three powerful into
;
—
—
A. A. Dirin, Trans. Od. Soc. Xix. ii. p. 121. Strabo XI. ii. 3. A'//. IV. 87. * Strabo XI. ii. 4. ^ The best account is in Cloertz, Archaeological Topography of the Tarnan Peninsula, Moscow, '
-
•''
1870,
and History of Archaeological Investigations
in the Tainan Peninsula, M. 1876, both repr. St F. 1898; but cf. I. E. Zabelin, Trans. Third Arch. Congr. (Kiev) 1874, 11., Explanation of Strabo's Topography of Bosp. Ciin.
Survey
22
of Coast
[ch.
Something has been done by the mudagencies have been at work. volcanoes found on both sides of the strait, but most active to the east of it. Their activity is not mentioned by the ancients, they may have been since then there have been thrown up the quiescent during classical times cone of Kuku Oba, which is the most striking object of the Bosporus, and some of the cones just south of Sennaja, the site of Phanagoria. One of these it was that cast up, in 1818, a Greek inscription", referring to the construction of a temple of Artemis Agroteral Another agency in changing the face of the land is the action of Whereas the northern branch, the Protoka, has formed an the Kuban. ordinary delta in what was once a bay of the Maeotis, the southern branch flowed into what must have been a group of islands and found its way to the sea through channels and sounds which itself it has done much :
towards
silting up.
Lastly the sea itself has encroached on the side towards the Bosporus. Here the shifting currents have alternately washed the shore away and deposited new sandbanks, there is even reason to suppose that the level Columns, the remains of a temple, are seen in of the land is sinking. the sea along the northerly spit opposite Jenikale, and again off the site of the ancient Phanagoria. Along the coast from Tuzla to C. Panagia barrows are seen in The latter cape takes its name from a church now section upon the cliff. swallowed up by the waves. At Taman itself the cliff, with remains of an ancient town, is being washed away. The statues from the monument of Comosarye* were found in the sea, because the headland of SS. Boris
and Gleb on which In the
was
it
district, then,
Taman, Akdengis
(or
built
had been encroached upon.
there are three main bodies of water, the Gulf of
Akhtaniz) Liman, and Kizil Tash Liman.
Branches
of the Kuban flow into the two limans, but the Gulf of Taman is at But there can be little doubt that a depression present cut off from it. running east from the cove Shimardan by Lake. Janovskij to the Akdengis liman represents an old channeP. The only certain points in the whole peninsula are Phanagoria^ the great masses of debris and rows of barrows about Sennaja leave no doubt where we must seek the capital of the Asiatic half of the Bosporus kingdom, and Gorgippia, long supposed to be Anapa and recently proved to be so by inscriptions". If we take the Gulf of Taman to be Strabo's Lake of Corocondame, of that name must have stood at the base of the southern the villaore o sandspit that partly cuts the gulf off from the Bosporus'. But Strabo says (xi. ii. 14) that Corocondame is the point from which begins the eastward sail to Portus Sindicus, and marks the beginning of the Bosporus strait, corresponding to Acra. If then we suppose that C. Tuzla extended a little further west and
= losPE.
Suvorm's Fort Phanagoria by Taman was
*
App.
^
Goertz, Topography, p. 45.
named according
^
App. yD = IosPE.
cf.
^
V.
2(^
Map
in
II.
II.
346.
ABC.-^KTR.
Dubois de Montp^reux.
'"
344.
p.
108,
f.
141, after
to the
Clarke's Travels, « "
losPE. iv. 434. Anon. 64 (23).
view current
—
pp. 81 83. BCA. xxiii. 32.
11.
in his time,
Tama?I
"]
Pcni7isula
23
from
it ran out a spit like the southern spit for a little over a mile (xi. ii. 9), get about 80 stades across to Acra instead of 70 (§ 8), 130 stades bring us to Patraeus and the monument of Satyrus (Kuban's Farm and perhaps Kuku Oba) 90 stades from there would be Achillis vicus, on the northern spit, where columns are seen in the sea, just opposite Jenikale". Cimmeris would be 20 stades further, at the base of the northern spit, just at the point where the navigation of the Maeotis begins. Only the distance to Tyrambe is much more than 20 stades, but this seems wrong
we
;
1
in
any
case.
The actual site of Corocondame seems to have been washed away. has been usually placed at Taman, inasmuch as that was the site of a very ancient Greek settlement, and some have seen in Tmutarokan, the mediaeval Russian name of Taman, an echo of the ancient Corocondame, but Taman does not lie on the Bosporus itself It is impossible to say that from it one sails eastward to Sindicus Portus, and it is much more than 10 stades from any possible entrance to the gulf. "Above Corocondame," says Strabo (xi. ii. 9), "is a fair-sized lake" (or liman), "which is called after it, Corocondamitis. It debouches into the sea 10 stades from the village. Into this lake flows a channel of the Anticites river, " and makes an island surrounded by the lake, the Maeotis and the river "When one has sailed into Lake Corocondamitis one has Phana10. § goria, an important city, and Cepi, and Hermonassa, and the Apaturum, the Of which Phanagoria and Cepi are built on the said temple of Aphrodite. island on the left as one sails in, the rest of the cities are on the right In the land beyond the Hypanis " ( = Anticites), "in the land of the Sindi. of the Sindi is also Gorgippia, the royal city of the Sindi, and Aborace." " From Corocondame you sail straight off to the east 180 stades to § 14. Portus Sindicus" (probably at the entrance to Lake Kizil Tash (170 stades)). "It is 400 stades further to what is called Bata, a harbour and village" (now Novorossijsk (500 stades)). From this it is clear that Phanagoria being at the bottom of the Gulf of Taman, the channel of the Kuban came just south of it, and somewhere But there on the same island was Cepi, usually put at Artjukhov's farm. Pliny's Stratoclia, nor is no way of identifying Hermonassa, Apaturon, or of giving names to the large number of sites of ancient settlements. The district was very thickly populated in antiquity and is covered with which latter some of the villages, forts, earthworks and barrows, from beautiful objects have been recovered. most Anon. (62 (21) sqq.) gives us more details of this part". He gives the distance from Hieros Limen (another name for Bata or Patus) to what he calls Sindica or Sindicus Portus as 290 stades (it is rather more than 300 to Anapa), and says it is 540 on to Panticapaeum, which is about Next he speaks of Corocondame and its liman, which he says is right. and the circumference he gives at 630 stades this also called Opissas It is hard is about right if we reckon in the shores of Lake Akdengis. "the not to wonder whether Opissas was not the name of this liman It
:
;
—
'
On
the
Euxine coast such spots were con-
nectccl with the
name
of Achilles.
^
Cf.
Bruun, Cheniomorje,
ii.
242
— 270.
of Coast
Survey
24
[ch.
He adds that Hermonassa is 440 stades from the entrance It seems and 515 by it to the entrance of the Maeotis. as if he measured by Lakes Corocondame and Akdengis and some passage of the Kuban into Lake Kizil Tash, so that Hermonassa would be one of the sites on the north shore of that liman. Of the Greek settlements in this peninsula Phanagoria (Ch. xix.) was a colony of Teios, Cepi of Miletus, and Stephanus Byzantius calls Hermonassa a settlement of lonians, repeating what Dionysius (1. 553) backwater."
the lake
of
these places, ^vda re vaeTaovcriv 'IcovlSos eKyovoi ai-q
says of
all
The
;
—
Bosporus, which was in relation with Lower Moesia. The periplus that bears his name has been unskilfully tacked on to the account of his real expedition a reference to the death of King Cotys does not come in at all well. The addition seems to date from Byzantine times, and to have used sources open to Anon., who did not, however, copy Ps.-Arrianl necessary for this coast. Strabo (xi. ii. 12 16) gives all detail According to Artemidorus first came the Cercetae for 850 stades after Then the Achaei for 500 stades, the Heniochi for 1000 stades, Bata. as far as Pityiis, now Pitsunda, and 360 stades further on was Dioscurias, Sukhum Kale. But the writers on the wars of Mithridates gave the order Achaei, Zygi, Heniochi, Cercetae, Moschi, Colchi, with Phthirophagi and Soanes further inland. There seems to have been some shifting of population, for Arrian and Anon, give also Macrones, Zydritae, Lazi, Apsilae, Abasgi and Sannigae, and speak of an old Achaea and an old Lazice west of the later positions Some of these peoples certainly still remain. Cercetae may of those tribes. very well be the Circassians (Cherkes). The Lazi are the Lesghians the Soanes the inhabitants of Svanetia the Abasgi, the Abkhazes. Strabo says that at Dioscurias were kept seventy interpreters, each for a different tribe of the interior with which business was done, and others raised the :
—
;
;
1
For the pirates of this coast see de Peyssonel, le commerce de la Mer Noire, Vol. II.
Traits sur p. 10.
Paris, 1787.
For
its harbour, v. supra, p. 4. C. G. Brandis, in Rheinisches Museum, Li. p. 109. C. Patsch in Klio, Vol. IV. (1904), disagrees. '^
^
v.
Sin diea
ii]
Dioscurias
to
25
number
It would scarcely be impossible to come up to to three hundred. former number nowadays by taking all the dialects of the Caucasus, and in Kerch, for instance, twenty different tongues are in quite common employ at the present time. For the racial affinities of the tribes East of the Sea of Azov, v. p. 127.
the
LOCI CLASSICI. »
Hecataeus, Phana^oria, Apaiunnii, ap. Steph. Byz.
Herodotus,
iv.
s.vv.
passim.
Maris
Ps.-Scylax, Periplns
— 8i
Inferni, 68
(second half of ivth
c.
GGM.
BC.
xxxiii
pp.
I.
—
li,
57-61). Aristotle,
De
Folybius, IV.
Aitimalibus
xix.
v.
14.
38—42.
Ps.-Scymnus, Periegesis^ Strabo, Geogr. vir.
iii.
11.
—
i
767
— 957 —7
(c.
iv.
19,
GGM.
90 BC.
(pp. 295
i
— Ixxx,
pp. Ixxiv
i.
— 312 C),
XI.
i.
5
—
7,
ii.
i
227
—
— 234).
16,
19
(490— 507 C).
Die Chrysostomus, XXXVI. Dionysius Periegetes,
pp.
142
11.
— 168,
541
— 553,
i— 16
Euxini
Ps.-Arrian, Pcriplus P.
(i
—
25—37
(19
— 25
H.)
in (v.
11.
p.
24
n.
3
;
GGM.
\.
370—401). Ptolemy, Geogr. in.
v.
vi.
v.
x.,
viil. x., xviii.
viii.,
Stephanus Byzantius, sub nominibus urbium, Anonymi Periplus Ponti Eu.vini, 47 (6) 118
—
also
652—732, and Eustatliius
11 H.),
FHG.
V.
etc.
NH.
I.
no — 115,
11.
i
—
15.
§§ 75—93, Vi. 15—22. Solinus, xiii. 1—3, XIV. I, 2, XV. i 29, xix.
Ammianus
iv.
Marcellinus, xxii.
Avienus, Descr. Orbis, Priscian, Periegesis,
II.
Anonymus Ravennas,
viii.
—
— — 26.
i
—
19.
10
—
214 254, 720—733, 852 891. 138—158, 557 566, 644 721.
11.
—
—
Jordanes, Geiica, v. (30
M.
c.
pp. 174—187.)
Pomponius Mela, Pliny,
(vth
(92).
i.
— 46). 17, 11.
12,
20, iv.
i
—
5,
v.
10,
ii.
AD.
GGM.
I.
pp. cxv
— cxxii,
402
— 423,
26
CHAPTER
III.
GEOGRAPHY OF SCYTHIA ACCORDING TO HERODOTUS. In the preceding survey of the coasts of Scythia we have had many tangible points by which to test the accounts of the ancients and have been able to fix the position of most important names occurring in the authorities. But it is far otherwise with regard to the interior. A whole series of ingenious investigators has endeavoured for instance to draw a map of Scythia according to Herodotus, and the different results to which they have come prove that in this it is hopeless to seek more than the Well has Pliny said " Neque in alia establishment of a few main facts. parte maior auctorum inconsiantia, credo propter inmtmeras iiagasque gentes^," and he proceeds to give whole lists of names derived from Herodotus is the main all kinds of authors from Hecataeus to Agrippa. authority, and no lover of Herodotus can deny that he might have used more system and consistency in his account without interfering with the charm of The mistake made by most writers is in striving to wrest the the narrative. different geographical sections of Book iv., composed at various times from various sources and introduced in various connections, into a seeming consistency with each other and with the modern map generally to the unfair treatment of the modern map. It is useless to attempt to give any resume of the views which have prevailed from time to time as to the geography of As any particular problem is treated the views of different writers Scythia. may be quoted, but a systematic setting forth of all the theories that have been advanced would take up a great deal of space without much helping matters. Some idea of the variety of the solutions may be gained from the Bibliography to this chapter it does not claim to be complete, for no useful purpose served would be by seeking out all the obscure or aberrant authors who have
—
;
dealt with the subject.
In Chapters vii. and viii. I shall enumerate the various civilisations that have left traces or rather tombs on the soil of S. Russia, but so far no one has succeeded in establishing any close link between the series of names or groups of names furnished by history and the remains which archaeology has unearthed in the steppe region. As will be pointed out there are correspondences between the culture revealed by tombs of the so-called Scythic type and the culture ascribed by Herodotus to the Scyths but this culture certainly belonged also to other tribes, particularly the Sarmatians. No one has applied so much common sense to the examination of Herodotus as Mr M.acan, and I am deeply indebted to his masterly excursus on the geography of Scythia. ;
»
NH.
VI. so.
—
CH.
Boundaries of Scythia
Ill]
27
—
Most writers take the passage cc. 99 10 1 as their main guide in setting But this jxissage rests on the radical error that the hne of the out their map. coast from the Don mouth to Perekop is about at right angles to that from Perekop to the Danube mouth. This latter line is one side of a square including all Scythia, and the former is another each side being reckoned at 20 days journey = 4000 St., about the actual length of the s. side, but a square with two of its sides almost in the same straight line makes an awkward Indeed this square Scythia is merely foundation for any further construction. a chess-board for the game of Darius and the Scythians, on which they can make their moves untroubled by any of the real features of the country, notably the riv^ers (Map iv.). much more satisfactory account is furnished by cc. 16 20, starting characteristically from Olbia and giving an intelligible survey of the inhabitants, the western half going from s. to n., Callippidae, Alazones, Aroteres, the eastern half from w. to e., Georgi who may well be the same as Aroteres, Nomades and Royal Scyths above them from w. to e. the same row of non-Scythian tribes that we get in 99 sq., Agathyrsi, Neuri, Androphagi, Melanchlaeni, with the Sauromatae beyond the Tanais and the Budini, etc. further to the ne. No geometrical boundaries are mentioned, only a rather doubtful desert (Map v. p. 34). The real boundary of Scythia was no desert but the edge of the forest'. As far as the open steppe, whether cultivated or no, extended, so far were the nomads masters, so far went the boundaries of Scythia. The same line which bounded the dominions of the Khazars, the Pechenegs, the Cumans, and the constant incursions of the Tartars, formed the real limit of Scythia. Time may have pushed northwards the forest zone as he has destroyed the Hylaea on the lower Dnepr, but a line running ene. from Podolia to the Kama must be just about the upper limit of the steppe. If there was a desert, it was one made by the incursions of the steppe men, like the desert belt to the s. of Muscovy in the xvth century, kept clear of settled habitations by the menace of the Golden Horde. The excursus on the rivers does very little to clear up our ideas of Scythia'. Of the- eight main rivers, five, the Ister, Tyras, Hypanis, Borysthenes and Tanais, can be identified with certainty as the Danube, Dnestr, Bugh, Dnepr and Don, but one can by no means say the same of the Panticapes, the Hypacyris and the Gerrhus nor of the numerous tributaries of the Danube. The whole question of the Danube has been complicated by the attempt loi) as the base for the descriptions of tribes to take square Scythia (iv. 99 and rivers given in chapters i 7 to 20 and 47 to 57. Since the time of Niebuhr it has been generally received that because the tributaries Porata, Tiarantus etc. flowed into the Ister out of Scythia, therefore the Ister formed the boundary of Scythia which is no doubt true if interpreted in the sense that the nomad Scyths lorded it over the Rumanian steppes as well as over the Russian but it does not follow that the boundar)' of this Scythia ran more or less north and south, and so Herodotus conceived ;
—
A
;
:
:
*
Shewn by
the shading on
Map
I.
^
Her.
iv.
47
—
57.
4—2
Scythia of Herodotus
28
[ch.
of the Danube as taking a great bend to the south for he says consistently that it flows from w. to e., and the boundary running n. and s. belongs only to square Scythia which is erected from the coast and is not concerned with anything more than the mouth of the Danube, there rightly regarded as Once the idea ot making a bend to the se. and so entering Scythia\ a great southern bend had been formulated it was confirmed by elaborate theories of symmetry^ and accepted even by Macan and Niederle who know so well the impossibility of reconciling all the geographical data. Given that the Ister of Herodotus flowed more or less west to east the The Pyretusidentification of the tributaries^ is a mere matter of detail. Porata is evidently the Prut the survival of this name justifies us in calling it is impossible to say which of the many left bank the Ordessus Ardzhish The Maris tributaries correspond to the Tiarantus, Naparis and Ararus, among the Agathyrsi is certainly the Maros which reaches the Danube by way This settles the Agathyrsi in Transylvania, and not so far of the Theiss. they are put in square Scythia. north as The Tyras is quite clearly the Dnestr'' but equally clear is it that Herodotus did not know anything about its upper course. As soon as it reaches the woods of Podolia it is lost sight of and a lake is invented for its source. The Greek feeling was that a great river must rise either from Herodotus knew that there were no a high mountain or from a great lake. mountains to the n. of Scythia, accordingly he has provided most of the rivers with suitable lakes. True to his wrong bearings he makes the Dnestr come down from the n. instead of the nw. The Hypanis or Bugh' is set e. of the Borysthenes by Strabo, Pliny, Vitruvius (viii. ii. 6), and Ptolemy. This mistake is owing to the confusion of the town Borysthenes or Olbia on the Hypanis with the river Borysthenes. Also if the mouth of the common liman be regarded as the mouth of the Borysthenes it actually is to the w. of the Hypanis. Further trouble is caused in Pliny by the existence of the other Hypanis, also called Anticites, now the Kuban. As to Exampaeus and the bitter spring supposed to spoil the river water for four days journey seawards it must have been some stream impregnated with salt from the steppe. Both the Sinjukha and the Mertvyavody (or dead waters) have this quality and either would suit fairly well but if Exampaeus is about the point where the Tyras and Hypanis are nearest each other it must be far inland in Podolia. In his description of the Borysthenes (Dnepr)'' the chief difficulty is that Herodotus omits to mention the well-known cataracts which would have come in so well in comparing it to the Nile. Constantine Porphyrogenitus first mentions them^ It seems as if the old routes had left the main river before :
;
:
;
^
Her.
IV.
99
6 "la-rpos
^KvdiKfjv) irpos evpov ^
J.
L.
Myres, op.
e'/cSiSoi
avep.ov to cit. p.
ts
(TTnfj.a
airrjv
(sc.
Terpafifievos.
614.
In the geographical introduction to his article on the European expedition of Darius (C/. J?ev. XI. July 1897, p. 277), Prof Bury makes Oarus= Ararus = Buzeo and so keeps Darius in the west of Scythia, v. inf. p. 117. * Aaj/norpif, Const. Porph. De Adm. Imp. 42. ^
(For the bearings of these river names see
inf.
p. 38.)
BoyoC, Const. Porph. I.e. Advanpts, Anon. 84 (58). De Ad/n. Imp. c. 9 gives a Hvely account of the difficulties offered by them, more than they would seem to present nowadays in ancient times perhaps they were quite impassable. ^
"
''
:
Rivers
Ill]
y (
29
arriving at them, going perhaps up the Ingulets, and as if the wat(T route which followed the Dnepr was due to the Variags, who would be the first to draw attention to the Rapids. The land Gerrhus must have been at the bend of the stream about Nicopol. In this district were the tombs of the Scythian kings and here the finest barrows have been opened. The Gerrhus river was fourteen days up stream from the Hylaea, the extent of the country of the Nomads (c. 19) on the 1:. side of the Borysthenes, while on the west for 10 or 11 days stretched the country of the Georgi and above them was a desert. Moreover the Borysthenes was supposed to flow from the n. as far as the land of Gerrhus, to which was forty days sail'. Its source like the Nile's was unknown. The description of the Borysthenes is true to this day. The Hylaea indeed has almost disappeared, but the rich pastures are still there; the fisheries and the salt trade survived till the other day. It is curious that there has never been a great port at the mouth of the Dnepr. Olbia and Nicolaev are both on the Bugh, and Kherson was one of Potemkin's mistakes both in name and in site. The channel is too shoaly for a satisfactory harbour, whereas of late years Nicolaev has begun to rival Odessa. The Panticapes is a puzzle. The natural meaning of the words of Herodotus suggests a river flowing s. and running into the Dnepr towards its lowest reaches on the e. side, but such a river does not exist. Some see in it the Konka a kind of alternative channel of the Dnepr which it accompanies for the last 150 miles of its course, others maintain that it is the Ingulets, which would answer very well except that it is on the right bank of the Dnepr. The question is bound up with the position of the Scythae If the Ingulets is the Panticapes, the natural meaning of c. 18 is that Georgi. they lived to the w. of it, but in that case they would hardly touch the Borysthenes and would not have been called Borysthenitae by the Olbian Greeks. Also Herodotus says distinctly that they lived between the Panticapes and the Borysthenes. But between the Konka and the Dnepr there is scarcely any space at all, certainly not three days journey. However this small space, the valley of the Dnepr, would be singularly suited for agriculture, and the -statement does not preclude their occupying an expanse Anyone ascending the Borysthenes might well think of steppe to the west. on seeing its confluence that the Konka was an independent stream. On the whole we may suppose that the informants of Herodotus knew but the mouth if ground be sought for of the Konka, and its course was purely hypothetical Great Meadow. its mother-lake, it might be the niarshes of the The sixth river, the Hypacyris, also does not occur on the modern map. Either there once was a considerable river represented by the Kalanchak and the dried watercourses which formerly fed it, over one of these there used to be a large stone bridge or Herodotus regarded the gulf of Perekop as the So too with the Gerrhus estuary of a river and deduced the river therefrom. separated from the Borysthenes in the land called the seventh river. It Gerrhus and flowed into the Hypacyris, according to c. 56 dividing the Scythian Nomads from the Royal Scyths. This gives no space for the fourteen ;
:
'
So apparently c. 53. It would be easier to Greek with actuality could we read
reconcile the
not a great change, giving just 14 for 40, lA for m the distance up to Gerrhus. :
Scythia of Herodotus
30
[ch.
days journey which they are supposed to stretch from w. to e. (c. 19). These fourteen days may perhaps be reckoned up the stream of the Dnepr and Konka, but Herodotus would regard this as s. to n. So that either the Gerrhus does not really flow into the gulf of Perekop and join the Hypacyris at all, but flows into the sea of Azov as the Molochnaja, Berda or Kal'mius all of which come close to tributaries of the Dnepr that join it above Nicopol (e.g. the Samdra), or else there is no real distinction between Nomads and Royal Scyths, which may well be the same tribe under different names. Perhaps the easiest solution is that the Panticapes is the Konka more or less where Herodotus puts it. This agrees with the natural position of the Hylaea. The Gerrhus as the Molochnaja flowed into the sea of Azov as Pliny and Ptolemy (but not Mela) believed and formed a short cut from the Another such short cut was sea to the upper Dnepr and the land Gerrhus. furnished by the Hypacyris now the Kalanchak. Such short cuts reached by portage were actually used by the Cossacks in their raids against the Turks and must have been still more convenient when there was a greater extent of forest and consequently more water in the rivers. No one but Bruun^ has doubted that the Tanais was always the Don or at any rate the Donets, and the Hyrgis would be the other branch now regarded as the true Don. Or this may well be represented by the Oarus which is almost certainly the Volga ^ in the upper part of its course I mean that merchants following the trade route towards the ne. might well understand that the river they crossed above Tsaritsyn flowed into the Azov sea instead of making its sudden bend s.e. to the Caspian. The Tsaritsyn portage must have always been a place where trade was transferred from one river to the other. As to the Lycus and the Syrgis, which may or may not be the same as the Hyrgis, no one has given names to them so as to carry conviction the former may perhaps be the Ural. In later times there was such confusion^ that the Caspian was represented to Alexander as being the same as the Maeotis^ The question of the other rivers running into the Caspian is very difficult. On the west we have the Kur and the Aras now joining at their mouths, :
;
these are clearly the Cyrus and the Araxes properly speaking. In the mind of Herodotus there seems some confusion because the Armenian Araxes answers in direction (iv. 40), but neither in importance nor in position, to another Araxes upon which he puts (i. 201) the Massagetae especially does it come short in the matter of its delta in which there should be islands the size of Lesbos (i. 202). This greater Araxes seems to be the Oxus or a running-into-one of the Oxus and Jaxartes^ The latest
;
' Chernomorje w. i. 104 and guiles de la Scylhie d'' Herodole.
^
Cf.
Ptolemy,
V. viii.
12, 13.
Appendix
to
Anti-
Grynaeus, Basileae, 1537.) Strabo, XI. vii. 4. Stein will have but one Araxes, thought of by H. as running out of Armenia past the south coast of the Caspian into which it sends an arm, to marshes far to the E. The Scyths forced over the river would be Sacae invading Persia (cf J. L. Myres op. cit.). Westberg {Klio, Beitr. z. alien Gesch. Bd I v. H. 2, pp. 182 192, Zur Topographic des Herodots) makes the Araxes of I. 202 the Volga and puts the Massagetae upon that, v. inf. pp. in, ^
'Pas,
Raw
in
the
language of the Finnish Mordva. ^ De Piano Carpini (ap. Rockhill, Rubruck, p. 8, c. ix.) thinks the Volga finds its way into the Black Sea, and even in the i6th century Mathias a Michov, a Pole who knew most of Russia well and has no mercy on those who believed in the Rhipaean Mountains, repeats several times that the Volga (Mathiae a Michov de Sarfalls into the Euxine. matia, Lib. I. c. vii. p. 493 in Nouus Orbis of Simon
^
—
1
13 n.
3.
Rivers
Ill]
and
Tribes
3
i
investigations seem to shew that two thousand years ago the Caspian ran up a valley (the Uzboi) in the direction of the Aral sea and communicated with it by means of a lake or depression Sary Kamysh into which an arm of the Oxus flowed. Between this arm and the main stream going into the Aral sea there would be room for large islands'. Further it is a question whether the Araxes mentioned (iv. 1 1) as having been crossed by the Scyths may not be the lower Volga, as it seems hard to think of them as ever having been south of the Oxus and displaced northwards by tribes coming from the east. If the Jaxartes were meant it would be just conceivable. They would find no satisfactory abiding place between the Jaxartes and the Don. We can never tell whether Herodotus be using Europe in the ordinary sense of the NW. quadrant of the old world or in his own special sense of the whole
northern
half.
Seeing there are such difficulties in identifying the rivers, which must have remained substantially the same, we cannot hope to fix the place of the various Scythian tribes (cc. 17 20) with any accuracy: we can determine their relative positions but we have no idea of the relative extent of the lands they occupied and only one or two definite statements. We cannot even say whether the Georgi and Aroteres may not be the same [people traversed and described by different travellers, and so too with the Nomad and Royal Scyths. On the modern map we may put the Callippidae quite close to Olbia the Alazones have no boundaries that we can fix'^ we may place them in the central part of the Government of Kherson, while the northern part of the same and some of Ekaterinoslav and perhaps some of Kiev were occupied by the Aroteres. These three tribes lay on one route from Olbia towards the north. To the west we only know of the Greek Tyritae about the mouth of the Dnestr whether the same native tribes occupied the Hinterland and Rumania we cannot tell. Travellers towards the ene. from Olbia passed the Scythae Georgi occupying the valley of the lower Dnepr included in a belt three days journey wide and extending ten or eleven days upstream to about the borders of Ekaterinoslav. Hence they would seem to have been continuous with the Aroteres and very likely identical. That is to say the two names between them represent
—
:
:
a congeries of tribes in the same more or less agricultural stage. The centre of Ekaterinoslav, by the great bend of the river, is the land Gerrhus which marches with the country of the Georgi and the Nomad Scyths. These with the Royal Scyths from which they cannot be clearly distinguished held the mainland part of Taurida, the western part of the land of the Don Cossacks, and probably also Kharkov and
Voronezh.
The flat northern part of the Tauric peninsula, which Herodotus thought continuous with the mainland, also belonged to them as far as These eastern tribes lay the slaves' ditch, wherever that may have been. on the route which led into Central Asia, and information about their 1
Cf. P.
Kropotkin, Geogr. Journal YM. (1898),
old beds of the Amu Daria and W. W. Tarn in JHS. xxi. (1901) p. 10, Patrocles and the Oxo-Caspian trade route. ^ cannot reconcile the statement that they p. 306,
The
We
;
lived where the Tyras and Hypanis come close together, which would be somewhere in Podolia, with the position of Exampaeus on their northern boundary, as this must have been further down
stream
(c.
52).
Scythia of Herodotus
32 position
was hardly as
definite
as that about the
[CH. central region
north
of
was perhaps indefinable where the grass grew for their cattle, there was the land of the Nomad Scyths as the most numerous and powerful tribe they did not need to respect their Olbia.
Indeed
position
their
;
;
neighbours' boundaries.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. Our ideas of the Geography of Scythia have gradually grown clearer. Thus we have slowly eliminated the views which brought the boundaries of Scythia well up into central Russia far beyond the limits of the Steppe, we have given up the attempt to bring Herodotus into agreement with the present condition of things by allowing great changes in the courses of the rivers and a former eastern extension of the Maeotis our countrymen Rennell and Rawlinson were most ready for such explanations we have forgotten such extravagancies as Lindner's view that the Scyths proper were to the west of the Dnepr, or Kolster's that Herodotus did
—
:
THL^CYTHlMvl
.N(£Ul\l
\o K.rechctov
toe .Vol.
f
^
/
Fig.
3.
not clearly distinguish between the Don and the Danube^ or even more pardonable eccentricities such as Bruun's, that the Tanais was not the Don, but the Molochnaja. '
Both writers
I
judge by Neumann's statement of their views
(op. cit. pp.
96
n.
2
and
204).
Bibliographical Sketch
Ill]
33
Most writers now agree as to the general orientation of the Scythia of Herodotus, but mention must be made of Krechetov's ingenious view, which figures the Scythian Square as washed by the sea along the halves of two adjacent sides only: the remaining halves of those sides running inland along the lower Ister and the coast of the Maeotis, which he reckons a mere marsh and no sea' (fig. 3). The square thus obtained with its corner at Cercinitis, placed by Krechetov at Donguslav lake in the Crimea, would be inclined slightly so as to have the E. sides facing ESE., so the sea along the south coast of the Crimea would be the eastern But when translated into the terms of the correct modern map, it sea of c. 100. works out to have much the same real meaning as the more usual interpretations which count the Maeotis as a sea for the nonce. And after all, what is important to us is not the shadowy idea of Scythia that floated in the mind of Herodotus, incapable of being consistently represented on our map, but the real state of affairs of which Herodotus and Hippocrates give so interesting but so tantalizing accounts. W'ho wislies to follow the various attempts at drawing a map of Scythia ad mentcm Hcrodoti, or at dis[)osing the ancient names about the modern map, may consult the following books as I have done. I omit the eighteenth century attempts as being controlled by too slight a regard for the geography of the regions concerned.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Rennell, James.
Map
The Geographical System of Herodotus examined.
London,
1800.
47
pp.
— 163.
III.
On
Geography of Herodotus and on the History of the Scythians, Getae and =Kl. Schr. Bonn, 1828. I. p. 132. Geographic des Herodot. Konigsberg, 1838. pp. 84—123. Map VI. Bobrik, Hermann. Dubois de Montp^reu.x, F. Voyage autour du Caucase. Vol. I. PI. 9. Paris, 1839 Neuch^tel, 1843. Lindner, F. L. Skythien und die Skythen des Herodot itnd seine Aitsleger. Stuttgart, 1841. Skythien und die Skythen des Her.; Nachtrag (viii. Supplement-Bd d. Neuen Jahrb. d. Niebuhr, B. G. Sarmatians.
the
Oxford, 1830.
;
Phil.,
1842).
Explication Nouvelle des donn^es gdographiques d'H^rodote concernant la Scythie {Annates des Voyages, 1845. I.).
N.
Nadezhdin,
I.
The Scythia
Trans. Od. Soc. Ukert,
Skythien.
A.
F.
Weimar,
Vol.
I.
Herodotus
of
(1845), pp. 3
Being
Vol.
— 114.
in.
Pt
explained 11.
of
by comparison with
his
Geographie
W. H. Pddagogik.
Of the Rivers of Scythia according to Herodotus. the Richelieu Lycie. Odessa, 1852. T.
Neumann, K. Abicht, K.
Romer.
In Publications of the Students of
W. Herodotus with a Commentary.
J. J.
U7id
In
Das Land der Skythen bei Herodot und Hippocrates {fahrbuch fiir Philologie und Bd XII. 568, Xlll. 1—77 (1846-7); 2l\%o Jahrb. f. Phil u. Pad., LXXVII. 331).
Dumshin, G. Blakesley,
Griechen
localities.
1846.
Kolster,
Wheeler,
der
the
London, 1854. The Geography of Herodotus. London, 1854. pp. 137—170, 178 Die Hcllenen im Skythenlande. Berlin, 1855.
Herodotos.
— 194.
Leipzig, 1869.
Bruun, F. An Essay to reconcile conflicting opinions as to the Scythia of Herodotus and the lands marching with it. Next in French edition ist in Russian in ASH. Pt II. St P. 1872. of the same. Vol. ii. pp. i 120 and Map I. St P. 1873. Reprinted in Chernoniorje. Odessa, 1880.
—
Burachkov, P. I. On the Position of the ancient City of Carcinitis and Od. Soc. IX., 1875. PP- I sqq. Zabelin, I. E. History oj Russian Life. Moscow, 1876. Vol. i. p. 227 sqq. Rawlinson, G. '
This
is
KaTTjKovTtiiv
M.
History of Herodotus, translated with notes.
a fresh interpretation of riv 5vo ff
OoKaiTa'av, navTTf
icrov
^fpf'cov
to t( fs tt/v
its
London, 1880. Vol.
/nfo-oyaiai/
(f>fpov
Koi
to
Coinage.
Ill.'pp.
i
In
Trans.
— 114, 178 — 209.
irapa rrfv BaXaacrav,
IV. lOI.
5
Her.
Scythia of Heroaotus
34 Manual
[ch. hi
of Ancient Geography, Eng. ed.
London, i88r. zur Altertlmmskunde Russlands. Bd I. St Petersburg, 1882. Bunbury, E. H. History 0/ Ancient Geography. Ed. 2. London, 1883. Vol. i. pp. 172 217. Kiepert, H.
Bonnell, Ernst.
Beitr'dge
—
Map
Voevodskij, L. F. Dzieduszycki,
W.
Rosprawy
Information
IV.
Geography of Polish lands. (Polish) in Akad. Krakow. T. XIX. 1887,
of the Ancients as to the
Wydziatu
Sprawozdania z posiedzen
i
Map
of Scythia prepared for the vi. Russian Archaeological Congress (Odessa), 1884. hist.-filozof.
141 sqq.
p.
Scythian Antiquities.
Lappo-Danilevskij, A. p. 352 sqq.
Tomaschek, W.
Kritik Hist. CI. 116, 117.
d.
alt.
Nachr.
iiber
Trans. Russ. Arch. Soc.
Skythischen
Norden.
Slavonic Section. Vol. Sitzungsber.
Akad.
iv. (1887),
IVien, Phil.
1888.
P. N. Letters on the Scythia of Herodotus 457—495. Boundaries and Outlines of the Scythia of Herodotus
Krechetov,
Trans.
in
;
Od.
Soc.
Vol.
xv.
(1889),
pp.
Archaeological Soc.
losPE.
Latyshev, V. V.
Macan, R.
W.
Vol. xiii. (1889), p.
Vol.
11.
St P. 1890.
Herodotus, Bks IV.
Krasheninnikov, M.
;
in
Drevnosti= Transactions
oj
Moscow
179.
— VI.
Map
II.
London, 1895. Disposition of Ancient Scythia according
to
Modern
Localities.
Slutsk,
1895.
Herodotos erkldrt. Buch IV. 4'* Aufl. Berlin, 1896. An Attempt to reconstruct the Maps used by Herodotus. Geographical Journal. L. Myres. J. London, viii. (1896), p. 605. Mishchenko, Th. G. Ethnography of Russia according to Herodotus. Journ. Min. Publ. Instr. Stein,
H.
St P.
1896,
May.
Information of Herodotus touching lands outside Scythia. Descriptio Etiropae illustrata. Prag, 1899.
Niederle,
L.
lb.
1896,
Regionum quae ad orientem spectant
December. veterutn
scriptorum
locts
Slavonic Antiquities.
Vol. I. Pt ll. p. 215 sqq. Prag, 1904 (both in Cech). Investigations in the province of Gotho- Slavonic relations. I. St P. 1899, pp. 69—99. Westberg, Fr. Zur Topographic des Herodots. Klio, Beitr. z. alten Gesch. iv. (1904), pp. 182 192.
Braun, Fr.
—
Shuckburgh, E.
S.
Heroaotos IV., Melpomene.
Cambridge, 1906.
35
CHAPTER
IV.
THE SCYTHIANS, THEIR CUSTOMS AND RACIAL
AFFINITIES.
Perhaps no question touching the ethnography of the ancient world has been more disputed than that of the affinities of the Scythians'. It would seem at first sight that with the mass of details supplied by Herodotus and Hippocrates and the evidence derived from archaeological investigation of their country we ought to be able to arrive at a definite conclusion, but so far no perfectly satisfactory reconciliation of the various views has Perhaps the first doubt that arises is whether such a been reached. whether the mistake common to almost reconciliation is to be sought for the subject may not be that they have rashly attempted all writers on to find one answer to the riddle, have said that the Scythians were Mongols or Slavs or Iranians, whereas the truth seems to be that the word Scythian had no ethnological meaning even in the mouth of With him, as I take it, it had a political meaning, whereas Herodotus. other authors who make use of the term it is merely geowith the ;
graphical.
was any northern barbarian lKvdr)<;, Europe, just as FaXctTTy? was any such from the west. Herodotus wishing to give a more exact account of the peoples to the N. of the Black Sea tried to draw a line between Scyths and nonFor instance Scyths, but he found it hard to make his line consistent. in IV. 8 1, when he tries to give us some idea of the numbers of the Scythians, he has in his mind two conceptions of the meaning of the term, for he says that he heard that they were exceeding many and also that they were few in number, that is to say the real Scyths (oXiyovs At other times he makes careful distinctions between (US ^Kv6a<; etvai). the peoples he calls Scythians and those to whom he denies the name, even when they have Scythian customs and Scythian dress yet some of may take it that these tribes are called Scythian by other authors. Herodotus used the word in a narrow sense to include only the Royal Scyths, possibly together with the Nomads, for it seems hard to establish and in a wide sense to denote all any clear distinction between them those tribes, whatever their affinities or state of civilisation, that were Each of these uses under the political domination of the Royal Scyths. is more definite than the ordinary Greek use against which there is an under-current of protest in the repeated asseverations of Herodotus that perhaps he is contradicting Hecasuch and such a tribe is not Scythian the After of Herodotus vague use returns. Thucydides^ taeus. the time
For most
from
the
Greeks a Scythian,
east of
;
We
;
:
' For a short history of the Scythian question, and the chief solutions that have been proposed,
see the Appendix at the end of this chapter, ^ n. 96, 97.
5—2
Scythians
36
[cH.
must mean all the people of Scythia together when he says that, uncivilised though the Scythians were, no single nation of Europe or Asia could stand against them in war, if but they were all of one mind. In late writers such as Trogus Pompeius^ and Diodorus Siculus (i. 55, II. 43) we have what purports to be very early history of the Scythians, who according to Trogus always claimed to be the most ancient of races. These authors speak of conquests pushed by the Scythians to the borders of Egypt and of an empire of Asia lasting fifteen hundred years and ending with the rise of Ninus. Fr. Hommel (v. inf p. 99 n. 10) thinks that this is an echo of the Hittite rule, but it would be rash to conjecture what may be the foundation for these stories, which come in a suspicious They look like the reflex of company of Amazons and Hyperboreans. the Egyptian stories in Herodotus (11. 103 and iio) who speaks of These are mere Sesostris having conquered the Scythians and Thracians. exaggerations of the real campaigns of Rameses pushed to the limits of the world and slenderly supported by mysterious rock carvings and such facts Trogus as the resemblance between the Colchians and the Egyptians. Pompeius idealizing the Scythians has made their exploits balance and surpass those of the nation whose claim to greater antiquity he dismisses. The greater part of the information as to manners and customs given by Herodotus and the physical details in Hippocrates evidently refer to On the other hand some statements seem quite inconthe Royal Scyths. sistent with their manner of life, and we are in our rights in supposing that such details apply to the settled tribes in Western Scythia about whom information would be easily available at Olbia. Less information
for instance
because they did not offer so much novelty to interest the Greeks and also they do not play a prominent part in the story of the expedition of Darius, wherein ex hypothesi nomads and nomads only could be the protagonists. Are we then to take the Scythians settled and nomad to be one race in two states of culture, or have we to do with the subjection of a peaceful agricultural people established in an open country and the domination of an intrusive horde of alien nomads If the wider sense of Scythian in Herodotus is taken to be political, the sharp line drawn by Herodotus between the agricultural Scythians and the Neuri, Agathyrsi and Getae need not have any ethnological significance, that is that even if we suppose the Neuri to be Slavonic and the latter two Thracian, there is no reason against taking these " Scythians " to belong to either of these races. The general view is that both agricultural and nomad Scythians were Iranianl There can be no doubt that up to the coming of the Goths and later the Huns, the Euxine steppes_were^^ iefly inhabited by a n Iranian po pulation, and even m "The^steppes population does j[iQt_jctiange__as easily~as~rt~used to be thought. It took the long continued storms of the greal_migrations from the coming of the Huns to that of the Tartars to sweep away this Iranian population and pen its survivors into the high valleys of Ossetia. is
about them
given
.'*
'
ap. Justin,
I.
i.,
II.
i.
sqq.
^
Yqx other
possibilities v. pp. 97
— 100.
Iranians in
iv]
S. Russia.
Ossetes.
Names
in hisci^iptions
37
Professor Vsevolod Miller' has given the clearest demonstration of the process by which this retrenchment of the Pontic Iranians came about. He shews that the place-names about the Ossetes in countries now peopled by Tartar-speaking tribes prove that they formerly extended over Next he shews their identity with the Jasy of Russian a greater area. chronicles, the Ossi of the Georgians. Klaproth first proved in 1822 that the Ossetes are the same as the Caucasian Alans, and this is supported by the testimony of chroniclers From Ammianus Marcellinus (xxxi. Russian, Georgian, Greek and Arab'. 16 ii. 25) we know that at the time of the Huns' invasion these Alans pastured their herds over the plains to the n. of the Caucasus and made raids upon the coast of the Maeotis and the peninsula of Taman. The Huns passed through their land, plundering them, but afterwards made alliance with them against Ermanrich the king of the Goths. Ammianus means by Alans all the nomadic tribes about the Tanais and gives a description of their habits borrowed from the account of the Scythians in For the first three centuries of our era we find these Alans Herodotus. mentioned^ as neighbours of the Sarmatians on this side or the other of the Don, living the same life and counting as one of their tribes. That is that Ossetes, Jasy, Alans, Sarmatians, are all of one stock, once nomad now confined to the valleys of the central chain of the Caucasus. The Ossetes are tall, well made, and inclined to be fair, corresponding to the description of the Alans in Ammianus (xxxi. ii. 21), and their Iranian language answers to the accounts of the Sarmatians whom Pliny calls " Medortim ut
—
ferunt
soboles^!'
number of inscriptions from the Greek cities along the Euxine we meet with several hundred barbarian names, and these give more The first to examine them less trustworthy material for investigation. In a large
shore or
was K. MuUenhoff
He compared
the names with the Old Vs. Miller has been more Persian and arrived at satisfactory results, but successful through taking Ossetian as the basis of comparison". On comparing the number of names which offer easy derivations from the Ossetian we may get some clue to the distribution of Iranian population along the coast. At Tyras we have no certain Iranian name among the five barbarian in Olbia out of about a hundred names half can be names we know explained (App. Nos. 11-13 give samples): in Tanais out of 160 names a hundred are intelligible (cf. App. 56): in Panticapaeum out of no only 15 give ready meanings and these are mostly also found at Tanais, so from near Taman only two names out of thirteen, from Gorgippia only seven or eight out of forty (v. App. 69) are demonstratively Iranian, and these Purthermore we must make a distinction between mostly occur at Tanais. scientifically
'.
:
Ossetian Studu'S \\\., Moscow, 1887. Josafa Barbara, Viaggio alia Tana ap. Ramusio, Navtgationi, \cr\\cc, 1559, vol. n. p. 92, = f M. iiij, " Alani Ii quali nella lor lingua si chiamano As." ^ Pliny, NH. iv. 80, Dionysius Periegetes 305, 306, Fl. Josephus, Bell. Jud. vii. vii. 4, Ptolemy etc. '
*
Cf.
.
•
NH.
°
"
VI. 19.
Ueber
die Herkunft
und Sprache der ponti-
schen Scy then und Sarinaten," J/oz/rt/i-iJi?; /<:/;/ (7V/-/t. Akad. d. W. 1866 p. 549 sqq., reprinted in DA. ni. p. loi sqq., 1892. Cf. Sir H. Howorth, Journal 0/ Ant/irop. Inst. \\. 1877, p. 41 sqq. * P'irst in an article in Journ. Min. Piibl. Instr. .St P. Oct. 1886, p. 232, entitled "Epigraphic Traces of Iranian Population on the North Coast of the Euxine," and again in the third volume of his Prciiss.
Ossetian studies.
— Scythians.
38 names
Language
[CH.
shewing Old Persian forms and those which resemble Ossetian. former are mostly names very familiar to the Greek world and in The common use in the Hellenised provinces of the Persian Empire, especially Asia Minor: they are many of them royal names and testify to the political and general influence of the Persian Empire rather than to an Iranian Such would be Ariarathes, Ariaramnes, Arsaces, Achaemenes, population. Orontes, Pharnaces, Mithradates, Ariobarzanes, Machares and many more. The true native Iranian names are almost confined to Olbia and Tanais, others in the Bosporan kingdom may well have found their way in through New Inscriptions (e.g. in losPE. Vol. iv) supply more barbarian Tanais. names but do not materially alter the results attained by Vs. Miller except that we find in them several more names certainly Thracian both at Olbia and The unintelligible names at Gorgippia seem to recall on the Bosporus. Caucasian languages rather than Indo-European. All these names are late in date, mostly of the ii. and iii. centuries A.D., the time when the Sarmatians spread from Hungary to the Caspian. At that time no doubt there was a broad band of Iranians right across, but it looks as if along the coast there long remained representatives of some other population, Getae in the west about the Ister and Tyras, and perhaps in the Olbia district, Tauri in the Crimean mountains, and tribes of the Caucasus stock to the south-east of the sea of Azov. From the western aboriginal tribes the Greeks may have heard the names of the rivers Borysthenes, Hypanis, Tyras, and Ister, names for which no satisfactory explanation has been suggested, and once sanctioned by classical usage these names continued to be used by the Greeks as long as they were in continuous occupation of this coast. But this tradition was broken by the destruction of the colonies Tyras and Olbia, and when the Greeks again had dealings with this coast they learnt other native names which only appear in authors who preferred actuality to classical correctness AdvaiTpL's in Periplus anonymi (86 (60)), Boyov and Aaz/ao-rpis in Constantine Porphyrogenitus (de adm. Imp. 42). Now these names seem to contain the Ossetian Don a river, at least they have never been satisfactorily explained from the Slavonic and the occurrence of Dan in river names just coincides with the extension of the Iranians in South Russia. The mouth of the Tanais being already in Iranian hands the Greeks at once adopted its Iranian name. The Iranian names for the western streams may be just as old, but they were not current on the seaboard and only found their way into Greek speech when the Greeks had, as it were, to rediscover the region after considerable changes of population. Maybe by then they learnt them not from the Iranians, but from Slavs who had borrowed them. The name of the Bugh has its counterpart in the Northern Bugh, also a Slavonic river, but it may be the same as Bogh = God, which is regarded as a loan-word from the Iranian Baga. I have never seen any other explanation of the curious fact that the present names for these rivers being apparently Iranian are first recorded just about the time that the In Iranian population was succumbing to Slavonic and other invaders. later times we get a fresh set of river names of Turkish origin. Only in the east part of the Crimea the Iranians seem to have touched the ;
iv]
Names
in
Inscriptions
and
Authors.
River riames
39
Black Sea coast, for "ApSaySSa = 'ETrra^eo? (Anon, yy (51)), "Taiiric" or Alan for Theodosia, seems clearly to contain Ossetian a:W= seven, and ard may be according to Miillenhoff ered/nua high, Lat. ardincs. Vs. Miller says sevensided, but that does not seem a near translation. So SouySata, Sudak is no doubt Os. suyddg holy, cf Sogdiana. Whereas the Iranian character of the Sarmatian language and even a numerically preponderant Iranian element in the population has been generally accepted, the case of the Scyths is by no means as clear. What reliance can be put on the statement of Herodotus (iv. 117) that the Sarmatians speak the same language as the Scyths, but speak it incorrectly WHiile Herodotus is not altogether to be trusted in his statements about language, still he occasionally notices points bearing upon it, for instance when he mentions the seven languages required And the fact along the trade route to the ne. up to the Arimaspians. of the resemblance and the difference between the Scythian and Sarmatian dialects is the only explanation for the invention of the aetiological myth about the Sarmatians being descended from young Scyths and Amazons (iv. The other main difference between the two peoples, 1 10-7). the free position of women among the Sarmatians, is also accounted for by the myth. Curiously enough the Ossetes still have legends of warlike women, and such stories are abroad throughout the Caucasus among the Circassians is a literal reproduction of this tale in Herodotus. When we come to examine the Scythian names and words in the Greek texts it is disappointing to find how few are readily to be explained from Iranian. Some words are quite clear, e.g. ^^va.pee
:
^
:
:
;
'
Poliaenus, vni. 55.
^
Vs. Miller, op.
cit. p.
126 and Miillenhoff op.
cit., v. inf. p.
43.
Scythians.
40
Language
[ch.
has been put forward, on the other hand Schiefner absolutely annihilated K. Neumann's attempts to derive any Scythian words from Mongolian^ Making all allowances for the inaccuracy with which Herodotus represented Scythian sounds, the corruption of the forms in our mss. and the fact that we have to place beside these forms languages considerably removed either in time or collaterally from what Scythian may have been, we must allow that the comparative success attained with Sarmatian forms suggests that there were foreign elements in Scythian which exercised much influence on the stock of names in use Founding any argument on personal names is singularly or in tradition. All history tells us that easily as nations change their unsatisfactory. There are hardly language, they change their names still more easily. a dozen English personal names in use or a dozen Russian, we must not therefore infer that Russians or English are descended from Greeks So Persian names were common all over the and Romans and Jews. East far beyond the extension of the Persian nationality, and it is hard to say whether the Persian names that we find in Herodotus as borne by Scythians are due to an original community of origin, or a borrowing at a time when the Scyths had warlike dealings with Persia either in Europe or Asia, or whether they are not merely given to personages in the same way as figures are given names on Greek vases. The Darius vase would be a peculiarly apt example, for on it Greek and Persian names are given indifferently to the barbarians hunting griffins and other monsters, just to lend them more individual interest. Such must almost certainly be the case with Spargapithes the Agathyrse^ Knowledge of the nationality of the Cimmerians whom the Scyths dispossessed would throw some light on the affinities if not of the Scyths themselves at least of the steppe population they found at their coming. The resemblance of the name Cimmerius with Cimber already made Poseidonius' imagine that there was some connection between them and the barbarians from the far north-west S and modern writers have further
compared the name of the Cymry and supposed that these were one There is no impossibility in a migration and the same people, Kelts^ from Central Europe to the steppes of the Black Sea in times before history, just as in historic times Central Europe has sent out conquerors to every corner of the continent, and Kelts actually did reach the neighbourhood of Olbia in the time of Protogenes, not to speak of their raids upon Delphi and Asia Minor. Further the bronze civilisation of
Koban
necropolis certainly offers such analogies with that of Hallstadt that they are not connected. If only there were any finds of Hallstadt types between Hungary and the Caucasus offering evidence that the people who owned the Koban bronzes had settled in the steppes, the Cimmerians might have been thought of, but people who settled long enough to leave the earthworks of which
the
that
it
is
hard to believe
" Sprachliche Bedenken gegen das Mongo' lenthum der Sky then," Melanges Asiatiques^ t. ii. p. 531, *
St Petersburg, 1856, but see
Her.
IV. 78.
inf.
pp. 85, 100.
^
ap. Str. vn.
ii.
2.
Aristophanes, Lysistrata 1. 45 Kifx^epiKo, but this is an easy corruption palaeographically. 6 Ridgeway, Early Age i. p. 387 sqq. *
Cf.
Ci7n7nerians
iv]
Herodotus
makes
mention
(iv.
12)
must have
41 left
weapons
by which
could be traced. And save for a single stopped axe-head from Kerch figured by its owner Canon Greenwell' no Koban or Hallstadt implements seem to have been found in South Russia. The flat-ended hair-pins found by Count Bobrinskoj at Gulaj Gorod'^ and the spirals found by him at Teklino^ seem to be rather eastern outliers from Central Europe than links between it and the Caucasus. H. Schmidt^ has the same difficulty to face in maintaining that the makers of the late bronze things from Hungary were Thracians and that these Thracians were the Koban people in the Caucasus (v. inf. p. 259) and that the Cimmerians of the plains between were Thracians as well. is true that the Cimmerian raids were made in common with the It Thracians, but we have to account for the Iranians north of the Euxine. Miillenhoff' supposes that there never were any Cimmerians at all north of the Euxine, that they are only known in Asia Minor, that their name was traditionally assigned to the earthworks and settlements about the Bosporus, just as now earthworks in eastern Europe are assigned to Trajan far beyond the limits of the Roman Empire, and that they were really invaders from Thrace or the parts beyond, men of darkness who joined with Treres and other Thracian tribes in invading Asia Minor. It is hard to think that Herodotus simply invented all the story of the Cimmerians coming from the n. side of the Pontus, though even so it is at first sight difficult to see precisely how things happened; how if the Cimmerians Hed sk. there should have been their kings' tomb on the Tyras; and how they should have formed their connection with the Treres. But that invaders from the east should have cut them Part went into Thrace, produced a turmoil into two is not inconceivable. there and finally, with Thracian tribes they had disturbed, entered Asia part were pressed towards the Caucasus and passed Minor by the nw. not as Herodotus says along the coast of the Black Sea, for no army it, has ever passed that way (Mithridates in his famous flight was accompanied only by a small guard), but by the central pass of Darial, through which, as the Georgian annals shew, the northern peoples have often Though the idea of the Cimmerians being cut in two forced their way. seems hard to accept, the analogy offered by the fate of the Alans shews that it is not without the bounds of possibility. On the coming of the Huns part of these was forced westward, joined the Germans against whom they were thrown and ended as the inseparable companions of the Vandals in North Africa. Part of them was, as we have seen, pressed up against the Caucasus and remains there to this day and about them are the Tartar tribes that penned them in. So likewise the Magyars were driven by the Pechenegs partly w. across the Dnepr, partly through the Caucasus, where they were called Sevordik'^ So the Scyths drove their
course
;
:
1 ''
and 3
and
Archaeologia, Vol. Lvni. Pt I. Govt of Kiev, Stn. I. No. XLI.
p.
102
and 115
pi. IX. 7, 8.
Sm.
HI. ccci.xvii. pp. 19
and 23 and
Zt.f. Ethnologic, xxxvi. (1904), p. 630. DA. Ml., p. 19 sqq. * und Ostasiatische J. Marquart, Osteuropdische Strei/zuge, p. 36. *
p. 12.
pi. li.
4
^
9.
M.
6
Scythians
^.2
[cH.
Then both the Cimmerians through the Caucasus and followed them. peoples came within the sweep of Assyrian policy'. find the Cimmerians, Here we get another view of them. Hence they are driven out by Gimirrai, first n. of Urartu (Ararat). These names are "IttJ As-gu-za-ai (Asarhaddon) or Is-ku-za-ai (Sun Oracle). form is miswritten latter the for T'13K'^{. TJ^C'X where and of Genesis x., Semitic languages in usual to help out The first syllable is added as such a combination as sk at the beginning of a word, so that the identity with the Greek Ki/i/Ae/3io? and %Kvdr)<; is almost complete. So too the leader of the Asguzai Bartatua is Protothyes father of Madyes in Herodotus (i. 103) and Tugdammi the Cimmerian is Auy8a/;its in Strabo Lygdamis was a familiar name and the copyist (i. iii. 21) for AuySajut?. was misled. The Cimmerians driven s. from Urartu attacked Man a kingdom under Assyrian suzerainty. The Assyrians supported their vassals and found allies in the Scythians who were already enemies of the Cimmerians. This hostility turned the Cimmerians westward against Gugu, Gyges of Lydia (Herodotus says Ardys i. 15), and one horde was destroyed by Madys (Strabo) in Cilicia, whereas Lydia was under their dominion till the time of Sadyattes, and Sinope and Antandrus were long Meanwhile the Scythians as allies of the Assyrians occupied by Cimmerians. tried to raise the siege of Nineveh which was being prosecuted by the Medes hence a conflict between Scythians and Medes and apparently Scyths also made their an overrunning of Media by the Scythiansl appearance further to the sw., apparently being sent by Assyria against Egypt, but bought off by Psammetichus. Thus they are referred to by the Hebrew Prophets^ and engaged in the sack of Ascalon where some contracted a disease ascribed by Herodotus (i. 105) to the hostility of Aphrodite. colony of them is said to have settled at Beth-shean hence called Scythopolis^ Evidence of intercourse between Assyria and the Scyths may be seen in the gold dagger sheaths from the Oxus (p. 255, f. 173), from Melgunov's Barrow (p. 171, fif. 65 67) and from Kelermes, and also the unique axe from the latter (p. 222 cf. p. 263). It has been supposed that the Scythians that overran western Asia were Sacae from the e. of the Caspian, and that such incursions were always possible we learn from subsequent history, but the Assyrian evidence goes to shew that Scythians had penetrated through the Caucasus. curious point is that the son of Tugdammi, Sandakhsathra^ has a name clearly Iranian, and it is hard to suppose that the Cimmerians had yet come under Median influence. Does it mean that the Cimmerians had Iranian affinities.'* It looks as if the "Royal" Scyths, whoever they may have been, were invaders from the far North-east who found in the steppes a population of Iranian stock whom they called men of darkness,
We
.
;
A
—
;
A
i.e.
Westerners
of this
(cp.
population
p.
out,
nomad and partly settled, drove some and established a dominion over the remainder.
100), partly
Winckler, H., Altorientalische Forschungen, 484 sqq., "Kimmerier, Asguziier, Skythen." ^ V. N. Schmidt, s.v. Scythian in Encydop. Biblica,Vo\. IV., Lond. 1903. '
I.
p.
^
Lit.
Cf. Jer. iv. 3
of O.T.,
p.
—
237,
vi.
who
20.
Cf. Driver, Introd.
to
suggests that a description
originally meant for the .Scythians to make it do for the Chaldaeans. xxxix. to i6 is even less exact. *
^
was worked over Ez. xxxviii. and
Josephus, Ant.Jud. xn. viii. 5. ?>z.-2in-Az!\^-s?i'i-xw,]\is\\^ Iranisches Namenbiich,
p. 283.
ivj
Citnmerians.
Legends of
Scythia7is
Orig'ui
43
By the time of Herodotus they may have become almost blended with their nomad underlings such blending takes place far more easily with nomads than with agricultural populations they may have even adopted their language, retaining the names of persons and gods which are so difficult of interpretation in the light of Iranian vocabularies. The j:onception of displacements of whole populations is being sujjerseded by the recognition of the fact that in most countries the mass of the people _has remained much the same as far back as we can trace its characteristics. The general type of skull and build in any given locality does not easily alter. From time to time conquests change the national name, the language _talked by all, the ethnological character of the upper classes or even of all the warrior caste to outside observers it seems as if a new race had been substituted for a former one, but in a few generations the aborigines again come to the top and in time the physical type of the invaders becomes almost extinct. Only a long succession of conquests of a country peculiarly open to attack can really sweep away a whole population, where that has been at all thick and where the disparity of development is not too great. are so used to the cases of the North American Indians, the Tasmanians, and other instances of utterly barbarous tribes really disappearing before the invader, that we do not realize that such conditions rarely obtained in the old world. To the north of the Euxine it took the successive hordes of the Huns, Avars, Khazars, Pechenegs, Polovtses and Tartars, to say nothing of less important tribes, to sweep the Iranian folk clean off the plains over which they had wandered and they only succumbed to this fate because they were living in perfectly open country upon a highway of nations. ;
:
:
We
;
Four
legends as to
tJie
origin of the Scythians.
In the first, which is told by the Scythians of themselves', they say that they are the newest of races and spring from Targitaus son of Zeus and a daughter of the Borysthenes. Targitaus had three sons, Lipoxais, Harpoxais and Colaxais, of whom the youngest obtained the kingdom by the ordeal of approaching four sacred gold objects that fell burning from heaven. These sacred gold objects were a plough and a yoke and an axe and From these three sons three tribes, Catiari, Traspies and Paralatae, a cup. Scythae being are descended, and the whole nation is called Scoloti the Greek name and the gold objects are kept sacred until this day. The next story (c. 8 sqq.) is told by the Pontic Greeks. In it Heracles Echidna, half woman, half serpent, bears three plays the part of Zeus sons to him. The ordeal is the stringing of the bow left by the hero and the knotting of the belt with its cup attached. The two elder sons, Gelonus and Agathyrsus, fail and become fathers of peoples outside Scythia, the third Scythes remaining in the land. These two stories are substantially the same. Only the second has been even more Hellenised than the first. The Scythians are represented as autochthonous even though Targitaus only dates back a thousand Three sons in each case submit to an ordeal in years before Darius. ;
:
;
1
Her.
IV. 5
sqq.
6—2
: ;
Scythians.
^^.
Race
[ch.
From the sons which, as usual in folk tales, the youngest is successful. well-known neighbouring nations in the one case tribes are descended obscure septs among the whose names the Greeks knew, in the other None of Scythians, to whom as a whole is given the native name Scoloti. these names meet us elsewhere except a bare mention in Pliny* taken The scene of both stories is laid in West Scythia from Herodotus. now no representation in both there comes a mention of a golden cup and more remarkable of a Scythian with a cup at his belt has been found The man who keeps still a golden plough is one of the holy objects. them is given land for his very own, as much as he can ride round in This legend in two forms can only apply to the agricultural a day. Hitherto writers who wished to be more than usually West-Scythians. exact have called the Royal Scyths Scoloti, but this legend would suggest that just these did not call themselves Scoloti, which was really the native name for the royal clan among some tribe of the western Scythians Mishchenko'' examining these legends thinks they apply about Olbial to the reigning clan of the Royal Scyths, but that perhaps their real scene Asia. He takes Pliny as a serious witness to the survival of is central cannot follow him in this, though I have come to much these clans. I the same conclusions in most things. Another account in Herodotus (iv. ii), to which he himself chiefly inclines, _definitely names the nomad Scyths and brings them out of Asia _(that is to say Asia in the ordinary sense, not according to the Herodotean definition of it), across the Araxes (apparently the Volga), into the and then follows the story of how the latter land of the Cimmerians Asia across the Caucasus and the Scythians pursued them. fled into This account represents the Massagetae as responsible for the first impulse, but Aristeas says that it was the Arimaspians that fell upon the Issedones and that these fell upon the Scyths and drove them against the Cimmerians, ^t any rate it is clearly stated that the Scyths came from Diodorus Siculus has made a contamination of these accounts the East. and while letting the Scythians come from Western Asia has brought in the Echidna of the Greek legend (ii. 43 sqq.). His story with its explanation of the history of Sarmatians and Amazons reads plausibly, being eked out with details which apply to the rise of every tribe that compare the accounts of how Chingiz ever rose to power in Asia Khan became great and spread abroad the dominion of the Mongols but his anachronisms enable his reader to estimate his account at its Of course the Asiatic origin of the nomad Scyths is no bar real worth. to their Iranian affinity, but it makes a non- Aryan derivation conceivable. ;
— —
;
;
Physical characteristics.
The supporters of the Mongol theory of the Scyths rely chiefly on the evidence of Hippocrates in his treatise on Airs, Waters and Places\ The evidence of the first of Greek physicians ought to be conclusive, but 1
Cotieri,
NH.
VI. 50.
which the ^youngest of three brothers succeeds cf. Spiegel, Erdn. Altertiinisk. I. 544, who compares Echidna and Dahak. 2
For Iranian
tales in
s *
journ. Min. Pub. Instr. St
—
24 30. There in Transactions of the 218. pp. 187-8, 207 cc.
—
is
P., 1886, Jan.
a translation by F.
Sydenham
Adams
Society, Vol.
I.
Legends.
iv]
Description in Hippocrates
45
unfortunately, in spite of much medical detail, it does not ^ive us a clear The fact is that he was trying to prove idea of Scythian characteristics. a theory, emphasizing the effect of the environment upon a race, and it is a question whether he does not rather twist his facts to meet his theory. And inasmuch as his notion of the environment is faulty he takes Scythia to have the facts that suit his a climate almost uniformly cold throughout the year theory are rather open to doubt.
—
—
Hippocrates begins by describing the Saurom.atae whom he calls a Scythian tribe living about the Maeotis and differing from the other tribes. He goes on to tell of their women's taking part in war the usual story. He draws a very clear line between them and the rest of the Scyths of whom he says that they are as different from all other men as are the Egyptians. But this difference which he ascribes to their monotonous mode of life, the men riding on horseback and the women on waggons, and to the continuous cold and fog of their country, he hardly defines in a convincing way. It amounts to a tendency to fatness, slackness and excess of humours, and a singular mutual resemblance due to all living under the same conditions. This slackness they counteract by a custom of branding themselves on various Further he says that the cold makes their colouring parts of the body'. TTuppo?, which seems to mean a reddish brown, the colour that fair people get from being much in the open. It cannot be any kind of yellow". The colour of the Tartars was not far from reddish. Kublai Khan had a white and red complexion, yet Chingiz Khan was surprised at his being so brown, as most of his family had blue eyes and reddish hair^ So too Batu is described by Rubruck as perftisus gutta rosea which du Cange takes = rnbidiis in facie so Hakluyt and Bergeron, but Rockhill is probably right in translating " his face was all covered with red spots \" The Chinese describe one of the five tribes Lastly Hippocrates observes in both men and women of Hiung-nu as fair. indifference that amounts in some of the men to actual impotence sexual a these are the Anaries of whom Herodotus also speaks, ascribing their disease to the wrath of the goddess at Ascalon whose temple they had plundered at But Hippocrates will have none of this, the time of their invasion of Asia^ and says this is a d isease just like any other disease" and due to excessive
—
;
;
G. Frazer, Golden Bough^, ni., p. 217. of St Juan Capistrano in California used to be branded in certain parts of their bodies ...because they believed that the custom added greater strength to their nerves and gave a better pulse for the management of the bow. ^ H. Kiepert, Ma/iual of Ancient Geography, '
Cf. J.
The Indians
Eng.
ed.,
yellow."
London, 1881,
He
p.
196, translates
"dusky
takes the Royal Scyths to be Turkic
in spite of the philologists. ^
p.
Rashid-ed-Din
358
n.
I, cf.
*
Rubruck,
*
Her.
I.
inf. p.
p.
ap. 100.
Yule^
Marco
Polo,
l.,
124.
105.
Cf Reineggs
(Jacob), Allgeineine historischtopographische Beschreibung des Caucasus, Bd i., p. 270. "Der Mann (der Nogajen) hat ein fleischiges aufgetriebenes aber breites Gesicht, mit sehr hervorstehenden Backenknochen, kleine tiefliegende ^
.^.ugen unci
keine
Wenn nun
nach
fiinfzig
bis
achtzig
Harlhaare.
Krankheiten eine unheilbare Entkriiftung folgt oder das Alter zunimmt, so wird die Haut des ganzen Korpers auserordentlich runzlich und die wenigen Barthaare fallen aus und der Mann bekommt ein ganz weibliches Ansehen. Er wird zum Beischlaf untuchtig und seine Empfindungen und Handlungen haben alien Mannlichen entsagt. In diesem Zustande muss er der Manner Gesellschaft fliehcn: er bleibt unter der Weiben, kleidet sich wie ein Weib, und man konnte tausend gegen eins wetten dass dieser Mann wiirklich ein altes Weib und zwar ein recht hassliches altes
Weib
sei."
quotes curiously enough from an English translation which I have not seen, and
Neumann,
p. 164,
translates back into
The
German.
disease described by Pallas {Voyages en plusieurs provinces, Paris, II. 8°, II., p. 135 sqq.) does not appear cognate with this, though some
46 -
riding. rich
Race
Scythians. But
among
all
this,
them.
he says
With
the
definitely, applies only to the
common
folk
it is
[ch. most noble and This whole
entirely otherwise.
description seems to suggest the condition of an Asiatic race in the last stage of degeneration, when the descendants of a small band of conquerors have reached a state of effete sloth and are ready to make way for a more vigorous stock.
The chief question that is raised by this description is as to the amount of trust that can be put in the statement that the ruling caste of Scyths is quite unlike any other kind of man. In the representations on works of art (v. p. 57 n.) the nomads do not appear so very unlike any other northern people, their resemblance to modern Russian peasants has often been pointed out though this resemblance is superficial, due rather to certain similarities of costume and to the way in which an abundant growth of hair disguises the individuality of The similarities of costume are due to a type, than to a deep-seated likeness. the fact that the Russians have borrowed many details of their dress from nomad tribes through the intervention of the Cossacks, whose mode of life had much in common with that of their hereditary foes. The words for clothes in Russian are mostly of Tartar origin \ Still the bearded warriors on the vase from Kul Oba could not possibly be described as evvovyp^i^i(TT(x.Toi avdpwiriov. If these are in any sense Scythian they must belong to a later time when the N, Asiatic blood had become completely mixed in. The Tartars of Kazan and the Uzbegs of Turkestan, races in which Altaic blood has been much diluted with F'innish or Iranian, are fully bearded. The Chinese drawings of Kara Kitans (p. 96, f 27) shew them with full beards. The representations of nomads from Kul Oba seem to belong to about the middle of the fourth century B.C. and by then the peculiar type described by Hippocrates might well have become almost obliterated by intermarriage with earlier inhabitants. Ammianus Marcellinus (xxxi. 11) uses a similar expression of the Huns " spadonidtis similes," and he is not likely to be copying Hippocrates in the same way that he applies to the Alans the description Herodotus gives of the Scythians. It seems as if the Huns, almost undoubted Altaic, produced the same impression on Ammianus as the Scyths on Hippocrates". The osteological characteristics of the skeletons found in Scythic graves throw very little light on the questions at issue. Had the skulls discovered been uniformly short or long, such uniformity would have been a weighty argument for assigning them to Tartars or Europeans respectively. But the rather scanty observations made hitherto tend to shew that there was considerable variety among individuals who used objects of defined Scythic type. The best known case is that of the five skulls found in Chertomlyk and discussed by K. E. von Baer in ASH. Of these two were short and two were long and one was intermediate, and the data were not sufficiently exact to shew that either lords or servants were one or the other. And even had there been such data they would not have cleared up the question, as it would ;
alike. My friend Dr L. Bousfield suggests that it was very bad orchitis and that Hippocrates may have been right in putting it down to constant riding. 1 V. V. Stasov in his review of Maskell's
symptoms are
Russian Art, Works, Vol.
11.
iii.,
p.
823.
For the types of variously proportioned mixand Turko-Tartar blood v. Ch. de \J]i3.\\ry,Les Aryens mt Nord et au Sttd de PHifidou Kouck, Paris, 1896. An Uzbeg with a beard is ^
tures of Iranian
illustrated in Keane's Ethnology, p. 312.
,
Physical Characteristtcs
iv]
47
be possible to argue the greater purity of blood of either rulers or servants a priori the latter might be supposed to be imported slaves, but Herodotus distinctly says that they were native Scyths, and he tells ot the marriage of Scythian kings with various foreign women. So too some of the skulls illustrated by Count Bobrinskoj in Smela slightly suggest Mongolian forms, others are purely European'. To this same conclusion came Professor Anatole Bogdanov", who says that in Scythic tombs the skulls are mostly long though occasionally Mongoloid and notes a general tendency towards brachycephaly during the Scythic period. For strangely enough although Slavs and Finns are now short-headed they seem to have become so only during the last few centuries'*. In Hungary e.g. at Keszthely the cemeteries which are referred to the Sarmatians are full of bow-legged skeletons, a. characteristic which may be accounted for either by their horsemanship or by a mixture of Altaic blood\ The process of gradual amalgamation of Central-Asian rulers with an alien subject population under very similar circumstances may be observed in the case of the coins of the Kushanas. Not that a change of racial type can be followed unless Miaus represents the purer blood, but the Indian name Vasudeva, along with the Kushana Vasushka, succeeds to Kujula and Hima Kadphises, Kanishka and Huvishka, without a break to mark a change of Their successors the Ephthalite Huns answer decidedly to the dynasty. type described by Hippocrates but in their case the evolution was cut short by the Turksl ;
Manner of
Life.
If we consider the customs which Herodotus ascribes to the Scythians it becomes evident that they form no coherent whole. Although it is hard to say what various usages may coexist in any given nation, what survivals from
an earlier state
may
continue into a high civilisation, the parts of the picture
drawn by Herodotus do not fit together. We see that he has mixed together information drawn from different sources and applying to different tribes. When it comes to endeavouring to determine according to these various customs the affinities of their users we are on very uncertain ground. Analogues for every detail can be found among various nations and Most of the usages as readily among Aryans as among non-Aryans. mentioned are inseparable from a nomadic life and throw no light on the affinities of the people among whom they obtain. The characteristic dress of the Scyths which struck the Greeks so much, is almost the only possible one for a nation of riders living in a cold climate, so too the use of various preparations ofjTiar^§jiiilkj_butter, kumys and cheese, the felt tents, bows and 1 Sm. II., pi. xxvii.^xxx. Ur \V. H. Duckworth, of Jesus College, kindly examined these for me.
^
Congres
International
cT Archeologie
Pre-
historique et cC Anthropologic, U"^ Session a Moscoii, T. I., Moscow, 1892, p. 5. "Quelle est la race la plus ancienne de la Russie Centrale?" 3 'H\Qder\t, Slavonic Antiquities, I. ^^. ?>q sq(\. * G. Nagy, I'he Nationality of the Scyths, p. 31.
Archiv f. Anthropologic, y.\U.{\?>%^), For the Macrocephali with their artificially elongated skulls v. D. Anuchin, Sur Ics cranes Cf. L. V\\^f\tr, p. 302.
anciens
artificielleinent
Moscow
Congress,
p.
263
dcfortnds ;
de
BCA. XX.
la p.
Russie, f. 41 ;
85,
shortened skull lb. XXV. p. 126 f. 18, both from Chersonese. ^ B. M. Coin Cat., Greek and Scythic Kings of Baciria and India, by P. (Gardner, xxiv. 7, xxv. E. J. Rapson, Grundr. d. Indoi 9, xxix. 10. Arischen Phil. u. Altertiansk., Bd II. Heft 3 B, am very grateful to PI. Ii. i, 8 I 12, iv. 18. Professor Rapson for indicating this series to me, but cf O. Franke, "Zur Kenntnis d. Tiirkvdlker u. .Sk. Zcntral-Asicns," p. 79 in Abhandl. d. k. pr. Akad. Berlin 1904. The Ephthalites' coins have taingi very like those that occur in the Crimea, v. for a
—
—
inf.
ch. xi. § 4.
—
\
48
banner
Scythians,
of Life
[ch.
arrows, curious methods of cooking owing to the absence of proper fuel, and so on, were conditioned by their general mode of life and could be nearly paralleled among any nomad tribe. As a matter of fact the medieval travellers found all these things in use among the Mongols, and some of the coincidences with facts recorded by Marco Polo, de Piano Carpini, de Rubruck and others are striking. These agreements are not restricted to such necessary similarities the accounts of cemeteries and funeral customs, of the religion of the Mongols, of their personal appearance, of the polyandry of the Tibetans, of their way of disposing of the aged, suggest that though it may be going too far to declare positively that the Scyths were Mongolian, we must admit that the Mongols before their conversion whether to Islam or Buddhism were their closest possible analogues. And their fate in western Asia and eastern Europe has been analogous. Already the hordes that Batu led against the West had very few pure Mongols save among the chief leaders, and this strain soon merged in the mixed multitude that it ruled, so that the later khans of the Golden Horde were just like any other west Asiatic monarchs, a mixture of the Turk and the Circassian This seems the place to give a summary of what our authorities tell us as to the life of the Scythians, especially the Nomads. The main bulk of information is contained in Herodotus (iv. 59 75), and the reader is prayed to have him some details are filled in from other passages and other authors at hand (especially Hippocrates, De Aere, etc.). In order to give as complete a picture of nomad life as is possible within narrow limits I have anticipated the archaeological results set forth in the later chapter which describes the tombs found in the Scythic area. Professor Lappo-Danilevskij^ has arranged the accessible material under convenient headings. In preparing the following summary I have everywhere been indebted to him, though much has been discovered since his book was written. Count Bobrinskoj [Sin^la passim) also gives a convenient view of what is known of various classes of objects. In spite of the well-known existence of tribes of agricultural Scythians, Scythian always suggested to the Greek the idea of nomadic life. The governing condition of the nomads' existence was the necessity of finding natural pasture for their cattle, hence their moving from place to place, and this necessitated everything from the form of their dwellings to the cut of their clothes, from their tactics in warfare to their method of cookery. Their chief occupation was looking after their many horses, and of this we have a splendid illustration on the famous Chertomlyk vase (v. pp. 159 162, ff. 46 49), on which we see pourtrayed in greatest detail the process of catching ;
—
:
—
—
1 In the confusion of nomenclature used for the races of northern Asia it seems impossible to arrive at a satisfactory terminology. By Mongolian in the broader sense is meant belonging to the eastern branch of the Uralo-Altaic peoples as opposed to the Finno-Ugrian branch. This eastern branch can be further divided into a western section to which belonged the Hiung-nu or Huns and the Turks, and an eastern section of whom the best known representatives are the Mongol tribe and But in dealing with western Asia the Manchus. and Europe the two sections are indistinguishable, as any movement of the eastern section produced its chief effect upon the West through the instru-
mentahty of the western section. Hence point of view Hunnish or Turkish comes to thing as Mongolian, though a confusing may seem to Turcologues unpardonable.
from our
the same of them But the nature of the material does not allow of greater accuracy seeing that we have an actual case of 100,000 Huns who took the name of the Sien-pi For eastern Mongols when defeated by them. the gradual shading of Mongols into Turks (v. p. 91 sqq.), Turks into Ugrians and Ugrians into Finns, and the various crossings of all these races with the "Caucasic" stock, see A. H. Keane, Ethnology, p. 295 sqq., also Franke, loc. cit. ^ Scythian Antiquities, pp. 383 sqq.
—
Food
Cattle.
iv]
4.9
the wild horse of the steppes or breaking him in. Others have been reminded by it of the story in Aristotle' of the Scythian kin<^'s practice of horse-breeding. On the vase we have two breeds represented the; tame horse which is being hobbled and the wild ones with hog manes. Professor Anuchin- thinks the is like the Kalmuck breed and former the latter the half-wild horses of the Professor Ridgeway^ compares with the former the shaggy horses royal stud. of the ancient Sigynnae and those of the modern Kirgiz, descendants of the " Mongolian " pony. The indocility of this race made the i)ractice of gelding necessary, otherwise it was unknown in the ancient world'. Horses were also ;
Scythians were supposed to like them very high. used for food. Next in importance to their horses came the cattle used for drawing their great waggons. Both Hippocrates and Herodotus say that they were hornless. The latter ascribes this to the cold (i\'. 29). They had sheep as well, for mutton bones are found in cauldrons in the tombs, as for example at Kul Oba. They made no use of pigs either in sacrifice or in any other way. So the early Turks regarded swine as tabu^ Besicles looking after their cattle the Scyths of course engaged in hunting, and we have gold plaques" with representations of a Scyth throwing a dart at a hare, reminding us of the story of how the Scyths when drawn up in battle array over against Darius set off after a hare'. As hunters they had a taste for representations of animals, especially in combat, and these are very characteristic of objects made for their use. Representations such as those on the Xenophantus vase (ch. xi. § 7) are purely fantastic more realistic is a hunting scene that appears on the wonderful fragments of ivory with Greek drawing found at Kul Oba (p. 204° ABC. lxxix. 10). Hunting supplied some of their food, more was produced by their cattle especially by their horses. Most characteristic were the products of mare's milk especially kumys o^vyaXa, the cheese called l-mrdKYj, butter and buttermilk^ also horse-flesh and other meat. Their methods of cooking were conditioned by the scarcity of fuel. Very characteristic are the roundfooted cauldrons in which have beea found horse (e.g. Chertomlyk, p. 162, and" mutton bones (e.g. Kul Oba). They also used some vegetable f. 50) food such as onions, garlic, and beans'* as well as grain, and the people about the Maeotis dug up a sweet bulb^" just as the Siberian tribes do with the Martagon lily". Besides kumys they drank wine readily enough, and Greek amphorae penetrated far into the country such jars were part of the provision put in a dead man's tomb few of the amphorae found far from it would seem as if the commoner sorts the coast bear stamps (ch. xi. § 7) did for the barbarians. Their habit of drinking it neat especially excited the contempt of the Greeks. :
:
:
:
:
Hisf. Anim. IX. 47. On the question of IV. 52), St P. 1896.
wild white horses {Her.
^
Thoroughbred Horse,
*
Strabo, vn.
iv.
8
;
p. 130.
use of mares, Pliny,
NH.
vni. 165. * Her. IV. 63. Vamh6r/, Die primitive Kultur der Turko-Tatarett, p. 38, 199, but cf. inf. p. 182. ^ p. 197, f. 90, KTR. f. 162, p. 154, ABC. XX. I, silver
ASH. M.
Xlll.
10.
Her. iv. c. 134. Hippocrates, De Morbis, iv. c. v. § 20, and Strabo vn. iv. 6, hence the Homeric epithets Cf. '\inTrifi6\yoi and yXaKroc^dyoi, //. xui. 1. 5, 6. Rubruquis c. 6, ap. Hakiuyt p. 97, Rockhill p. 62. " Her. IV. 17. "* Theophrastus, Hist. Plantaruin vii. xiii. 8 ^
'
^
^
and
Cf.
IX. xiii. 2.
" For the eating of bulbs among A. Vambery, op. cit., p. 220.
the Turks
7
v.
:
Scythian Manfier of Life
so
[cH.
Waggons.
As everybody knows, the home of the Scyth was on his cart. Already Hippocrates" gives the fullest Hesiod^ speaks of the waggon-dwellers. description, saying that the smaller ones had four wheels, the larger six, that they were covered with felt and arranged like houses divided into two or three compartments and drawn by two or three yoke of hornless oxen. In these the women lived, whereas the men accompanied them on horseback. Aeschylus sums up their whole life in three lines' ^Kv6a
d'
d(j>l^ri
vofidSa^,
TreBapaioi vaiovcr £K7//3oXo(.s To^oicrtv
And rhigh "
in
o'l
TrAeKras CTTcyas
cvkvkXois o^ois
e^rjpTVfiivoi.
thou shalt come to the Scyths, nomads
who
the air upon their fair-wheeled wains, equipped with far-shooting bows." have remains of waggons in various Scythic tombs but they seem perhaps rather open funeral cars than the wheeled dwelling (p. 75). It an open car also that we see on the coin is of Scilurus struck at Ulbia.
dwell in wattled huts
in
We
^
.
^^
wt/-
.,
(„ t
Fig.
4.
Some light may be thrown by the toy carts found in Greek graves at Kerch treated of by Professor P. Bienkowski of Cracow^ Some are clearly
Fig.
5.
BCA.
IX.
Pi.
V^.
Kerch.
Toy model
cart.
mere country
carts, not unlike those still in use in the Crimea, a body of wicker or skin with wooden framing set upon a pair of axles. Others
' ap. Str. VII. iii. 9 rXaKro(/)dyoji/ eV yaiav, dnrjvais oIkT ixovrmv. Cf. Hor. Carni. III. x.xiv. 10 " Scythae, Quorum plaustra vagas rite trahunt
domes." ^ ^
De Aere c. 25. Prom. Vine. 1.
735.
^
Wiener Studien, XXIV.,
— 72 and
— VIII.
p. 394,
and BCA.
ix.,
have much pleasure in thanking him for allowing me to copy his pictures in the former paper and for sending me an off-print Of course the wooden axles have of the latter. been supplied. pp. 63
pi. IV.
I
:
IV
Waggons
]
more
are
No. 2 tower
in
51
like our idea of waggon dwellings, being not merely tilt carts as Fig. 6, but remarkable structures such as No. b, with a kind of i
which were windows before and behind set upon a body which itself had windows in the sides between the wheels and also behind. The pyramidal tower may be a tent whether fixed or moveable like those of modern nomads. Or this may have been an arrangement for defence for the method of making a lager of waggons has always been a resource of in
;
TcrrAGotti.
ViencrStudieri.
Mi Fig.
6.
The waggons always had a hole in front for the dissel-boom, and in one case were furnished with a pair of oxen also on wheels. .They seem rather late in date, but the types are probably old'. If we may judge by the analogy of other Asiatic nomads it is at least a question whether the Scyths were always on wheels, like the gipsies in England. We have no artistic representation of any vehicle quite suitable for such a life. It seems more likely that they carried their tents all standing upon their carts and set them down upon the ground when The Sarmatian tent represented on the walls of the they came to a halt. catacomb of Anthesterius'^ is set upon the ground, and this is the arrangement "Their houses wherein they sleepe they ground described by Rubruquis'. upon a round foundation of wickers artificially wrought and compacted together the roofe whereof consisteth (in like sorte) of wickers meeting above into one little roundell, out of which roundell ascendeth vpward a necke like vnto a Chimney, which they couer with white felte The sayd houses they make so large that they conteine thirtie foote in breadth. For measuring once the breadthe betweene the wheele ruts of one of their cartes, I found it to be twenty feete over and when the house was upon the carte it stretched over the wheeles at each side fiue feete at the least I told 22 oxen in one teame drawing an house upon a cart.... And a fellow stood in the doore of the house, vpon the forestall of the carte driuing forth the oxen When they take down their dwelling houses, they turne the doores alwayes to the South." Evidently everything was on a much larger scale There than with the Scyths, but probably the principle was the same. were also small permanently covered carts. In later times the clumsy the nomads.
:
:
'
Compare Mr Hill's cart, which is Greek or coming from Alexandria, JHS. XVii.,
Oriental, p.
88.
Miss Lorimer's country' carts are mostly
two-wheeled, not like those figured here,
v.
xxin., 2 3
p.
132.
ch. XI. § 4, op. cit. c. 2,
CR. 1878, pi. I. I. Hakluyt p. 95, Rockhill
p.
54 sqq.
JHS.
7—2
52 Scythian
Manner of
Life
standing tent lifted down bodily from the cart has given place to the folding
The transition Jurta of the Kirgiz. It is shewn in the annexed pictured Kundure body of gives a view of a Tartars who in Pallas's time were just adopting the Kirgiz dwelling such as is shewn on the extreme left, whereas they had used small white tents which were put bodily on to bullock carts and could be taken off again and set down on the ground. They also had Arbas or two-wheeled waggons with wooden sides and a rounded top, and similar ones are described among the medieval Tartars. The picture gives as good an idea as may be of what must have the general appearance of a body of Scyths.
been
Towns.
Of the towns mentioned by Greek authors as being in Scythia we know neither where they were nor what. The agricultural Scythians may well have had settlements worthy of the
I
name, and even nomads have always had some kind of capital (e.g. Karakorum) and places for trading. In any case they mostly seem to have been either on the coast as Cremni'^ or in the western half of Scythial 1
Travels
p. S. Pallas,
vinces of the Russian
m
Empire
the Souther?! Proin the years \ 793-4,
Eng. Trans. London, 1802, vol. I. pi. 6, p. 172. Cf. E. D. Clarke, Travels^ London, 1817, vol. i., p. 394. The covered carts are well described by Josafa Barbaro in his Viaggio alia Tana, ff. 93 sqq., in Ramusio, Navigationi et Viaggi, vol. II., Venice,
Marco
I. lii., Yule^ i. p. 252, 254, n. 2. puts Cremni at Eskykrym, the old capital of the Crimea, to which it has given its name. It seems better to take the name as Greek and the place as a trading station. Besides Herodotus certainly thought of it as on the coast of the Maeotis, for the shipload of Amazons landed there in the Sauromatae legend (iv. no). Even so it is hard to imagine how they should have found their way through the Bosporus: still St Ursula sailing from Britain to Rome was wrecked at Cologne. ^ About Smela are vdzwy gorodishcha, entrenchments serving as refuge camps, and some have yielded Sc. objects, e.g. Sni. 11. pp. 52 61. V. A. Gorodtsov's excavation of one at Belsk is not yet published, but v. inf. pp. 119, 147.
1559. ^
Polo,
Westberg,
I.e.,
—
I
Art
Scythian Dress in Greek
CH. iv]
53
The ancients tell us nothing of the dress of the Scythians excejDt that they wore belts and trousers and pointed caps. must therefore rely on representations which may be more or less certainly regarded as intended These fall into two classes, those presumably executed for Scythians. they are mostly in repousse gold or silver and give north of the Euxine and those, very nearly all vase-paintings, due to Greeks us genre scenes in less close contact with the Scythians. The latter class is thoroughly untrustworthy, as might be expected, and chiefly depicts battle scenes. Among the various barbarians which appear on Greek vases of only two can it be said on the artist's own authority that he was thinking On the well-known Francois vase' we have three of northern nomads. archers (p. 54, fig. 8), one labelled Euthymachos, one Toxamis and one Kinierios. Toxamis, whose name according to one authority " klingt echt skythisch," perhaps on the analogy of Lucian's very suspicious Toxaris, wears a patterned tunic, a quiver and a high pointed headdress. He is shooting with a bow whereon seems to be shewn the lacing which is essential in a composite bow though in its more developed forms it is Kimerios, about whose name there can be no doubt, is usually concealed. similarly equipped but has a bow-case instead of a quiver. But Euthymachos, who may well be a Greek archer, is dressed just the same, and in even though probably Greek, wear barbarian later vases archers, costume". In the case of another painting of barbarians attempts have been Dr A. S. Murray sees them in made to identify them as Cimmerians. a horde of cavalry who are slashing down Greeks on a sarcophagus
We
—
—
Clazomenae^ But these people are using great swords such as were not deIt is true that they veloped in S. Russia until after the Christian era. have bow-cases, but these again seem not quite like the gorytus, the combination of bow-case and quiver which is peculiar to the Scythic area. but the swords and the caps It is hard to judge by mere silhouettes, from
may not like those of Central Europe the Thracian allies of the Cimmerians ?
seem much more folk
Treres,
;
we
call
these
There is another vase (p. 55, fig. 9) which might conceivably represent Cimmerians rather than Scythians as they have hitherto been called by F. Diimmler who published it and others like it which form his class It is certainly tempting to see in these wearers of of "Pontic" vases\ But all these vases are peaked hoods some East European Nomads. found in Italy and it would be rash to decide where they were made*. Another case of referring to our region unidentified barbarians is seen *
Mon.
1888, pi. -
e.g.
XIV.,
pi.
I.
Ined. IV. 54,
— V.
Wiener Vorlegebldtter
vi.
Hartwig, Die Griechischen Meisterschaleu^ Gerhard, Auserlesene Vasenbilder in.
264. 3
Terra-cotia Sarcophagi in Brit. Mtts. ^.
\.
Rom. Mitth. II. p. 171, pi. IX. I am indebted to Mrs H. F. Stewart, of Newnham College, for calling my attention to this and to the Agathyrsi •
vase. She has even been good enough to allow me to reproduce her drawing. Miss Jane Harrison has also helped me very much in this question of vasepaintings. To both I wish to offer my best thanks. ° Prof. Furtwiingler, Ant. Genirnen, III. p. 88, would assign them to a local It.dian make, and Mr H. B. Walters, Hist. 0/ Anc. Pottery i. p. 359, will
not decide between
Kyme and
Italy,
Scyth lan
54
CH.
yjear
Oiietlmoti
Hvt.LVl
m. Agathyk^i Ha/^v^. XXXVIII.
1 2.
BOW- case: H.XIV
FRANCOIS \«^5E.
Non.d.Inft
H.LY
FIGURES OF
BARBAWKNS
uarhard
Hedorv. Dioime4ft
.
Fig.
8.
— Scythian Dress
IV
i?i
Greek Art
55
\
F^IG.
9.
"i'ontic" Vase
witli
Cimmerians
(?).
(Fi^. 8, top) figured by Hartwig'. He guesses that people are Agathyrsi, but he does not adduce any evidence these strange Herodotus in the most cavalier fashion and in his discussion he treats entirely ignores his distinctions between the various neighbours of the Scythians. He thinks the knowledge of detail points to the master having been That there was such an one we know'- from a signature. One a Scythian. of the supposed Agathyrsi is Wearing on his chest just such a rayed plate as was found at Nymphaeum (v. p. 213, f. 114). have a tangible reason for referring to a Scyth the fallen figure labelled 5kvoe$ that occurs in a black-figured vase (Fig. 8, below) with the combat of Hector and Diomede'. His hood with a high point behind and perhaps his bow-case, seem accurately remembered, but inasmuch as he wears a sleeveless tunic adorned with crosses and no trousers but greaves, he does not agree with more exact pictures. This freedom of treatment shews that we are not to expect accuracy in cases defined by no inscription, and therefore we cannot deny that a barbarian is meant for a Scythian just because his clothes do not exactly tally. On the other hand I know of no figure figures are much too often described as Scythians. upon a red-figured vase which I could be sure was meant for a Scythian. Phrygians, Persians," Greek archers equipped in Asiatic guise, most frequent of all, .Amazons have a common dress which is not so far removed from that of the Scythians but that a Greek might apply it to the latter. These people all have a headdress with more or less of a point, but there are nearly always lappets which could be tied about the chin (Fig. 8, top). Their clothes seem made of a thin material, the trousers (or perhaps stockings) usually fitting quite close to the legs and the jersey having sleeves often of The close-fitting tunic over these is usually the same striking pattern. plain and sleeveless, sometimes patterned and sleeved (Fig. 8, below). Another form of tunic is rather flowing and then is generally sleeved or its place is taken by a cloak with sleeves that wave empty behind The wearers mostly have axes as well as perhaps this is the candys. bows. Their bow-cases have no place for arrows (v. p. 67, f. 17) and their in the case of a cylix
:
We
'
op.
cit. pi.
XXXVni., XXXIX.
i, p.
Jahrb. Gerhard, A.V. ni. 192.
421. 3
•'
d. k.
dcutschen arch. Inst. 1887,
p. 144.
"
;
Scythii lan
S6
rear
[cH.
Only when they are labelled at all like any Scythic type. or when they are hunting griffins or engaging in any other distinctive occupation can we say who they may be. There is no doubting the Persians on Hartwig's plates lv., lvi., nor the young Athenians on his plate xiv., so on the well-known vase with a BoKLixaaia of horsemen the central figure is surely not an outer barbarian'. Likewise the Amazons are often clear enough \ in other cases, e.g. Hartwig's ii. 2 and xiii., they are only to The be distinguished by the inscriptions^ conlist of Scythians in Walters (p. 1 79) tains the examples which I have discussed and others which all appear to me Persian as far as I have been able to see them so too with Reinach. It is much safer to call such figures oriental archers\ An Arimasp such as we find on the calathos from the Great Bli'znitsa (ch. xii.) is no doubt an Arimasp, but his dress is purely fantastic. The crowning example of the decorative use of barbarian costume is on the Xenophantus vase, and here we know that all are Persian. Yet Clytios would pass for an Amazon (ch. xi. § 7). So likewise with engraved stones. There is one' which represents a barbarian with a long cloak and a tunic leaning on a spear, and there is that signed by Athenades with a man sitting on a folding stool and trying the point of an arrow ^ Both come from Kerch, yet neither is specifically Scythian but rather Persian the latter is even closely paralleled by a coin of Datames satrap of Fig. 10. Terra-cotta Barbarian or Greek Tarsus ^ Terra-cottas found in the Crimea in local costume, Kerch. KTR. p. 188; CR. 1876, VI. 8. 204, give us very generalised figures wearing it would seem the native hood and trousers and the Greek chiton much what we should expect from Dio Chrysostom's account of the Olbiopolites*. But again this is very like Phrygian dress and may be merely another example of influence from Asia Minor, always strong on the northern Euxine. The last classical representation of conventional Scythic dress is on an ivory diptych of the 6th century a^d.** swords are not
:
f.
:
1
models of Scythic dress.
^
5 ch. XVII. 9.
Jahrb. 1889, pi. 4. V. Reinach, Repertoire de Vases, sub v. So too Walters, op. cit. 11. p. 176,/. 137. * e.g. Walters, pi. XXXVii. 2; Ashmolean 310, pi. 13; Louvre, Pottier, li. F. 126. K. Wernicke, '' Die Polizeiwache auf der Burg von Athen {Hermes, xxvi. 1891, f. 51 75) points out that the policemen in the fifth century were ever-present ^
« 7
—
s.v.
XI.
KTR. KTR.
§
13
p. 188, f.
:
f.
KTR.
p.
207,
178 = ^7?. 1861,
f.
igo = ABC.
pi. VI. II.
179.
*
Or. XXXVI. p. 50,
3
Mon.
V. ch. xv. Plot, VII., p. 79, pi. X.
Diptychon.
:
Dar.
et
Saglio
Dress as shewn
,v]
i?i
local
Work
57
Even in the other chiss of monuments apparently made by Pontic Greeks although they bear every appearance of accuracy we cannot be sure of every detail. Also we must remember that none of the folk represented need necessarily be Scyths in the narrower sense of the word, they are most of them in all probability Sarmatians. They are almost always shewn with beards. They wore close-fitting coats with narrow sleeves, cut rather short behind, but in front coming down much lower to The Haps folded over so that the coat was in some sort double a point. breasted without coming 